How purposive are purposives?
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Transcript of How purposive are purposives?
Outline
1. Introduction
2. “Purposive” in Ixquihuacan Nahuatl
3. What do purposives mean?
4. Discussion: A unified account of purposives
5. Implications
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Purposive forms
Traditionally described/translated as
“go/come in order to …”
–ka ō=ti-kim-itta-to-’
AFF ANT=1PLS-3PLO-see-ANDP.PST-PLS
‘We went to see them.’
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1.1 – Nahuatl directionals (Classical)
Andative Venitive
Purposive
Nonpast -tīw(i-’) -kīw(i-’)
Preterit -to(-') -ko(-’)
Optative -ti(-’) -ki(-’)
Motion auxiliary -tiw(i-’)-tiwāllaw
(-tiwālwi-’)
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1.1 – Typical purposives: (1)–(3)
(1) ‘We went to see the gods …’
(2) ‘We went to give them all your capes.’
(3) ‘… we came to greet him, salute him.’
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1.2 – Non-typical purposives: (4)–(6)
(4) ‘When they arrived (lit. came to arrive) at Tecoac’
(5) ‘It was already dark when they arrived (lit. came to
arrive) here.’
(6) ‘It has gone to be known all the way to Castile that
you are very strong and brave.’
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1.3 – Research questions
Do they really denote purpose?
– Non-typical uses: just a figurative extension?
If not, what do they mean?
– How can the “purpose” reading be derived?
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1.4 - Other remarks
Directionals in Ameyaltepec
– Purposive as subject directional
(Amith 1988)
Combination with ‘go/come’
–ō-ni-ya’ ō-ni-tla-pōwa-to
‘I went in order to read’ (Carochi 1645)
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“Purposive” in Ixquihuacan Nahuatl
Andative Venitive
Nonpast -tih (-tīweh) -kih (-kīweh)
Preterit -to(h) -ko(h)
Optative -h (-tih) -ki (-kih)
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2.1 - Typical purposives in Ixquihuacan Nahuatl
(7) ‘Luis’s mother entered (lit. went to enter) the house …’
(8) ‘She went to put them in the dough or in the
nexayote ...’
(9) ‘May they come to see who the thieves are.’
(10) ‘We go all the way to Zacatlán to take things …’
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2.2 – “On-the-way” use of purposives in Ixquihuacan Nahuatl
(11) ‘It became dark when we came at this point.’
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ō-tlayuwa-ko(venitive purposive)
2.3 – “On-the-way” use of purposives in Ixquihuacan Nahuatl
(12) ‘if he passes away on the way [to the city]…’
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poliwi-tih(andative purposive)
2.2 – “On-the-way” use of purposives in Ixquihuacan Nahuatl
(13) ‘My car fell off on my way here.’
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ō-mo-pankahkāwa-ko(venitive purposive)
3. – Typical and non-typical uses
“True purpose” use
– ‘She went to put them in the dough.’
“On-the-way” use
– ‘It became dark when we reached here.’
– ‘The patient died on the way to the city.’
– ‘The car fell off on my way here.’
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3.1. – Purposive = Motion (M) + Event (E)
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Event(E)
Motion (M)
ni-k-nāmiki-tih1SGS-3SGO-meet-ANDP‘I go meet her.’
Similarities between typical and non-typical purposive
There is a movement M and the event E
M and E occur in succession
E occurs at the same place as the subject
of M
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3.2 – Difference between the two uses: Purpose use
(18) a. ō-ni-k-tlahpalō-to sē no-AMIGO
PST-1SGS-3SGO-greet-ANDP one 1SGP-friend
b. ō-ni-k-ahsi-to sē no-AMIGO
PST-1SGS-3SGO-arrive-ANDP one 1SGP-friend
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CONTEXT:I went to visit my friend. I met him at his house.
3.2 – Difference between the two uses: “On-the-way” use
(19) a. ō-ni-k-tlahpalō-to sē no-AMIGO
PST-1SGS-3SGO-greet-ANDP one 1SGP-friend
b. ō-ni-k-ahsi-to sē no-AMIGO
PST-1SGS-3SGO-arrive-ANDP one 1SGP-friend
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CONTEXT:On my way to the city, I ran across my friend.
3.2 – Difference between the two uses: Summary
Intentional(tlahpalowā)
Unintentional(ahsi)
Purpose(18)
“On the way” (19)
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4 – Discussion: A unified account
(A) “Purposive” as M–E succession
(B) Projection of the semantic features
(C) Relevancy condition
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Presupposition A:“Purposive” as M–E succession
The so-called “purposive” suffixes are
unspecified as to the logical/causal relation
between the motion and the event;
They simply denote that the motion and
the event occur in succession
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Presupposition B:Projection of verbal semantic features
The “purposive” affixes -tīw, -to, etc. do
not affect the semantic features of the
whole verb complex
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Presupposition C:Relevancy principle
A verb form cannot combine two events
logically or cognitively irrelevant to each
other.
M and E are interpreted as relevant to
each other
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4.1 – “Purpose” use
(20) ni-Ø-kōwa-tih no-ZAPATOS
1SGS-3SGO-buy-ANDP 1SGP-shoes
‘I go in order to buy shoes.’
– M–E succession: ‘go’→ ‘I buy shoes’
– The whole verb is intentional, agentive
– Relevancy: The succession of ‘go’ and ‘buy’
should not be coincidental
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4.2 – “On-the-way” use
(21) ō-tlayuwa-ko
PST-be.dark-VENP.PST
‘Night fell when [we] came to this point.’
– M–E succession: ‘come’→ ‘it gets dark’
– Agentivity: The whole verb is inintentional
– Relevancy: The motion should be logically
related to the event
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4.2 – “On-the-way” use
• The movement itself may be uncontrollable
(22) Ø-poliwi-tih
3S-be.lost-ANDP
‘He passed away on his way.’
– M–E succession: ‘go’→ ‘he passes away’
– Agentivity: The whole verb is non-agentive
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4.2 – “On-the-way” use
(23) A VEZ sēmonōnōtsa sēkimomatiltīkih
non n ōkatka n ANTES
‘Sometimes we talk to each other and we are
learning what happened in the past.’
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5.1 – Present/future syncretism
Ixquihuacan Nahuatl
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Unmarked verbs‘to say’
Andative purposive
Venitivepurposive
Present -ihtoa-tih -kih
Future -ihtō-s
Imperfect -ihtowā-ya ? ?
Preterit (past) -ihtoh -to -ko
Optative -ihto -h -ki
5.2 – Paradigms
“Purposive” as a preceding motion
(24a) ō-ni-tla-kwā-to ‘I went to eat’
Motion auxiliaries as a simultaneous motion
(24b) ō-ni-tla-kwah-ti-yah ‘I went eating’
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5.3 – Combination with simple motion verbs
ō-ni-ya’ ō-ni-tla-pōwa-to
‘I went in order to read’ (Carochi)
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5.4 – Philological implications
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(24) san toncochi’tlēwako’ san tontēmikiko’
a’nelli a’nelli tinemiko’ in tlāltikpak
‘We merely come to stand sleeping, we merely
come to dream. It is not true, not true that we
come to live on earth.’
(Cantares mexicanos f. 14v; trans. by Bierhorst)