Housing Policy In Latniamerica

7/28/2019 Housing Policy In Latniamerica

1/17

Neoliberal Urbanism:

Incongruences of the democratic Chilean housing policy

1


2/17

...the real power to reorganize urban life ... often lies elsewhere or at

least within a broader coalition of forces within which urban

government and administration have only a facilitative and coordinating

role to play (Harvey, 1989)

Under this perspective this paper will discuss the incongruences of the Chilean Housing Policy

of the last decades which even though its broadly recognized success for its quantitive

achievements fails to construct equality and social integration. The first part will present the

disconnection between the government discourse and its translation to reality. Then a brief

look to neoliberal policies will present the unsatisfactory construction of an uneven urban

development of the city. Finally a more depth view on two urban-housing programmes will

highlight the difficulties to achieve equality and overcome poverty through city design. The

above presented will evidence that if the neoliberal model prevails guiding the Chilean Housing

Policy it will continue contributing to generate much more fragmented cities.

The damage-repair logic.

After 16 years from the recovery of democracy in Chile president Bachelet in her firstMensaje

Presidencial(state of the nation address) proposed four huge transformations to reach the

Bicentennial1 with a more modern, integrated and developed country2(Bachelet, 2006). The

changes were to be in areas that allowed to overcome exclusions and build a society

increasingly more comfortable and inclusive (Bachelet, 2006). The urban policy which wasrecognized as one of the main areas of transformations aimed to be oriented towards quality

of life and territorial equity. (Bachelet, 2006)

In the previous 16 years of ConcertacionCoalitions governments the authorities had been

determined to overcame the housing deficit that was around 800,000 housing units in 1991

(Ducci, 2000; Jiron, 2010; Ozler, 2011). However, having partially resolved the dwelling deficit

and acknowledging the need to focus on the quality rather than quantity for Bachelets

government now was the time to build better neighborhoods (Bachelet, 2006).

The minister of theMinisterio de Vivienda y Urbanismo (Ministry of Housing and Urban

PlanningMINVU) of that period also recognizes that social integration is one of the main

guidances for the MINVU (Poblete, 2008). According to this and the mandate of Bachelet it

could be said that the aim of the MINVU amongst others was to repair the urban inequality

and social segregation that was generated by previous urban policies and interventions.

2

1 Chiles independency was in 1810. Todays presidential periods are of 4 years what makes 2010 the year of

the Chilean Bicentennial and the end of Bachelets presidency.

2 All the Bachelets quotations are translations by the author from the original text of Bachelets MensajePresidencial2006 (state of the nation address 2006).


3/17

Although, as stated by Ozler (2011) the Concertacions housing policy has been a continuation of

the neoliberal policies established under the dictatorship of Pinochet (Ozler, 2011). As a

consequence it could be argued that the flaws from the housing policies of the past were

inherited as well. Indeed, when referring to the new urban policy the minister admits the

countrys debt with the social damaged territories (Poblete, 2008)

As an answer to the need to improve the quality of life of the most disadvantaged the MINVU

launched a neighborhoods improvement programme:Quiero mi Barrio (I Love My

Neighborhood). The objective of this urban initiative was to integrally enhance the living

conditions of the 200 most deprived neighborhoods which were mainly social housing

complexes sponsored by the government over the past thirty years (Castillo, 2010; Jiron, 2010).

By the introduction of the programme it was thereby recognized the lasting unawareness from

the authorities to resolve the neighborhood-level issues that were generated from previous

policies that lacked from a holistic approach to overcome poverty (Jiron, 2010; Ozler, 2011).

The focus of attention as it has been expressed before was not on the housing deficit but social

integration and equality, while the scale of the neighborhood was the one chosen to intervene

between the private realm and the urban context (DIPRES, 2010). The purpose of the

programme was to contribute to social cohesion among cities through participatory

neighborhood-upgrading processes of neighborhoods that presented urban decline and social

vulnerability (DIPRES, 2010). Accordingly, the territorial equity and social integration claimed

by Bachelets government was interpreted as a neighborhood scale programme that promotedsocial cohesion with citizens participation. In this context it could be said that given the nature

of democratic government with theQuiero mi Barrio programme the construction of equality

could be fulfilled as understood by Penalosa (2011). However, when dealing with decisions

about the construction of the city even though the participatory process can guarantee that

public good will prevail over private interests, in developing countries it is the role of the

government to represent the disadvantaged and uninformed people who are too busy to

participate (Penalosa, 2011). Especially in neoliberal growing economies such as the Chilean

democracy with high levels of income inequality it should be expected that governmentalinstitutions find ways of promoting inclusion and social justice (Penalosa, 2011) representing

the disadvantaged.

In an analysis of Bachelets government Navia (2008) suggests that a participatory democracy

could likely be unequal when compared to a representative one and therefore unsuccessful. By

having the right to vote citizens are equal, but citizen participation occur according with the

tools and resources people have. Therefore since equality among citizens refers to an utopian

absolute inevitably, participation is bound to be unequal (Navia, 2008)

3


4/17

The challenge for governments on how to promote equity through public policy is even more

complex because of the ambiguity of the term. Moreover if it is to be done by way of

equitable public policies dealing with the social organization of urbanization which desired

result is to encourage inclusion and social integration. Burton argues that the reason social

justice or social equity is ambiguous is because it have not been defined nor quantified (Burton,

2010). Given this ambiguity and the natural existence of difference amongst citizens, it seems

that participatory processes will not necessarily guarantee a fair city.

Under the rule of a neoliberal economy nothing but a neoliberal urbanization could be

expected. The government of Bachelet continued allowing neoliberal practices in urban

matters, even so ideologically her government aimed to promote inclusion and social equity.

There has not been an official evaluation of theQuiero mi Barrio programme yet, since it could

not be completed before the Bicentennial as it was expected by Bachelets government

(DIPRES, 2010). However, it could be said that the desired transformations for a moreintegrated country were unlikely realized.

Various of the neighborhoods that were focalized with theQuiero mi Barrio even new ones

sponsored by the Concertacions governments, had there origin in urban policies from the past

that were based on free market principles established by Pinochet at the beginning of the

neoliberal system (Ozler, 2011). Accordingly the prevalent housing policy operated under a

damage-repair logic, where there was awareness about the negative consequences of the free

market policy but even so it continued being applied along with an urban improvementprogramme that repair the damage produced.

The issues above discussed were synthesized by Jimenez ( 2008) which present wether the

housing policy has actually sharpened existing social and spatial inequalities or more specifically

if current neoliberal housing policies leads to a process of social exclusion through housing.

Santiagos neoliberal experiment

In the 1970s, Santiago under General Pinochet was the laboratory for

the Chicago School of Economics, experimenting with economic

policies which would later be implemented in the United States, the

United Kingdom and many other countries. (Robles-Duran, 2011)

The history of illegal occupations in Chile mainly begun in the 1950s coincidently with the

accelerated urbanization experienced by the country in those years (Durand and Pelaez, 1965).

The explosive population growth was as well experienced by its capital Santiago (Figure 1). Asit could be predictable the spontaneous land invasions did not comply with legal norms and

administrative policies, ignored urban planning regulations and rendered master plans obsolete.

4


5/17

Figure 1. Urbanization in Chile and Santiago (based on Durand and Pelaez, 1965)

Furthermore, most of these invasions were carried out in different parts of the city, not only

on the periphery (Jiron, 2010). A period of social unrest in the second half of the 60s lead to

the conformation of urban social movements that demanded housing only until the

dictatorship of Pinochet that established violent control over the spontaneous settlements

(Jiron, 2010).

In Harveys words, Chile and particularly its capital Santiago became fresh field for capitalist

accumulation (Harvey, 2005 quoted by Robles-Duran, 2011) characterized by an economic

vulnerability and a socio-political unsteadiness (Robles-Duran, 2011) that could be related to

the social pressure and discontent towards the lack of solution of the housing needs. Between

1970 and 1973 (Allendes presidential period) the housing demands bursted from around

600,000 units of housing deficit to 800,000 families that participated in temporary land

occupations called campamentos(encampments)3, indicating their fragile and paramilitary

character (Jiron, 2010).

By that period Santiago had around 2,5 million inhabitants. The new migrants where informally

allocated either in the periphery of the city or in inner-city residual spaces. Around 10% ofSantiagos population accessed urban land either by the form of campamentosor illegal land

invasions (Castillo, 2010). During this period the city morphology changed dramatically with

not only the informal extension of the city over rural land but also with the appearance of

campamentosin different places of the central area.

The control over this type of informal urban growth by the military government of Pinochet

lead to the development of a new housing policy. Guided by free market principles the new

5

3 According to Jiron (2010) campamentoswere settlements originated from organized land invasions notonly in the periphery but also in inner-city but even so lacked of basic services.


6/17

housing policy gave the private sector the responsibility of the construction of housing,

making it a good to be accessed through the market, therefore eliminating the notion of

housing as a right (Jiron, 2010). The open housing market sought for low land prices far from

the urban center in the already deprived periphery. Furthermore, in a way that emphasize the

concept of private property of the imposed neoliberal system, the people with housing needs

were forced into the private and formal economic sectors under a credit-subsidy-savings

scheme that allowed the ownership of the dwelling. However, as it might be expected the

aspirational poor become trapped in unaffordable credits that were financing a good that

devalued over time and due to its far location diminish job access all of which contributed to

more material deprivation. The government recognized its responsibility with the poor,

however it made the private sector the main source of financing through subsidies and credits

systems plus the savings obtained from the hard work of the families. (Kusnetzoff, 1987).

For Hidalgo (2011) this is the beginning of what he calls the Precariopolis(precarious city) ofSantiago which originated from social housing developments that ...in its search for cheaper

land, creates truly mono-functional, segregated and fragmented areas (Hidalgo, 2011).

The first housing programme begun in 1975 had as its main purpose the liberation of central

zones with commercial value (Kusnetzoff, 1987). This eradication of campamentos

simultaneously allowed the social cleansing of the affluent areas occupied before the coup

d'tat. According to Sabatini [t]he government officers of that period argued that the social

category of the residents should correlate to the potential value of the land (Sabatini, 2000). Apeculiar type of extreme gentrification (Jacobs, 1961).

According to Jiron (2010) the several studies made about the eradications agree that most of

the destination areas provided inadequate infrastructure or facilities to welcome the incoming

population due to their peripheral location and lack of investment (Jiron, 2010). The urban

policies that relied on the free play of the market as the principal mechanism for the allocation

of land and housing ... accentuated the social and physical segregation of the metropolitan

population, and caused a dramatic deterioration in the quality of life for the majority of thepopulation (Kusnetzoff, 1987).

6


7/17

Figure 2 Eradication and relocation programmes (1979-1985)

(based on Robles-Duran, 2011)

7


8/17

A new transformation in the urban morphology resulted form this housing policies. The

allocation of mono-functional and low-income residential areas in the periphery with a

reserved area at the center for the development of the central business district relied on long-

distance commuting moreover reinforced the socio-spatial segregation and exclusion. At this

point is possible to suggest that this was the countrys debt with the social damaged territories

that the Bachelets minister of MINVU acknowledges when referring to the new urban policy.

Eradication and upgrading: a damage-repair logic case.

TheQuiero mi Barrio programme, one of the Bachelets emblematic urban policies focused on

87 neighborhoods of Santiagos metropolitan area. An emblematic case that illustrates the

damage-repair logic of this programme is the Villa el Cobre housing complex located in the

Penalolen Municipality4. Villa el Cobre was originally built in 1977 to allocate Copper Mining

workers. However, it ended being the settlement for the eradicated families that lived incampamento San Luis in Las Condesone of the areas with higher land value in Santiago. The

families were not able to get their housing solutions within Las Condes Municipality even

though there were pressures from the upper class of this area who believed the displacement of

the people would diminish their easy access to domestics services such as gardeners, crafts and

housekeepers.

The freed land in Las Condes formerly belonged to the Estate land banks created in previous

administrations. After the eradication by the government the re-appropriated land was offeredto the real estate market to stimulate the economy (Sabatini, 2000).

Despite the precarious living conditions due to the deficient services and overcrowding the

majority of the families of the campamento San Luis where highly organized to share the little

access to resources. There was a feeling of belonging and involvement as people shared the

commitment of improving their living conditions. But fundamentally there were various levels

of bonding to the surrounding city since many had jobs and social networks with other people

of Las Condes (Sennet, 2007).5

The abrupt change of habitat 15 km towards the southern periphery of the city originated

traumatic consequences (Figure 3). The Villa el Cobre had basic services but lacked of other

aspects which create cities, such as existence of other social classes and variety of services and

facilities indispensable for the development of urban living (Hidalgo, 2011). Apart from this

and the general oppressive environment that characterized that period the families weakened

8

4 The evidence of the implementation of the programme in Villa el Cobre was taken from the workingexperience of the author that was in charge of the programme in Penalolen Municpality.

5 Sennett (2007) refers to social inclusion as the recognition of the presence of others.


9/17

the social capital they had in the campamento in Las Condes and thus the access to the city

(Jacobs, 1961). As it happened in similar contemporary cases of housing formalization [m]ost

traces of previous lives [were] erased, leaving the inhabitants without a history and the

expectation that they [would] start their new lives from scratch (Jiron, 2010). At that time the

Penalolen Municipality was a mainly rural area in process of urban consolidation indeed was

later a selected spot to relocate poor families during the eradication programme. The result was

a sort of Precariopolisas defined by Hidalgo (2011). Of course, no democratic principle could be

expected under a dictatorial regime eventually as a result an undemocratic city was being built

affecting worthily its more vulnerable citizens (Penalosa, 2011).

Figure 3. Eradication from San Luis to Villa el Cobre in 1977

The overall Villa el Cobre housing complex in Penalolen included XXX units distributed in

three-storeys building blocks with that contained XX flats of XX square meters surface. The

blocks were arranged in groups without following any morphological pattern which resulted in

residual open areas that corresponded to public space under the modernist logic. The legal

title over the property delivered to the families consisted of an individual ownership over the

flat plus a shared ownership over common open spaces and circulations all which lacked of

9


10/17

pavement and street lighting. In terms of urban facilities the distance from the consolidated

central area limited the access to educational services, health care and commerce.

Despite the improvement in the living conditions of the families due to the provision of basic

services, sooner than later the neighborhood started a process of physical and social

degradation particularly because of the unsatisfactory size of the dwellings and the further

location away form urban facilities. The dynamics of natural growth of the families summed to

the persistent housing deficit led to sharing within extended families. This resulted in the

informal appropriation of common spaces. In fact most ground floor apartments inevitably

grew with informal extensions over the collective space blocking circulations and worsening the

environmental conditions.

The lack of collective facilities plus the residual characteristic of public space made it difficult

to interact socially. Even though the urban conditions improved a little bit in the followingyears with the creation of a market and a transit route to the city center, there had already been

installed a sense of abandonment and hopelessness. This was also reflected in the lost of social

capital due to the lack of cooperation networks and mutual trust among neighbors.

Additionally, the low social control of the public space left room to the appearance of

common social pathologies such as gangs, fights, alcoholism, drug consumption and trafficking

on the streets. The result was a highly stigmatized enclave that became even more segregated

and impoverished (Caldeira, 2011).

Only thirty years after the displacement of the families to Villa el Cobre (Figure 4.) the

neighborhood was selected to be intervened with theQuiero mi Barrio programme. The

programme was supposed to address the intermediate level urban necessities between the

housing and the greater city context that had already surrounded the neighborhood but still

remain it detached. The neighborhood was to be understood as the realm were the inhabitants

could satisfy their everyday-life requirements of interaction, recreation and provisioning within

the immediate context of their dwellings. All these aspects are what Jacobs (1961) calls the life

of the city (Jacobs, 1961).

10


11/17

Figure 4. Villa el Cobre showing low-quality public spaces and deterioration

The programme considered a holistic view of poverty acknowledging the deep negative effects

over the population caused by physical and social segregation that originated with the

eradication. Accordingly, there was a huge challenge to bring life to city were there was no city

but instead a Precariopolis. The preliminary diagnostics showed that spacial segregation and the

low-quality provision of social services where the main cause of the neighborhoods

degradation. The programmes operative model aiming to provide a multi-disciplinary approach

considered a physical improvement plan along with a social plan. Within the physical

component the selected works should focused on the recuperation of green areas, circulations,

neighborhood facilities and complementary public works. Whereas the social aspect of the

intervention was supposed to strengthen the social fabric and improve the levels of socialintegration, promoting the participation of the neighborhoods around the recuperation of the

public space (DIPRES, 2000). The goal was to finish the process of upgrading by the end of

Bachelets presidential period, what concretely meant less than 3 years. This implied a main

struggle because first it was necessary to recuperate the trust of people on the government

what was extremely difficult after 30 years of abandonment. Furthermore, even though the

budget was considerable high for the Chilean standards (around USD 1 million for the 400

families approximated) less than 10% was spent in the social component what clearly

demonstrates that translating into practice the emphasis of the programme was on the builtworks rather than in the recomposition of the social fabric. At the end the desired involvement

of the people on the decision-making could not be truly done due to the differing timings

between the physical and social objectives. In sum the innovative integral approach of the

programme could not reach the expectations to relate the social and physical aspects of the

upgrading of the neighborhood and stood far from the participatory process that could lead to

the envisioned social cohesion. Given the rush of the implementation, it could be argued that

instead of focusing on the quality of the interventions that certainly required more than the

given time the aim was to inaugurate works (quantity) in order to obtain political dividends.Its also opportune to ask if the countrys debt with Villa el Cobre was paid with the launching

ofQuiero mi Barrio programme?, or if is it theQuiero mi Barrio enough to recuperate and

11


12/17

improve the existent stock of social housing? (Rodriguez & Sugranyes, 2004) or under Jacobs

(1961) conception of streets is it possible to cure the lack of public space if some of the

deprived neighborhoods, such as Villa el Cobre do not even have streets?(Penalosa, 2011)

The neoliberal approach continues damaging

While theQuiero mi Barrio programme was being implemented the futureQuiero mi Barrio

neighborhoods were being built sponsored by the government through the continuation of the

market housing policy. It is true that during the Concertacions governments the housing deficit

was still an issue and that the provision of units with basic supplies and legal title to poor

families was a way to improve their living conditions (Ozler, 2011). However, the housing

solutions done under the logics of neoliberal urbanization were generating social costs in short

and long term that evidence that finally the cure ends up being worse than the disease. This is

what scholars call the dark side of a successful housing policy (Ducci, 2000).

One of the mayor obstacles for the improvement and innovation of the Chilean housing policy

is that it is trapped in a captive market. There is almost no risk for the private entrepreneurs;

the government assigns the poor people with subsidies for the purchase of housing in the

private market (Ozler, 2011) and there is very little competition because there are few

developers capable of building the annual quotas. Furthermore, this leads to no incentive for

innovation in the building technology of the units which ends up with low-quality solutions.

There is neither a critic of the architectural design of the housing complexes nor the units(Rodriguez & Sugranyes, 2004). In sum the public expense in social housing is extremely

inefficient as the neighborhoods become deteriorated and the value of the produced houses

decreases.

In Santiago, between 1984 and 2004, the housing subsidy allowed the construction of more

than 200,000 social housing units with low-quality design and without the possibility of

extensions and improvements. (see fig...) Half of them have a similar configuration to that of

Villa el Cobre in Penalolen; tiny flats in three-stories blocks with residual space in between(Rodriguez & Sugranyes, 2004). As it was mentioned the housing deficit could be successfully

faced, even at a rate similar to the one experienced by European countries after World War II;

annual construction of 10 units over 1,000 inhabitants (Rodriguez & Sugranyes, 2004).

However, the deficit as it had been shown still remains in the quality of the solutions provided.

The efforts made by the Chilean governments to tackle down inequality and overcome poverty

with the provision of housing requires a review since the results shows that the beneficiaries

are unsatisfied and seem even more poor and excluded. Amongst Chilean scholars the families

that had already been benefited with this kind of housing solution are called los contecho (people with roof) (Rodriguez & Sugranyes, 2004), referring to people that obtained a

formal shelter but were immersed in poverty due to the low-quality of the solution. In this

12


13/17

context it would be useful to consider Penalosas claim that [i]nequality and exclusion can be

even more painful than poverty, but the way we create and organize cities may be a powerful

instrument in constructing equality and social justice (Penalosa, 2011)

A smart strategy upstream

We are experiencing an era where the rights of private property and

profit surpass any other kind of rights, where the capitalist economic

model leave little steering space for the governments. (Harvey, 2008)

Using the little steering space identified by Harvey (2008) the Elemental housing solution

successfully address the challenge to provide units remain in the inner-city and even gain value

over time. Under the same neoliberal housing policy the Elemental designers further developed

the commission of the provision of a dwelling by transforming the problem. Instead ofproviding a completed small unit in the outskirts of the city were the lower price allowed its

location, they thought of designing a semi-completed unit able to expand over time and located

in the center of the city. The solution constitutes a challenge to inexistent land policies that

democratic governments are supposed to implement to promote equality and integration

according to Penalosa (2011).

The problem arises from the desire of residents of campamentosto remain in their actual

settlements in the inner-city instead of being eradicated to the periphery. Naturally they haveidentified the location as its more valuable social capital (Jacobs, 1961). As a matter of fact,

studies done by the MINVU show that the majority of the people that received a housing

solution provided under the market housing policy want to return to the campamento and leave

their housing in search of better location (Rodriguez & Sugranyes, 2004).

Figure 5. Quinta Monroy in different phases.

The situation was similar to that of the residents of Villa el Cobre, amongst others, whoformerly lived in campamentosin a central area of the city. As it was presented only after 30 years

13


14/17

in a logic of damage-repair they were able to receive investment of publics resources through

the intervention of theQuiero mi Barrio programme. The Elemental team recognized that social

housing that was being provided under the damage-repair logic devalued over time therefore it

was looked at as an expense rather than as an investment. They acknowledged as well that it is

highly probable that for a poor Chilean family the housing one-off subsidy they receive from

the state would be the biggest aid they will ever receive to overcome their economical situation

so it is at least desirable that it kept its value over time.

The damage-repair logic is proven inefficient and ineffective since it is extremely difficult if

not impossible to provide with urban infrastructure and public space to those deprived areas of

social housing that are already consolidated such as the Precariopolis(Penalosa, 2011; Hidalgo,

2011). If the aim of housing policies is to help poor families to overcome poverty it is even

more crucial to provide the benefit acknowledging the economical importance of the access to

the city (Jacobs, 1961). The problem, as it has been shown is that MINVU has mainly beendoing housing policies ignoring the urban effects (Rodriguez & Sugranyes, 2004). For Powers

(2010) understanding of social justice, new settlements outside cities cannot go on being

funded (Power, 2007)

The case of Quinta Monroy designed by Elemental is an exception in the Chilean social

housing framework. During 30 years several families illegally occupied a small site located in the

central area of Iquique (the capital of a mining region of Chile). Just like the campamento San

Luis in Las Condes, and most of the illegal occupation that happened in Chile, the familieslived in precarious shelters without sanitation (Greene, 2011). Additionally, this precarious

settlement was affecting the development of the surrounding central area. The aim of the

project was to provide a housing solution for every family under the subsidy set out by the

MINVU. The subsidy amounted to USD 7,500 which had to pay for the land, the infrastructure

and the housing unit. For that amount of money the private building industry offered just a 30

square meter unit eventually located in low-price land in the periphery of the city. The solution,

however demonstrated the viability of settling families in inner-city locations under the

constraints of existing housing policies with a holistic understanding of poverty. First, a high-density solution permitted to pay for the well-located site so to remain in the city. Second, the

unit considered a physical space to accommodate the family growth (second generations) since

it had been proven a key aspect for young poor families to remain attached to their family

networks until they enough resources to live by themselves. Additionally, the units were laid

around a common semipublic courtyard shared by 20 families that encouraged social relations

amongst neighbors (Jacobs, 1961) Finally, the design considered a structure that facilitated an

orderly expansion of the units up to the double of its core surface that originally had size

standards of a middle-income house instead of the typical tight solution of social houses (Low,2011).

14


15/17

Overall, this kind of solution not only address the provision of a formalized dwelling but also

demonstrates that by acknowledging the human right to the city (Harvey, the right to the city)

housing policies can contribute to construct equality (Penalosa, 2011). Under this lens it is

useful to visualize what would have been the destiny of the families of campamento San Luis if

their right to the city would have been acknowledged and settled in Las Condes instead of

being displaced.

The power to reorganize urban life

Urban inequality essentially consists of an uneven right to the city. It is true that investment in

the city is an equalizer that can promote inclusion and social justice. However, governments

that rely on that strategy surrender to the market forces agenda. In contemporary processes of

urbanization the provision of housing as a mean to overcome poverty can only be effective if it

is accompanied by the production of city, doing otherwise is contributing to the spatialmanifestation of social disparity and exclusion and therefore to the perpetuation of urban

inequality.

15


16/17

References.

Castillo, M. 2010 Produccin y gestin habitacional de los pobladores: Participacin desde

abajo en la construccin de vivienda y barrio en Chile. Federacin Iberoamericana de Ombudsman

Cuaderno Electrnico 6. http:/www.portalfio.org/inicio/archivos/ cuadernos_electronicos/

numero_6/2_Artculo_Mara Jos Castillo Couve - Chile.pdf.

Ducci, M. E. 2000. Chile: The dark side of a successful policy, in J. S. Tulchin and A. Garland.

(eds) Social development in Latin America: The politics of reform, London: Lynne Rienner,

pp. 149- 174.

Durand, J. and Pelaez, C. 1965, Patterns of Urbanization in Latin America. The Milbank Memorial

Fund Quarterly, Vol. 43, No. 4, Part 2: Components of Population Change in Latin America.pp. 166-196.

Caldeira, T. 2011, World Set Apart, in Burdett, R. & Sudjic, D . (eds), Living in the Endless

City. London: Phaidon. pp. 168-75.

Greene, M. and Rojas, E. 2010, Housing for the poor in the city centre: a review of theChilean experience and a challenge for incremental design in F. Hernandez, P. Kellett & L.K Allen (eds), Rethinking the informal city: critical perspectives form Latin America,

Berghahn Books, pp. 91-115.

Harvey, D. 1989, From Managerialism to Entrepreneurialism: The transformation in Urban Governance inLate Capitalism, Geografiska Annaler. Series B, HumanGeography, 71 (1) pp. 3-17.

Harvey, D. 2008, The right to the City, New Left Review, 53 pp. 23-40.

Harvey, D. 2005,A Brief History of Neoliberalism, Oxford University Press Inc, New York.

Hidalgo, R. 2011, Chapter on Santiago, Chile in T. Kaminer, M. Robles-Duran & H. Sohn

(eds) Urban Asymmetries. Studies and Projects on Neoliberal Urbanization, 010 Publishers,

Rotterdam, pp. 166-178.

Jacobs, J. 1961, The Death and Life of Great American Cities. New York: Modern Library.

Jiron, P. 2010, The Evolution of Informal Settlements in Chile in F. Hernandez, P. Kellett &

L. K Allen (eds), Rethinking the informal city: critical perspectives form Latin America, Berghahn

Books, pp. 71-90.

Kusnetzoff, F. 1987. Urba and Housing Policies under Chiles Military Dictatorship:

1973-1985, Latin American Perspectives 14 (2): pp. 157-186.

16
http:///www.portalfio.org/inicio/archivos/http:///www.portalfio.org/inicio/archivos/http:///www.portalfio.org/inicio/archivos/


17/17

Low, I. 2011 Elemental Chile: Alejandro Aravena and the South African Experience, in

Architecture South Africa, Jan/Feb

Ozler, S. 2011, The Concertacin and Homelessness in Chile: Market-based Housing Policies

and Limited Popular Participation, Latin American Perspectives. http://lap.sagepub.com/

content/early/2011/02/12/0094582X10397917 (accesed Dec. 2011)

Penlosa, E. 2007, Politics, Power, Cities, in R. Burdett & D. Sudjic, (eds) The Endless City,

London: Phaidon, pp. 307-319.

Poblete, P. 2008, Introductory letter to Quiero mi Barrio, Ministerio de Vivienda y Urbanismo,

Gobierno de Chile (unpublished).

Power, A. 2007, Urban Age Glossary in Burdett, R. and Sudjic, D. (eds), The Endless City.

London: Phaidon. p. 492.

Robles-Duran, M. 2011, An introduction of Urbanization of Shock Therapy: Santiago in T.

Kaminer, M. Robles-Duran & H. Sohn (eds) Urban Asymmetries. Studies and Projects on

Neoliberal Urbanization, 010 Publishers, Rotterdam, pp. 157-165.

Rodrguez, A and Sugranyes, A. 2004 El problema de vivienda de los con techo, Revista Eure 30(91), Santiago, pp. 53-65.

Sabatini, F. 2000 Reforma de los nercados de suelo en Santiago, Chile: efectos sobre los precio

de la tierra y la segregacion residencial, Revista Eure 26 (77), Santiago, pp. 49-80.

Sennet, R. 2007, Urban Age Glossary in Burdett, R. and Sudjic, D. (eds), The Endless City.

London: Phaidon. p. 492.

17
http://lap.sagepub.com/content/early/2011/02/12/0094582X10397917http://lap.sagepub.com/content/early/2011/02/12/0094582X10397917http://lap.sagepub.com/content/early/2011/02/12/0094582X10397917http://lap.sagepub.com/content/early/2011/02/12/0094582X10397917

Housing Policy In Latniamerica

Documents

Transcript of Housing Policy In Latniamerica