Housing and the older ethnic minority population in England · African and Caribbean single people...

Housing and the older ethnic

minority population in England

Nigel de Noronha

February 2019

www.raceequalityfoundation.org.uk

Housing and the older ethnic minority population in England

2

Summary

This briefing, by the Race Equality Foundation and the Housing Learning and

Improvement Network (LIN), addresses the future mainstream housing needs of

older black and minority ethnic (BME) groups as they converge towards the age

profile of the UK. This paper does not address the specialist housing needs of older

black and minority ethnic groups; indeed, a recommendation is made that this topic

should be further addressed elsewhere. In relation to general housing needs,

therefore, this briefing provides comprehensive data and analysis that identifies the

demographic changes, the extent to which older BME people experience housing

disadvantage compared to the white British population, what factors may contribute

to this disadvantage and the spatial concentration of BME older people in urban

areas in England. In particular, it finds:

Older BME populations are likely to grow in future years subject to differences in life

expectancy and migration. Existing research evidence suggests that most minority groups will

experience poor health earlier than the white British. Most minority ethnic groups experience

higher levels of housing deprivation than the white British, and Bangladeshi and black African

people were most likely to be housing deprived.

Housing histories are likely to have contributed to deprivation and may reflect

different stories including racial exclusion by local housing authorities, private

landlords and neighbours, as well as more recent experiences of stigmatisation,

gentrification and displacement. The unequal distribution of property types between

ethnic groups reflects patterns of cumulative disadvantage experienced by some

people which may in turn reflect the concentration of BME groups in urban areas.

There are higher levels of housing deprivation for Bangladeshi and black African

people living in terraced houses and flats, and Pakistani people living in terraced

houses. The higher rates of housing deprivation for Pakistani, Bangladeshi and black

African owners may reflect patterns of cumulative disadvantage caused by lower

incomes that have restricted the ability of some to improve their housing conditions.

Access to affordable housing for those who do not own their home seems to be more

difficult for BME people. There is an increasing proportion of BME groups living in

the private rented sector together with higher levels of housing deprivation. Higher

levels of housing deprivation for Bangladeshi and black African people in social

housing may reflect the difficulty in accessing larger accommodation from existing

stock. Rental tenures, both social and private, are associated with higher levels of

A Race Equality Foundation & Housing LIN Publication

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housing deprivation than ownership. The lower rates of home ownership for BME

groups aged 50-64 compared to those aged 65 and over suggest that levels of

housing deprivation will increase over time.

Older people in routine jobs or unemployed were more likely to experience housing

deprivation. The percentage of BME people in routine jobs or unemployed

experiencing housing deprivation were higher than the white British, notably the

white other, Bangladeshi and black African groups. BME groups who were

economically active experienced more housing deprivation compared to those who

were retired or economically inactive. This might reflect the financial support

available to some economic inactivity e.g. disability, sickness or caring responsibilities

where housing costs are covered by benefits enabling people to access more suitable

accommodation.

Older Indian, Pakistani, Bangladeshi and black African people continue to live in other

households1 for longer than other ethnic groups. This is likely to contribute to the

higher levels of housing deprivation, particularly overcrowding, that they experience.

The extent to which this reflects a choice to live with extended family in the case of

the Asian people or constraint imposed by housing costs in the case of black African

people is worth exploring in local area engagement. Higher levels of housing

deprivation for the relatively small number of lone parents from BME and black

African and Caribbean single people may also be reflected differentially in local areas.

Living with a partner mitigates the effect of housing deprivation for Indian, Pakistani

and Bangladeshi older people whilst the protective effect for white other people is

no longer apparent for those aged 65 or over. People living by themselves are more

likely to be at risk of social isolation and an understanding of this aspect of the local

population can inform successful interventions.

The proportion of older people from different ethnic groups born in the UK and the

data of their migration to the UK is variable reflecting different waves of migration

and more recent arrivals experience much higher levels of housing deprivation. The

complexity of these stories is masked by the inadequacy of the data available at

national level. The white other and black African ethnic categories are too broad to

1 Other households encompass households with two adults who are not a couple or three or more

adults. They may include extended families or some other sharing arrangements.


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make meaningful inferences whilst all ethnic groups may include returning migrants

with citizenship rights. At a local level, the complexity of these stories needs to be

unpicked to enable meaningful policy interventions.

As BME people age, their need for adaptations and additional care and support will

grow, in order to enable them to live independently. The extent to which their needs

can be met within existing accommodation is likely to be limited given the levels of

housing deprivation that many older BME people experience. It would be beneficial

to collect evidence of the ways that housing associations have successfully provided

accommodation and services to meet the needs of older BME people. The extent to

which extra care and retirement housing, care and nursing homes can meet the

needs of BME older people would also benefit from investigation of what works well.

Lastly, this briefing finds that BME older people are concentrated in urban areas in

and around London and major cities. Some urban areas have a complex

demography of ethnic ageing to consider as they develop policy and interventions to

meet their local population needs.


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Introduction

This briefing explores the evidence on housing disadvantage amongst the older black

and minority ethnic (BME) population. Whilst local interventions and studies have

highlighted the experiences, needs and aspirations of these groups in the population,

national studies by race and ethnic scholars have paid relatively little attention whilst

ageing researchers have done limited work on race and ethnicity (Torres, 2015;

Phillipson, 2015). The study addresses future housing needs as BME and migrant

people converge towards the age profile of the UK with the likelihood of increased

demand for supported housing and adaptations to their homes. This paper identifies

the demographic changes, the extent to which older BME people experience housing

disadvantage compared to the white British population, what factors may contribute

to this disadvantage and the spatial concentration of BME older people in urban

areas in England. It uses 2011 Census microdata and 2011 Census aggregate data2.

Housing deprivation is indicated by overcrowding, having no central heating or living

with another household.

Why does housing deprivation matter for older

BME people?

Opportunity Age (HM Government, 2005) identified the need for state investment in

active ageing. Driven by economic concerns about the ageing population and the

likelihood that the UK would need to provide more financial support for older people

the strategy focussed on people aged 50 and over. It made clear that older people

were responsible for their own well-being in later life. It identified the importance of

employment and planning for retirement and defined the government approach to

active ageing. It identified barriers to older people getting the most out of life as age

discrimination, poor housing and fear of crime. For older BME people the effect of

discrimination on the grounds of race or religion and belief may also create barriers.

It called for strategies which enabled older people to influence local decisions that

affected them, to be able to access services and opportunities such as learning,

leisure and volunteering. It promised to promote healthy living, well-being and

independence including being able to influence decisions about what happened in

their local area.

2 The microdata are a 5 per cent representative sample of the census (ONS, 2015). The aggregate

data provides counts of household level data at different geographical levels.


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More recently a review of research on older people by the Centre for Ageing Better

(2017: 1) identified

... stark inequalities in how different people experience later life. While some of us enjoy the benefits of

longer lives, others may experience later life as a time of profound challenge.

The report evaluated existing evidence for older people and reflected the experience

of the different cohorts from age 50 onwards (Centre for Ageing Better, 2017). It

highlighted inequalities in subjective well-being, physical and mental health, life and

healthy life expectancy, financial security, social connections and living environment

including the home and neighbourhood. The report also drew attention to the lack

of information about the experiences of black and minority ethnic (BME) people’s

experiences of ageing. This briefing seeks to address this gap in knowledge of ageing

and housing in England.

As people age their health deteriorates through disability, limiting long-term illness

and their perceptions of their own health. These effects have been shown to reflect

structural inequalities in earlier life through the process of cumulative advantage and

disadvantage (Phillipson, 2015; Centre for Ageing Better, 2017). These studies use a

life course methodology to capture experiences that contribute to cumulative

advantage and disadvantage. Most life course studies on ageing have tended to

focus on a relatively stable view of the life course which, when applied to some people

from ethnic minorities in England will need to account for disruption through

“migration flows, natural catastrophes, civil wars and global financial crises”

(Phillipson, 2015: 921). Phillipson (2015) argues that research on ethnicity opens up

the opportunity to understand global and local social change by paying attention to

the transnational links of migrant groups and the effect in communities which have

cohered in particular areas through the availability of faith institutions, services and

protection from experiences of racism.

Policy interventions and some research around race has tended to rely on static

essentialist definitions of ethnicity based on categories derived for the census (for

example, the race equality audit carried out by the government in 2017). Racial and

ethnic studies have adopted a more critical stance, recognising that ethnicity is

constructed through relationships with others and reflects and adapts to local,

national and international issues. Racisms develop in specific times and contexts and


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may change the way that people identify themselves (Garner, 2017). The data

analysed in this report is bound by the census ethnic categories and focusses on

larger ethnic groups where there is enough evidence to examine their experiences.

Within these broad categories it is likely that there a range of experiences of health

and housing deprivation. Whilst this paper uses the census ethnic categories the

extent to which they should inform policy interventions need to be tempered by

caution. Local investigations should take account of people’s experiences, their self-

identification of ethnicity and other identity characteristics and any perceptions of

unequal access, treatment or outcomes based on these personal characteristics.

Research shows that social isolation is damaging to health and older people are

particularly vulnerable (Buffel et al., 2018). These experiences may be compounded

for some BME groups with limited access to their social and family contacts through

distance or lack of accessible transport. For others living close to family and friends

may mitigate the chances of social isolation. There is no consensus on how to

generate community measures of social isolation so there is little information to

assess the extent to which it might affect BME older people.

There is a consensus that Britain faces a “crisis” caused by a lack of affordable housing

and that this has particularly affected black and minority ethnic (BME), and migrant

groups (Lukes et al., 2018; de Noronha, 2015). UK border policies as seen in the

recent scandal surrounding the treatment of the ‘Windrush generation’ show how

the state adoption of a ‘hostile environment’ for migrants has disrupted transnational

relationships for long-standing migrants (de Noronha, 2018). As Brexit approaches

the ramifications of the UK immigration policy framework is likely to have an

increasing effect on older residents without or perceived to be without citizenship

rights.

The relationship between housing conditions and health is well-established. The

negative impact on physical and mental well-being is linked to overcrowding and

hazards such as cold, damp and fire risk. The insecurity and poor conditions

associated with homelessness and the private rented sector have been

demonstrated and the insecurity through inadequate safety in social housing was

thrown in stark relief by the tragic fire at Grenfell Towers (de Noronha, 2015, 2017).

Ethnic inequalities in housing have been demonstrated using data from the 2011

census (Finney and Harries, 2013; Finney and Lymperopoulou, 2014; de Noronha,

2015).


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This briefing:

explores the demographic profile of the larger ethnic groups who are likely to

contribute to the growth of the BME population

identifies housing deprivation of ethnic groups by age and explores the factors

that contribute to the higher levels of housing deprivation experienced by BME

groups

identifies the usage of care and residential homes by ethnic group and discusses

future demand

discusses the geographical concentrations of ethnic groups and the different

demands this is likely to place on local services.

Demographic change and ageing amongst BME

groups

Older BME populations are likely to grow in future years subject to differences in life

expectancy and migration. Existing research evidence suggests that most minority

groups will experience poor health earlier than the white British.

Population age

Figure 1 shows the age breakdown by ethnic group based on the 2001 and 2011

census. White British and black Caribbean people aged 50 or over have grown slowly

between 2001 and 2011 in contrast to other minority ethnic groups. The growth of

the white other and black African group is likely to include significant migration whilst

the growth of other ethnic groups will also include the natural growth due to higher

birth rates amongst the comparatively younger adult population. The fall in the

proportion of people under the age of 20 in the Indian, Pakistani, and Bangladeshi

ethnic groups in 2011 suggests a gradually ageing population since 2001.


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Ethnicity & change

in population

Population in

2001 & 2011

White British 2001 42,747,136

+7% 2011 45,679,070

White other 2001 1,308,133

+91% 2011 2,504,218

Indian 2001 1,028,530

+39% 2011 1,4285,507

Pakistani 2001 706,724

+62% 2011 1,143,420

Black Caribbean 2001 561,110

+7% 2011 602,689

Black African 2001 475,797

+112% 2011 1,006,368

Bangladeshi 2001 275,345

+66% 2011 455,880

Figure 1 Age breakdown by ethnic group in 2001 and 2011

Source: Standard tables ST101, 2001 census and DC2101EW, 2011 census

Table 1 provides a further breakdown by ten year age groups. It shows that the

percentage of the selected minority ethnic groups in the older age groups was

smaller than the white British population in 2011. This reflect historical migration

patterns of younger people which will converge towards the white British age profile

subject to differences in death rates and migration. This seems to be the case as the

longer standing migrant groups, black Caribbean and Indian, are close to the white

British proportion in the 50-59 cohort.

24%

23%

18%

19%

30%

25%

44%

41%

26%

24%

37%

38%

47%

43%

19%

17%

36%

40%

27%

30%

29%

29%

22%

19%

31%

27%

30%

30%

21%

21%

23%

24%

24%

22%

16%

18%

28%

27%

24%

25%

13%

18%

18%

20%

14%

10%

13%

15%

7%

9%

13%

16%

7%

8%

6%

6%

17%

19%

10%

6%

7%

8%

11%

14%

under 20 20-34 35-49 50-64 65 and over


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Other demographic change

Evidence on mortality, life expectancy and migration is not routinely available within

the official statistics published by the government. Research using the 2001 census

data to produce ethnic estimates of disability free and healthy life expectancy

suggested that black and Asian ethnic men and women had lower life expectancy and

were likely to experience more years of disability or poor health (Wohland et al.,

2015). Older BME people with transnational families may choose to live outside the

UK for long periods of time as has been evident with the patterns of British retirement

to Spain (for more detailed analysis and estimates of these components of

population change see Lievesley, 2010).

Housing deprivation

Most minority ethnic groups experience higher levels of housing deprivation than the

white British. Bangladeshi and black African people were most likely to be housing

deprived.

Table 2 provides a detailed breakdown by ten-year age groups of the experience of

housing deprivation3 amongst older people by ethnic group. It shows higher levels of

housing deprivation for all minority groups than the white British.

3 Housing deprivation is measured as a household experiencing one of overcrowding by the

bedroom standard, lacking central heating or sharing a kitchen or bathroom. Health and disability

deprivation is measured by a subjective assessment of poor health or having a long-term limiting

illness.

Table 1

Ethnic population of England and Wales by age cohort

Ethnic group (‘000s) 50-59 60-69 70-79 80 and over

White British 2,958 (13%) 2,811 (12%) 1,931 (8%) 1,536 (7%)

BME 308 (8%) 172 (5%) 114 (3%) 57 (2%)

White other 104 (8%) 64 (5%) 38 (3%) 29 (2%)

Indian 79 (11%) 48 (7%) 29 (4%) 12 (2%)

Pakistani 37 (7%) 18 (3%) 12 (2%) 4 (1%)

Bangladeshi 11 (5%) 7 (3%) 4 (2%) 1 (0%)

Black African 33 (6%) 13 (3%) 6 (1%) 1 (0%)

Black Caribbean 44 (14%) 22 (7%) 24 (7%) 9 (3%)

Source: Standard table DC2101EW, 2011 census


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The first part of the briefing focusses on the factors associated with housing

deprivation. It explores the impact of cumulative disadvantage through the type of

property people live in, their tenure, economic activity and occupational social class.

Living arrangements are significant as shown by the analysis of household type and,

to a lesser extent, marital status. Finally, more recent arrivals to the UK are shown to

be more likely to experience housing deprivation.

Cumulative disadvantage

Housing histories are likely to have contributed to deprivation and may reflect

different stories including racial exclusion by local housing authorities, private

landlords and neighbours, as well as more recent experiences of stigmatisation,

gentrification and displacement. The unequal distribution of property types between

ethnic groups reflects patterns of cumulative disadvantage experienced by some

people which may in turn reflect the concentration of BME groups in urban areas.

There are higher levels of housing deprivation for Bangladeshi and black African

people living in terraced houses and flats, and Pakistani people living in terraced

houses. The higher rates of housing deprivation for Pakistani, Bangladeshi and black

African owners may reflect patterns of cumulative disadvantage caused by lower

incomes that have restricted the ability of some to improve their housing conditions.

Access to affordable housing for those who do not own their home seems to be more

difficult for BME people.

There is an increasing proportion of BME groups living in the private rented sector

together with higher levels of housing deprivation. Higher levels of housing

deprivation for Bangladeshi and black African people in social housing may reflect

the difficulty in accessing larger accommodation from existing stock. Rental tenures,

Table 2

Housing deprivation by selected ethnic group

50-59 60-69 70-79 80 or over

White British 18,234 (6%) 13,492 (5%) 8,963 (5%) 7,750 (7%)

BME 8,371 (20%) 3,071 (14%) 1,916 (14%) 710 (13%)

White other 1,820 (18%) 663 (11%) 272 (8%) 220 (10%)

Indian 1,150 (15%) 487 (11%) 292 (10%) 143 (13%)

Pakistani 958 (26%) 315 (18%) 221 (16%) 92 (24%)

Bangladeshi 397 (35%) 129 (26%) 154 (32%) 36 (33%)

Black African 1,197 (36%) 338 (29%) 211 (36%) 48 (37%)

Black Caribbean 613 (16%) 255 (13%) 278 (13%) 103 (13%)

Source: 2011 census microdata


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both social and private, are associated with higher levels of housing deprivation than

ownership. The lower rates of home ownership for BME groups aged 50-64

compared to those aged 65 and over suggest that levels of housing deprivation will

increase over time.

Older people in routine jobs or unemployed were more likely to experience housing

deprivation. The percentage of BME people in routine jobs or unemployed

experiencing housing deprivation were higher than the white British, notably the

white other, Bangladeshi and black African groups. BME groups who were

economically active experienced more housing deprivation compared to those who

were retired or economically inactive. This might reflect the financial support

available to some economic inactivity e.g. disability, sickness or caring responsibilities

where housing costs are covered by benefits enabling people to access more suitable

accommodation.

Property type

Figure 2 shows that a higher percentage of older white British live in detached or

semi-detached houses compared to BME groups. Nearly half of black African older

people are living in flats whilst 40% of Pakistani and Bangladeshi older people live in

terraced houses.

50 and over

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

White British

White other

Indian

Pakistani

Bangladeshi

Black African

Black Caribbean


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65 and over

◼ detached or semi-detached ◼ terrace ◼ flat or other

Figure 2 Property type by ethnic group


Table 3 shows that housing deprivation increases for all ethnic groups from living in

a detached or semi-detached house to terraced housing to flats. All ethnic minority

groups over the age of 50 have higher rates of housing deprivation in all types of

property. Particularly notable are Bangladeshi and black African people in flats where

nearly half of those aged 50 or over experienced housing deprivation. Around 40%

of Pakistani, Bangladeshi and black African people aged 65 or over living in flats

experienced housing deprivation.

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

White British

White other

Indian

Pakistani

Bangladeshi

Black African

Black Caribbean

Table 3

Housing deprivation by property type, age and ethnicity

Ethnicity Detached or semi detached Terraced Flat or other

50 and over

White British 17,759 (3%) 14,146 (8%) 16,534 (16%)

White other 655 (6%) 510 (11%) 1,810 (31%)

Indian 837 (8%) 641 (14%) 594 (31%)

Pakistani 653 (18%) 698 (23%) 235 (38%)

Bangladeshi 167 (23%) 246 (28%) 303 (48%)

Black African 313 (21%) 315 (25%) 1,166 (47%)

Black Caribbean 249 (8%) 266 (9%) 734 (28%)

65 and over

White British 8,364 (3%) 6,235 (8%) 7,748 (14%)

White other 163 (4%) 114 (7%) 456 (23%)

Indian 228 (7%) 161 (10%) 226 (27%)

Pakistani 161 (14%) 194 (18%) 89 (38%)

Bangladeshi 57 (23%) 93 (28%) 98 (42%)

Black African 54 (19%) 67 (25%) 274 (43%)

Black Caribbean 100 (7%) 97 (7%) 318 (26%)



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Tenure

Figure 3 shows that most older people own their homes. More than 90% of white

British people aged 50 and over own their homes compared to 70% of black African

and 75% of white other ethnic groups. BME groups aged 50 and over who do not

own their homes are mainly accommodated in the private rented sector.

50 and over

65 and over

◼ owned ◼ social rented ◼ private rented

Figure 3 Tenure by ethnic group


Table 4 shows the lowest levels of housing deprivation for older people who own

their homes. For most ethnic groups aged 50 and over housing deprivation is higher

in the private rented sector. Exceptionally Bangladeshi and, to a lesser extent black

Africans had higher rates of housing deprivation in social housing. White British and

white other people aged 65 and over were most likely to experience housing

deprivation in the private rented sector. For other ethnic groups aged 65 or over

higher levels of deprivation were found in social housing.

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

White British

White other

Indian

Pakistani

Bangladeshi

Black African

Black Caribbean

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

White British

White other

Indian

Pakistani

Bangladeshi

Black African

Black Caribbean


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Economic activity and occupational social class

Figure 4 shows that Pakistani and Bangladeshi people aged 50-64 are more likely to

be economically inactive than other ethnic groups.

50 and over

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

White British

White other

Indian

Pakistani

Bangladeshi

Black African

Black Caribbean

Table 4

Housing deprivation by tenure, age and ethnicity

Ethnicity Owned Social Rented Private Rented

50 and over

White British 14,639 (4%) 6,455 (11%) 4,662 (16%)

White other 588 (7%) 460 (26%) 1,152 (34%)

Indian 978 (11%) 194 (31%) 262 (35%)

Pakistani 802 (21%) 153 (31%) 169 (36%)

Bangladeshi 212 (27%) 207 (42%) 37 (34%)

Black African 380 (23%) 707 (44%) 291 (40%)

Black Caribbean 267 (9%) 346 (23%) 115 (32%)

65 and over

White British 12,703 (4%) 6,397 (10%) 2,590 (16%)

White other 324 (6%) 221 (21%) 172 (28%)

Indian 362 (8%) 148 (28%) 88 (26%)

Pakistani 305 (16%) 74 (29%) 52 (25%)

Bangladeshi 104 (25%) 118 (40%) 21 (25%)

Black African 90 (20%) 252 (43%) 44 (36%)

Black Caribbean 188 (7%) 280 (22%) 33 (20%)

Source:2011 census microdata (ONS, 2015)


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65 and over

◼ economically active ◼ retired ◼ economically inactive

Figure 4 Economic activity by ethnic group

Source: Census 2011 microdata (ONS, 2015)

Table 5 shows the levels of housing deprivation by economic activity and ethnic

group. For older people being retired or economically inactive (which includes caring

responsibilities, disability and long-term sickness) is associated with lower levels of

housing deprivation than being economically active.

Figure 5 shows the occupational social class of the economically active people by

ethnic group. Given the relatively small percentage of people aged 65 or over who

are economically active this shows the whole population aged 50 to 64. Around 30%

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

White British

White other

Indian

Pakistani

Bangladeshi

Black African

Black Caribbean

Table 5

Housing deprivation by economic activity and ethnic group

Ethnicity Economically active Retired Economically inactive

50 and over

White British 11,567 (4%) 1,562 (2%) 878 (2%)

White other 1,205 (12%) 74 (5%) 133 (6%)

Indian 511 (7%) 51 (4%) 88 (4%)

Pakistani 240 (11%) 17 (3%) 127 (6%)

Bangladeshi 98 (18%) 9 (5%) 37 (5%)

Black African 799 (26%) 36 (15%) 125 (18%)

Black Caribbean 375 (10%) 15 (4%) 35 (5%)

65 and over

White British 1,250 (3%) 5,626 (2%) 190 (1%)

White other 72 (6%) 168 (3%) 16 (4%)

Indian 21 (3%) 101 (2%) 21 (4%)

Pakistani 10 (5%) 55 (3%) 8 (2%)

Bangladeshi 6 (10%) 24 (4%) 14 (9%)

Black African 39 (20%) 90 (11%) 28 (16%)

Black Caribbean 33 (7%) 114 (3%) 6 (2%)

Source: census 2011 microdata (ONS,2015)


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of white British people are from the professional and managerial social class

compared to 25% of Indian and less than 20% Pakistani and Bangladeshi. Around

40% of Pakistani people work for themselves compared to around 25% for most

other ethnic groups with less than 20% of black African and Caribbean. Pakistani and

Bangladeshi people have higher rates of unemployment.

◼ professional or managerial ◼ own account worker

◼ intermediate ◼ routine ◼ unemployed

Figure 5 Occupational social class by ethnic group


Table 6 shows the percentage housing deprived by occupational social class of those

who are economically active aged between 50 and 65. Whilst all older people in

routine jobs or unemployed experience higher levels of housing deprivation these

rates were significantly higher for BME groups, notably white other, Bangladeshi and

black African. For white other and Bangladeshi people there was a clear association

of higher percentages experiencing housing deprivation with being self-employed, in

routine occupation or being unemployed.

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

White British

White other

Indian

Pakistani

Bangladeshi

Black African

Black Caribbean

Table 6

Housing deprivation by occupational social class by ethnicity for those who are economically active

aged 50-64

Ethnicity

Professional

or managerial

Own account

worker Intermediate Routine Unemployed

White British 2,514 (3%) 2,046 (4%) 1,248 (3%) 4,927 (5%) 832 (6%)

White other 180 (6%) 285 (12%) 61 (8%) 593 (19%) 86 (15%)

Indian 98 (6%) 84 (5%) 47 (5%) 250 (9%) 32 (8%)

Pakistani 37 (10%) 95 (12%) 11 (9%) 75 (12%) 22 (11%)

Bangladeshi 7 (8%) 20 (15%) 3 (11%) 49 (23%) 19 (19%)

Black African 224 (23%) 100 (25%) 50 (23%) 323 (30%) 102 (29%)

Black Caribbean 98 (9%) 41 (9%) 43 (9%) 146 (12%) 47 (12%)

Source: census 2011 microdata (ONS,2015)


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Living arrangements

Older Indian, Pakistani, Bangladeshi and black African people continue live in other

households for longer than other ethnic groups. This is likely to contribute to the

higher levels of housing deprivation, particularly overcrowding, that they experience.

The extent to which this reflects a choice to live with extended family in the case of

the Asian people or constraint imposed by housing costs in the case of black African

people is worth exploring in local area engagement. Higher levels of housing

deprivation for the relatively small number of lone parents from BME and black

African and Caribbean single people may also be reflected differentially in local areas.

Figure 6 shows that people aged between 50 and 64 are more likely to live in other

households than those over 65, due perhaps to their adult children and partners4, or

their parents living with them. The evidence for this is limited as the classification of

other households is not disaggregated in standard census tables. For some ethnic

groups these living arrangements were sustained for longer, particularly those from

India, Pakistan and Bangladesh, and to a lesser extent black African. This may be

explained by the choice of some ethnic minority groups to live in extended family

arrangements (Catney and Simpson, 2014). It may also reflect the high costs of

housing that lead extended families to pool their resources to access shared

accommodation.

50 and over

4 These households are enumerated as concealed families and are considered as an indicator of

latent demand in the housing market (ONS, 2014). 161,000 concealed families in 2001 and 270,000

in 2011 (ONS, 2011; ONS, 2013).

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

White British

BME

White other

Indian

Pakistani

Bangladeshi

Black African

Black Caribbean


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65 and over

◼ couple ◼ single ◼ lone parent ◼ other

Figure 6 Living arrangements by ethnic group

Source: 2011 census microdata (ONS, 2015)

Table 7 shows that a larger percentage of lone parents and other households were

housing deprived. For white British and Indian respondents aged over 50, a larger

percentage of lone parents were housing deprived. For other ethnic groups it was

other households, notably 37% of Bangladeshi and 44% of black African other

households where the respondent was aged over 50 were housing deprived. Though

there were only forty four BME lone parents aged over 65 who were housing

deprived, the percentage (36%) was higher than the white British percentage of 22%.

BME other households were more likely to be housing deprived than the white British,

particularly Bangladeshi (37%) and black African (45%). The main reason for this was

likely to have been overcrowding which is measured by the bedroom standard 5

(illustrated below).

5 Bedroom standard definition of overcrowding

(4) For the purposes of the bedroom standard a separate bedroom shall be allocated to the

following persons—

(a) a person living together with another as husband and wife (whether that other person is of the

same sex or the opposite sex)

(b) a person aged 21 years or more

(c) two persons of the same sex aged 10 years to 20 years

(d) two persons (whether of the same sex or not) aged less than 10 years

(e) two persons of the same sex where one person is aged between 10 years and 20 years and

the other is aged less than 10 years

(f) any person aged under 21 years in any case where he or she cannot be paired with another

occupier of the dwelling so as to fall within (c), (d) or (e) above.”.

Housing (Overcrowding) Act 2003

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

White British

BME

White other

Indian

Pakistani

Bangladeshi

Black African

Black Caribbean


20

For single people housing disadvantage reflects either lack of central heating or

sharing a kitchen or bathroom. The higher percentage of black African and Caribbean

single people reflects this form of housing deprivation. The relatively high levels of

housing deprivation amongst Indian, Pakistani, Bangladeshi and black African people

are associated with the higher percentage living in other households.

Marital status

Living with a partner mitigates the effect of housing deprivation for Indian, Pakistani

and Bangladeshi older people whilst the protective effect for white other people is

no longer apparent for those aged 65 or over. People living by themselves are more

likely to be at risk of social isolation and an understanding of this aspect of the local

population can inform successful interventions.

Figure 7 shows that more Indian, Pakistani and Bangladeshi respondents over 50

were living in a couple than the white British whilst less black African and Caribbean

were. It also shows that 22% of Bangladeshis were widowed compared to 12-15% of

other groups, that around 25% of the black African and Caribbean ethnic group were

Table 7

Housing deprivation by living arrangements

Ethnicity Couple Single Lone parent Other

50 and over

White British 15,810 (8%) 18,063 (4%) 1,450 (14%) 13,116 (8%)

BME 1,851 (17%) 1,655 (8%) 214 (24%) 6,672 (24%)

White other 729 (15%) 754 (8%) 50 (20%) 1,442 (22%)

Indian 243 (15%) 189 (4%) 44 (24%) 1,596 (16%)

Pakistani 107 (21%) 71 (5%) 15 (23%) 1,393 (27%)

Bangladeshi 54 (38%) 21 (6%) 6 (32%) 635 (37%)

Black African 392 (39%) 256 (16%) 52 (37%) 1,094 (44%)

Black Caribbean 326 (11%) 364 (12%) 47 (20%) 512 (20%)

65 and over

White British 8,031 (6%) 10,301 (4%) 322 (22%) 3,693 (9%)

BME 607 (11%) 686 (8%) 44 (38%) 1,613 (21%)

White other 210 (8%) 279 (7%) 7 (39%) 237 (17%)

Indian 100 (11%) 98 (5%) 11 (50%) 406 (15%)

Pakistani 37 (15%) 34 (5%) 5 (42%) 368 (23%)

Bangladeshi 13 (19%) 9 (7%) 3 (43%) 223 (37%)

Black African 102 (32%) 80 (21%) 10 (38%) 203 (45%)

Black Caribbean 145 (9%) 186 (12%) 8 (26%) 176 (20%)

Source: census 2011 microdata (ONS, 2015)


21

separated compared to 15% of white British, 7% of Indian, 10% of Pakistani and 5%

of Bangladeshi, and that 22% of black Caribbeans were single compared to 2-3% of

Indian, Pakistani and Bangladeshi and around 10% of other groups. There was a

similar pattern for those aged over 65 except that the proportion widowed increased

to around 30% for all groups except the black Caribbean (22%).

50 and over

65 and over

◼ couple ◼ single ◼ separated ◼ widowed

Figure 7 Marital status by ethnic group


Table 8 shows the comparative benefit of living with a partner rather than being

single, separated or widowed. Bangladeshi women in both age groups were

significantly more likely to experience housing deprivation than Bangladeshi men.

Older people living by themselves are also more at risk of social isolation. The report

by Buffel et al. (2017) for Ambition for Ageing in Manchester explores the evidence

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

White British

BME

White other

Indian

Pakistani

Bangladeshi

Black African

Black Caribbean

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

White British

BME

White other

Indian

Pakistani

Bangladeshi

Black African

Black Caribbean


22

available and identifies a range of potential interventions to address social isolation

in older people.

Migration history

The proportion of older people from different ethnic groups born in the UK and the

date of their migration to the UK is variable reflecting different waves of migration;

more recent arrivals experience much higher levels of housing deprivation. However,

the complexity of these stories is masked by the inadequacy of the data available at

national level. The white other and black African ethnic categories are too broad to

make meaningful inferences whilst all ethnic groups may include returning migrants

with citizenship rights. At a local level the complexity of these stories needs to be

unpicked to enable meaningful policy interventions.

Figure 8 shows the arrival patterns by decade of people aged 50 and over for each

of the ethnic minority groups covered in this report who are still living here6. Black

6 Continuing migration of people who were aged under 50 in 2011 has not been considered in this

report. It is quite likely that the later migration patterns for new Commonwealth citizens reflects

British citizens or their relatives / spouses who had the right to citizenship rights.

Table 8

Percentage of older population experiencing housing deprivation by marital status and ethnic group

Ethnicity Couple Single Separated Widowed

50 and over

White British 18,760 (4%) 8,530 (13%) 12,063 (9%) 9,086 (7%)

BME 5,592 (15%) 1,169 (22%) 2,091 (22%) 1,540 (18%)

White other 1,342 (11%) 444 (23%) 807 (20%) 382 (13%)

Indian 1,416 (11%) 114 (21%) 190 (17%) 352 (15%)

Pakistani 1,131 (21%) 34 (26%) 175 (25%) 246 (23%)

Bangladeshi 485 (30%) 13 (37%) 35 (32%) 183 (38%)

Black African 859 (32%) 212 (35%) 478 (36%) 245 (39%)

Black Caribbean 359 (10%) 352 (18%) 406 (17%) 132 (12%)

65 and over

White British 7,644 (3%) 3,004 (13%) 3,818 (9%) 7,881 (6%)

BME 1,130 (9%) 298 (24%) 526 (18%) 996 (16%)

White other 227 (5%) 110 (23%) 166 (15%) 230 (10%)

Indian 274 (8%) 37 (27%) 42 (14%) 262 (15%)

Pakistani 210 (14%) 14 (42%) 45 (26%) 175 (24%)

Bangladeshi 144 (27%) 4 (29%) 8 (30%) 92 (38%)

Black African 143 (29%) 40 (38%) 82 (29%) 130 (39%)

Black Caribbean 132 (8%) 93 (19%) 183 (17%) 107 (12%)



23

Caribbean migration started before 1961 and peaked between 1961 and 1970 with

much smaller numbers arriving after that date. Indian and Pakistani migration

peaked in the 1960s fell slightly in the 1970s and then fell significantly after that. .

Significant levels of Bangladeshi migration started in the 1960s, peaked in the 1970s

and 1980s before falling to below 10% in subsequent decades. The migration

patterns of the white other and black African groups are likely to be diverse reflecting

earlier migrations - for example, the European Voluntary Workers scheme which

encouraged migration to Europe by new Commonwealth migrants from Africa to

support the reconstruction of Britain after the Second World War, different patterns

of migration after joining the European Union and flows of refugees from Africa. The

other white population over 50 is composed of 10-15% from the post war decades

with a growth to over 20% between 2001 and 2011 when the A10 accession countries

were allowed to move to the UK. The majority of the black African older population

have come to Britain during the 1980s.

50 and over

65 and over

◼ born in UK ◼ before 1961 ◼ 1961 - 1970 ◼ 1971 - 1980

◼ 1981 - 1990 ◼ 1991 - 2000 ◼ 2001 - 2011

Figure 8 Year of arrival in the UK by ethnic group


0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

White other Indian Pakistani Bangladeshi Black African Black

Caribbean

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

White other Indian Pakistani Bangladeshi Black African Black

Caribbean


24

Table 9 shows the pattern of housing deprivation by year of arrival and ethnicity.

Levels of housing deprivation are higher for more recent migrants. It is not possible

to identify the extent to which return migrants with the right to British citizenship are

reflected in the data available.

Housing needs of older BME people

As BME people age the need for adaptations to enable them to live independently,

additional care and support will grow. The extent to which their needs can be met

within existing accommodation is likely to be limited given the levels of housing

deprivation that many older BME people experience. It would be beneficial to collect

evidence of the ways that housing associations have successfully provided

accommodation and services to meet the needs of older BME people in their

mainstream and specialist housing. For example, the extent to which extra care

housing and retirement housing can meet the needs of BME older people would also

benefit from investigation of what works well.

Table 9

Housing deprivation by year of arrival and ethnicity

Born in UK before

1961

1961-

1970

1971-

1980

1981-

1990

1991-

2000

2001-2011

50 and over

White British 47,075 (6%) 649 (6%) 264 (7%) 124 (8%) 92 (10%) 131 (13%) 104 (11%)

White other 279 (12%) 264 (7%) 223 (7%) 247 (9%) 234 (11%) 369 (17%) 1,359 (28%)

Indian 63 (16%) 81 (9%) 486 (8%) 652 (11%) 241 (16%) 189 (22%) 360 (29%)

Pakistani 38 (21%) 71 (17%) 457 (17%) 429 (21%) 217 (25%) 139 (27%) 235 (36%)

Bangladeshi 13 (33%) 27 (28%) 135 (27%) 162 (26%) 215 (36%) 87 (41%) 77 (46%)

Black African 74 (34%) 36 (25%) 97 (21%) 146 (23%) 452 (36%) 459 (39%) 530 (38%)

Black

Caribbean 188 (15%) 258 (11%) 496 (13%) 93 (18%) 58 (26%) 88 (29%) 68 (26%)

65 and over

White British 21,736 (5%) 413 (6%) 93 (8%) 24 (6%) 23 (11%) 35 (13%) 23 (8%)

White other 86 (15%) 221 (7%) 111 (6%) 63 (9%) 35 (9%) 61 (15%) 156 (20%)

Indian 24 (24%) 47 (7%) 162 (6%) 157 (10%) 68 (18%) 64 (24%) 93 (23%)

Pakistani 8 (20%) 55 (17%) 156 (14%) 65 (17%) 39 (20%) 36 (25%) 85 (34%)

Bangladeshi 4 (25%) 24 (29%) 77 (26%) 32 (24%) 49 (32%) 27 (43%) 35 (50%)

Black African 13 (36%) 26 (23%) 67 (23%) 28 (27%) 50 (39%) 85 (38%) 126 (40%)

Black

Caribbean 37 (23%) 211 (10%) 206 (12%) 7 (12%) 12 (25%) 21 (24%) 21 (25%)

Source: census 2011 microdata (ONS 2015)


25

For many older people the experience of limiting long-term illness or disability require

adaptations to enable them to live independently. This may be in their existing

accommodation or through moving to specialist housing provision. Table 10 shows

that older Pakistani and Bangladeshi people report higher levels of limiting long-term

illness or disability compared to other groups. Amongst those aged 65 and over a

larger proportion of Indian and black Caribbean people also experience higher levels

of limiting long-term illness or disability.

In the symposium held by the Centre for Ageing Better local housing providers

identified issues about the provision of specialist housing. Providing information on

the availability of appropriate services and accommodation had been a challenge for

some whilst others had had more success. It would be useful to gather evidence of

the challenges faced and the ways these had been overcome to meet the needs of

BME older people.

Figure 9 shows the proportion by age group and ethnicity who live in a communal

establishment to receive social care or nursing support7. Around 3% of white British

and black Caribbean aged 85 or over live in these establishments compared to just

over 2% of black African, 1% of Indian and ½% of Pakistani and Bangladeshi. For

those aged between 75 and 84 about 1% of black African and Caribbean live in these

establishments compared to 0.8% of the white British and less than ½% Indian,

Pakistani and Bangladeshi.

7 This could include a care or nursing home, supported, sheltered or extra care housing

Table 10

Proportion of older people experience long-term limiting illness or disability by ethnicity and age

('000s) 50 and over 65 and over

Ethnicity A lot A little A lot A little

White British 874 (10.4%) 1,055 (23.0%) 2,109 (26.6%) 2,092 (52.9%)

White other 21 (8.2%) 26 (18.5%) 39 (25.8%) 36 (49.6%)

Indian 26 (12.6%) 32 (27.8%) 38 (32.9%) 32 (60.8%)

Pakistani 21 (21.8%) 21 (43.9%) 21 (42.8%) 14 (70.6%)

Bangladeshi 7 (24.3%) 7 (50.7%) 7 (43.7%) 5 (71.9%)

Black African 7 (9.3%) 8 (19.4%) 6 (26.4%) 5 (48.9%)

Black Caribbean 11 (11.2%) 11 (23.1%) 26 (31.6%) 21 (56.9%)

Source: 2011 standard census table DC3205EWr


26

◼ Bangladeshi ◼ Black African ◼ Black Caribbean

◼ Indian ◼ Pakistani ◼ White British

Figure 9 Proportion of population by age and ethnic minority group living in communal

establishments for social or nursing care

Source: Standard 2011 census table: DC2117EW1a

Where do older BME people live?

BME older people are concentrated in urban areas in and around London and major

cities. Some urban areas have a complex demography of ethnic ageing to consider

as they develop policy and interventions to meet their local population needs.

Figure 11 shows significant variation in the percentage of older people living in each

local authority district in England. There are generally lower levels of older people

compared to the overall population and concentrations in some seaside and rural

areas.

0.0%

0.5%

1.0%

1.5%

2.0%

2.5%

3.0%

3.5%

50-64 65-74 75-84 85 or over


27

Figure 11 Percentage of older people compared to the population by local authority district in

England

Source: standard 2011 census table LC2109EW (ONS, 2013)

Figure 12 shows the relative proportion of white British older people by local

authority compared to what would be expected if they were evenly distributed by the

size of the overall population of each district. This shows that the white British group

conforms to the overall pattern of older people concentrated outside the main urban

areas and in some coastal and rural districts.

Figure 12 Standardised comparison of white British over 50s by local authority



28

In contrast figure 13 shows that BME people aged 50 or over tend to be more

concentrated in urban areas. The scales for the subsequent figures have been

expanded to reflect the patterns of concentration and sparsity.

Figure 13 Standardised comparison of BME over 50s by local authority


These patterns of concentration and sparsity are more evident in the maps prepared

for individual ethnic groups. Table 11 summarises these by ethnic group and

highlights local authorities with where older people from this ethnic group are

particularly concentrated. For many London boroughs and major city councils there

are concentrations of older ethnic minority groups who are increasingly likely to

require support.

Figure 14 shows the population cartograms for the ethnic minorities discussed in this

report.

Table 11

Concentration of older ethnic minorities in local authorities

Ethnic group Minimum Maximum Local authorities with concentrations

White other 16% 7 times Kensington and Chelsea, Westminster and Enfield

Indian 0% 13 times Leicester, Harrow, Brent and Hounslow

Pakistani 0% 9 times Bradford, Slough, Pendle, Birmingham and Luton

Bangladeshi 0% 39 times Tower Hamlets, Newham, Camden, Luton,

Redbridge and Oldham

Black African 0% 12 times Southwark, Hackney, Lambeth, Newham and

Lewisham

Black Caribbean 0% 9 times Lewisham, Lambeth, Brent and Hackney

Source: derived from standard 2011 census table LC2109EW (ONS, 2013)


29

White other Indian

Pakistani Bangladeshi

Black African Black Caribbean

Figure 14 Standardised comparison of BME over 50s by local authority



30

Conclusion

This briefing highlights the housing experiences of the older BME population in

England. The importance of engaging with this reflects the increasing ageing

population amongst BME groups. The briefing shows that some older BME groups

experience higher levels of housing deprivation than the white British. There seem

to be factors that have contributed to this through their life course. Cumulative

disadvantage is evident through lower values of property assets, occupational social

class and employment and tenure patterns, particularly for those aged 50-64. The

living arrangements of people from the Indian sub-continent and black Africans

contribute to higher levels of housing deprivation. This may be because of living in

extended family arrangements. Housing deprivation is more likely for those who

have come to the UK recently. The concentrated residential settlement of the older

BME population in major urban centres means that local public services need to

understand their local population and develop housing to meet their needs.

The briefing is part of a broader dialogue with the Race Equality Foundation, Housing

LIN and the Centre for Ageing Better. It reflects the opportunity to improve the

quality of life of older BME people by collecting evidence of the barriers that affect

their experiences of housing and the ways that local agencies have overcome them.

Looking to the future, there appears to be an ongoing gap in the evidence base

regarding the extent to which older black and minority ethnic people have access to

suitable, high quality extra care and specialist housing which meets their needs and

aspirations. The Housing LIN would be keen to attract funding and support from any

partners / sponsors who are interested in working with us to explore this area further,

via https://www.housinglin.org.uk/AboutHousingLIN/Sponsorship/crowdfunding/.

References

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Agenda. Journal of Aging and Social Policy, 30:2, 173-192.

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31

Buffel, T, Remillard-Boilard, S and Phillipson, C (2017). Social isolation among older people in urban

areas: A review of the literature. Manchester: Ambition for Ageing.

De Noronha, L (2018). The Windrush deportations – and so are all the others. London: Guardian

accessed at https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2018/jun/07/windrush-legal-illegal-

migrants-caribbean-deportation-uk on 21st June 2018.

De Noronha, N (2015). Ethnic disadvantage in the housing market: evidence from the 2011 census.

London: Race Equality Foundation.

De Noronha, N (2017). The right to adequate housing: reflections on an avoidable tragedy. Discovering

Society 46 available at https://discoversociety.org/2017/07/05/the-right-to-adequate-housing-

reflections-on-an-avoidable-tragedy/.

Finney, N and Harries, B (2013). How has the rise in private renting disproportionately affected some

ethnic groups: Ethnic differences in housing tenure 1991-2001-2011. Available at

http://hummedia.manchester.ac.uk/institutes/code/briefingsupdated/how-has-the-rise-in-

private-renting-disproportionately-affected-some-ethnic-groups.pdf.

Finney, N and Lymperopoulou, K (2014). Local Ethnic Inequalities: Ethnic Differences in Education,

Employment, Health and Housing in Districts of England and Wales. London: Runnymede Trust with

University of Manchester.

Garner, S (2017). ‘Racisms’: an introduction. London: Sage.

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London: Department of Work and Pensions.

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London: Runnymede Trust and Centre for Policy on Ageing.

Lukes, S, de Noronha, N and Finney, N (2018). Slippery discrimination: a review of the drivers of

migrant and minority housing disadvantage. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies (forthcoming).

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http://dx.doi.org/10.5257/census/aggregate-2001-2

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census tables.

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Wales. [data collection]. UK Data Service. SN: 7605, http://doi.org/10.5255/UKDA-SN-7605-1.

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empirical challenges. Ageing and Society, 35, 917-934.

Torres, S (2015). Expanding the gerontological imagination on ethnicity: conceptual and theoretical

perspectives. Ageing and Society, 35, 935-960.

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ethnic groups in England and Wales in 2001. Ethnicity and Health, 20:4, 341-353.

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2018/jun/07/windrush-legal-illegal-migrants-caribbean-deportation-uk

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2018/jun/07/windrush-legal-illegal-migrants-caribbean-deportation-uk

https://discoversociety.org/2017/07/05/the-right-to-adequate-housing-reflections-on-an-avoidable-tragedy/

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Acknowledgements

The report was jointly commissioned by the Race Equality Foundation and the Housing Learning

and Improvement Network. The author is grateful for their comments and suggestions on

drafts of the report. The feedback from the presentation at a symposium organised by the

Centre for Ageing Better, Race Equality Foundation and Housing Learning and Improvement

Network in July 2018 contributed to the briefing. The interpretation of the evidence and the

views expressed are those of the author.

February 2019

Nigel de Noronha is an Assistant Professor in the department of

geography at the University of Nottingham. He has broad research

interests in social inequality and the impact of race and migration

on housing experiences.

Readers: Clare Skidmore, Kurshida Mirza, Jeremy Porteus, Jabeer

Butt, and Samir Jeraj

We welcome feedback on this paper and on all aspects of our

work. Please email [email protected]

Race Equality Foundation

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London NW5 1LB

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http://raceequalityfoundation.org.uk/

Housing LIN

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