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World Bank Discussion Papers

Household FoodSecurity and theRole of Women

J. Price Gittingerwith the collaboration ofSidney ChernickNadine R. HorensteinKatrine Saito \

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96 ~ 1z1 World Bank Discussion Papers

Household FoodSecurity and theRole of Women

J. Price Gittingerwith the collaboration ofSidney ChernickNadine R. HorensteinKatrine Saito

The World BankWashington, D.C.

Copyright © 1990The International Bank for Reconstructionand Development/THE WORLD BANK1818 H Street, N.W.Washington, D.C. 20433, U.S.A.

All rights reservedManufactured in the United States of AmericaFirst printing August 1990

Discussion Papers present results of country analysis or research that is circulated to encourage discussionand commnent within the development community. To present these results with the least possible delay, thetypescript of this paper has not been prepared in accordance with the procedures appropriate to formalprinted texts, and the World Bank accepts no responsibility for errors.

The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this paper are entirely those of the author(s) andshould not be attributed in any manner to the World Bank, to its affiliated organizations, or to members ofits Board of Executive Directors or the countries they represent. The World Bank does not guarantee theaccuracy of the data included in this publication and accepts no responsibility whatsoever for anyconsequence of their use. Any maps that accompany the text have been prepared solely for the convenienceof readers; the designations and presentation of material in them do not imply the expression of any opinionwhatsoever on the part of the World Bank, its affiliates, or its Board or member countries concerning thelegal status of any country, territory, city, or area or of the authorities thereof or concerning the delihritationof its boundaries or its national affiliation.

The material in this publication is copyrighted. Requests for permission to reproduce portions of it shouldbe sent to Director, Publications Department, at the address shown in the copyright notice above. TheWorld Bank encourages dissemination of its work and will normally give permission promptly and, whenthe reproduction is for noncommercial purposes, without asking a fee. Permission to photocopy portions forclassroom use is not required, though notification of such use having been made will be appreciated.

The complete backlist of publications from the World Bank is shown in the annual Index of Publications,which contains an alphabetical title list (with filll ordering infornation) and indexes of subjects, authors, andcountries and regions. The latest edition is available free of charge from the Publications Sales Unit,Department F, The World Bank, 1818 H Street, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20433, U.S.A., or fromPublications, The World Bank, 66, avenue d'lena, 75116 Paris, France.

ISSN: 0259-210X

J. Price Gittinger, Sidney Chernick, and Nadine R. Horenstein are consultants to, and Katrine Saito issenior economist in, the Women in Development Division of the World Bank's Population, HumanResources Department.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Gittinger,J. Price (James Price), 1928-Household food security and the role of women /J. Price

Gittenger, with the collaboration of Sidney Chemick, Nadine R.Horenstein, Katrine Saito.

p. cm. - (World Bank discussion papers ; 96)Report of the Symposium on Household Food Security and the Role of

Women, held Jan. 21-24, 1990, in Kadoma, Zimbabwe, organized by theWomen in Development Division of the World Bank, and others.

ISBN 0-8213-1627-31. Women in agriculture-Africa-Congresses. 2. Food supply-

-Africa-Congresses. 3. Household supplies-Africa-Congresses.4. Women-Africa-Economic conditions-Congresses. I. Symposium onHousehold Food Security and the Role of Women (1990: Kadoma,Zimbabwe) 11. Title. III. Series.HD6073.A292A354 1990338.1'96-dc2O 90-12849

CIP

This pamphlet reports on the Symposium on Household Food Security and theRole of Women in Kadoma, Zimbabwe, January 21 through 24, 1990. TheSymposium was organized by the Women in Development Division of the WorldBank and the Training Unit of the African Development Bank in collaboration with theGovernment of Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Development Cooperation.Funding and guidance were also provided by the Canadian InternationalDevelopment Agency and the Economic Development Institute of the World bank.The host was the Honorable Herbert Ushewokunze, Minister of State for PoliticalAffairs, Government of Zimbabwe. The Symposium Co-Directors were Katrine Saito,Senior Economist, Women in Development Division, World Bank; and Kweku Andah,Director, Training Unit, African Development Bank. Amon Nikoi, formerly Minister ofFinance, Government of Ghana, was the moderator. Sidney Chernick wasSymposium Advisor and Nadine R. Horenstein helped in the design and organizationof the Symposium.

Members of the Symposium participated in plenary discussions, heard majorpaper presentations, listened to panels, took part in a case study, and worked insmall groups to formulate policy and program recommendations. The two majorpapers presented to the Symposium were Household Food Security and the Role ofWomen: The Economic Policy Setting by Paul Collier, Unit for the Study of AfricanEconomies, Oxford University; and Household Food Security and the Role of Womenby Misrak Elias, Regional Advisor, Women's Economic Activities and Integration,UNICEF. This pamphlet draws liberally from the members' deliberations and thepapers presented without further attribution. It is an interpretation of the discussionsand presentations, not a proceedings.

This report does not necessarily reflect the views of the sponsoring organizationsbut those of the Symposium. The report benefitted from comments of Barbara Herz,Josette Murphy and Maurizia Tovo. Virginia de Haven Hitchcock edited the report,and Maria Abundo prepared the text for publication.

A collection of papers has been published separately. See List of Documents.

The photographs are courtesy of Curt Carnemark, Nicola de Palma, and theWorld Bank photo library.

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CONTENTS

Prologue ........................ 1

Work Women Do ....................................... 3Women's Agricultural Contribution ............................ 3Women's Nonagricultural Activities ........................... 4Women's Household Tasks ................................. 4

Constraints Women Face ....................................... 7The Burden of Reproduction ................................ 7Asymmetric Rights and Obligations within the Household ..... ...... 7Different Role Models ..................................... 8Women's Limited Access to Resources and Information ..... ....... 8

Access to land ..................................... 8Access to credit .................................... 9Access to education and agricultural

extension services ................................. 9Availability of appropriate

agricultural technology .............................. 10

Household Strategies to Improve Food Security ...................... 13Raising the Level of Income ............................... 14Varying Assets to Smooth Consumption ...................... 14Changing the Structure of Income ........................... 14

Diversification ..................................... 14Skewing ....................................... 15Matching ....................................... 15Input parsimony ................................... 15

The Cost of Strategies to Vulnerable Groups ................... 15

Public Policies to Increase Household Food Security .................. 19Macro Policies to Enhance Women's Economic Activities .... ...... 19Policies that Directly Increase Household

Security ....................................... 20Enabling households to adopt risk-reducing

strategies ...................................... 21Reducing risks outside the household ................... 21

Gathering Information for Policymaking andProgram Design ...................................... 22

Programs to Increase Women's Access to Servicesand Resources ....................................... 25

Credit and Finance for Rural Women ......................... 25Expanding lending to women in Uganda ................. 25Learning to use credit through group

projects in Zimbabwe ............................. 26

Enabling African women to use commercial credit .... ...... 27Orienting Extension towards Women's Needs .................. 28Improving Women's Access to Technology .................... 31

Appropriateness of technology ........ ................ 31Food technology ................................... 32Transport ........................................ 32Economic size . ................................... 33Access to credit . .................................. 33Developing technology for-rural women .................. 33

Nutrition Programs for Low-Income Households ................. 34

Epilogue ....................................... 37

List of Participants ........................................ 39

Documents ....................................... 45

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"Women produce nearly three-quarters of all food grown in Africa."

"Africa's food situation is precarious. One-quarter of Africa's population -- 100 million people-do not have access to sufficient food at all times toensure an active, healthy life."

The Honorable Herbert UshewokunzeMinister of State for Political Affairs, Government of Zimbabwe

in opening remarks to the Symposium

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Women carrying goods to market in West Africa (C. Carnemark)

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Prologue

Improving household food security in Africa means focusing on the role of womenbecause they play a critical role as food producers and as income earners for theirfamilies. Unless the production and productivity of these women is increased, efforts toimprove household food security in Africa will not succeed.

In turn, increasing production and productivity of women farmers andentrepreneurs means removing the obstacles they face in doing their work, and improvingtheir access to resources and information so that they can help themselves. In short,women must not be marginalized, but must be brought into the mainstream of economicand social life so that they can use fully their productive capacity and contribute more tothe welfare of their families and nation.

To come to grips with this problem, 47 senior African policymakers, programadministrators, academic specialists, and staff of international agencies gathered togetherfor the Symposium on Household Food Security and the Role of Women in Kadoma,Zimbabwe, in January 1990. The Symposium's objectives were:

To help promote a better understanding of the key issues pertaining to theissue of household food security and the role of women.

To exchange practical experiences in dealing with these issues among thevarious participants.

T o identify appropriate policies and programs that could be implemented inspecific countries and supported by the international community.

In overview presentations, panel discussions and structured working groups, thesymposium participants focused on the constraints that women face and the practicalmeasures to reduce them. Among the issues addressed were nutrition programs for low-income households, and women's access to credit, extension advice and technology.

The symposium participants were drawn from seven countries in East and SouthernAfrica--Bostwana, Ethiopia, Kenya, Malawi, Tanzania, Uganda and Zimbabwe--but theissues discussed and recommendations made could apply to any African country. Thekey is to recognize that women are an integral part of the solution to increasingagricultural productivity and household food security.

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Planting groundnuts at a seed multiplication farm in Nigeria (World Bank)

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Work Women Do

It is now well-known that the African farmer is usually a woman; women producenearly three-quarters of all food grown in Africa. Unfortunately, this recognition has yetto be translated into concrete policies and programs that would promote a more equitabledistribution of resources, enhance women's productivity in agriculture, increase their abilityto earn income from nonagricultural sources, and guarantee that each household memberhas an adequate supply of food throughout the year.

In many African societies women do all of the food processing, fetch most of thewater and fuelwood, produce 70 percent of the food, handle 60 percent of the marketing,and do at least half of the tasks involved in storing food and raising animals. In additionthey work extensively on cash crop production, laboring on other peoples' crops to earnmuch-needed cash for their families. They also do nonagricultura! work to earn extramoney and still find time to take an active role in community self-help activities.

Some policies of governments and development assistance agencies have actuallyincreased the social and economic gap between women and men. By failing to recognizethe central role of women as producers as well as household managers and thus ignoringtheir special needs because of these roles, development efforts have often misdirectedresources to men.

As a result of cultural factors and bad policies, among the poor---who are themajority in all African countries---women tend to own the least property and goods, havethe poorest nutritional status, and be the most overworked. The situation is even worsein households headed by women, because access to resources, including the labor ofothers, is even more limited.

With the increasing recognition of women's central role in the provision ofhousehold food security, many governments and development agencies are implementingprograms that focus on women. This is a welcome development, but more effort isneeded to incorporate women's special needs and concerns into ongoing programs.

Women's Agricultural Contribution

Women play a pivotal role in African agriculture. This is true not only of foodproduction---long recognized as a women's activity---but also of other agriculturalactivities, such as cash cropping and livestock production. The International LabourOrganization estimates that 78 percent of the women in Africa are active in agriculturecompared with only 64 percent of the men. Since official government data have oftenseriously underestimated the number of women active in agriculture, the importance ofincreasing their production and productivity has not been fully recognized. For example,in Malawi official figures in 1972 reported that only 12 percent of women were active inagriculture. In 1977, after more careful examination of the data, that figure was raised to52 percent---more than four times the number only five years before. The true proportionis likely to be even higher.

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Along with a growing recognition of the importance of women in African agriculture,and thus their critical role in improving household food security, has come a realizationthat households headed by women are increasing throughout Africa. The number offarms managed by women is, in fact, growing rapidly. Women head one-third of the ruralhouseholds in Malawi. In Kenya, the World Bank estimates at least 40 percent of smallholdings are managed by women. More than half the rural households in the communalareas of Zimbabwe are headed by women.

Women's Nonagricultural Activities

Since the agricultural crops produced by households rarely provide all therequirements of the family, cash income is necessary to meet the other basic needs. Ifa household produces more food crops than it can use, this surplus can be sold toprovide cash. More often, however, African rural women must supplement householdagricultural production with income earned through nonagricultural activities, such askeeping small animals or bees, making handicrafts, and brewing. For many households,and especially those headed by a woman, these are the main sources of income for food,shelter, clothing, school fees, and medical expenses. Because they operate at the loweststrata of the informal sector, however, most women are trapped in a vicious cycle of lowincome and low productivity despite long hours of toil.

Women face many problems in trying to earn extra income: lack of direct accessto resources such as land, other capital, and credit; lack of opportunities to learn newskills and to acquire affordable technology; and limited access to markets for inputs,production, and sales. In addition, their daily schedule is so overloaded with all thetraditional female chores---preparing food, fetching water and wood, and caring forchildren and elders---that it is often a struggle to find the time for other activities thatprovide extra income.

Governments, nongovernmental organizations, and development assistanceagencies have undertaken many initiatives in Africa to support women's efforts to earnmore income. In most cases, however, these are small projects that are outside themainstream of economic activities. What is really needed is to bring women's economicactivities on a par with other (men's) economic activities. This is why efforts should focuson removing the obstacles faced by women rather than on setting up special programsfor women.

Women's Household Tasks

In addition to agricultural and nonagricultural activities, women traditionally havethe central role in managing households and do most of the work needed for thehousehold to function.

Women process and prepare all the food for the household. They grind or poundgrain, fetch water and firewood, and cook the meals---all arduous and time-consumingactivities. To save time and energy for activities that produce cash, women often reducethe frequency of cooking and increase the amount of food cooked each time. This, in

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turn, has an adverse effect on the nutritional status of the family, especially small childrenwho need more frequent feeding. It also increases the chance of spoilage.

Difficulties in preserving and storing food make things worse. This is particularlytrue of vegetables and fruits, which rural women have little opportunity to store for usein the dry seasons because they lack information and technology on how to store aswell as the time during the harvest season to do so. Thus, for many weeks during theyear, women are unable to provide the food needed to adequately feed themselves andtheir households.

Rural African women generally collect firewood for cooking. This task is becomingeven more difficult because of deforestation and environmental degradation. Women haveto walk increasingly long distances to find wood, and it is not uncommon for them tospend up to two hours a day collecting firewood. The scarcity of firewood and lack ofalternative sources of energy compel women to reduce further their frequency of cooking,which directly reduces the level of household nutrition.

Many women spend another two hours a day fetching water for household use.In addition to the fact that this adds to women's work load, the lack of clean water affectsthe health of household members. Many development programs involving waterapproach it as a health issue and ignore the fact that women must carry most of the waterthemselves.

Women are the principal providers of care for household members, particularlychildren and elders. They are also responsible for caring for ill members of thehousehold; most medical care in Africa is done in the home, principally by women.

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Constraints Women Face

Women face different constraints on their economic activities than do men. Fourdistinct underlying mechanisms account for this:

The burden of reproductionAsymmetric rights and obligations within the householdDifferent role models

* Women's limited access to resources and information.

These four factors largely account for the different allocation of labor betweenwomen and men. They also explain why women's time tends to be confined to activitiesthat produce lower returns and that cannot be easily shifted in response to changes inincentives. As a result, women are usually concentrated in food production and small-scale marketing and are substantially underrepresented in the public sector, private formalemployment, and formal export agriculture.

The Burden of Reproduction

The physical demands of childbearing and breast-feeding strain health, and recentstudies clearly show that women's health goes through a trough in the child-rearing years.

This deterioration can be reversed, however, if women become involved in income-earning opportunities. Because child-rearing responsibilities limit the ability to continueformal employment, women become confined to economic activities in which theuncertainty of being able to work is relatively unimportant, such as microenterprises.

In addition, in the absence of birth control it is difficult for a household to plan forlong-term investments, and therefore some of them may be postponed. There is evidencethat certain investments may be discouraged if the mother is young, because of thepossibility of an increase in family size. For example, in rural Kenya the most significantfactor in explaining the decision to invest in private secondary education for children is thenumber of fertile years remaining to their mother. If the mother has several fertile yearsremaining, parents will be less likely to pay for their children's secondary education,because of the need to keep money aside in case other children are born. Thus theprobability of a child being sent to a private secondary school rises with the age of themother at the time the decision is made; but when the mother reaches age 44, there isno further increase in probability. This suggests that the adoption of birth control wouldhave a rapid and powerful effect on the capacity of households to undertake longer-terminvestments in education, and, hence, to raise their incomes in the long run.

Asymmetric Rights and Obligations within the Household

In rural Africa, women are expected to grow subsistence food crops, to weed allcrops, to gather fuel and water, to cook, and to rear children. In return, men providecash for the household and usually are responsible for the allocation of land. This patternof reciprocal obligations often is unequal in the sense that women's obligations are more

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time-consuming than men's. As a result, women generally have to work considerablymore hours than men. Part of this work is on men's crops, that is, crops for which mencontrol the profits. Thus women must work without knowing for certain whether they willget something out of it for themselves or their children.

One of the consequences of this arrangement is that women have less time forother activities, including those that could provide income. Another is that they have littleincentive to do a good job. For example, in Kenya women are responsible for weedingmaize. There are two weedings a season, and each weeding significantly raises yields.However, one study showed that while in households headed by women these weedingsraised yields by 56 percent, in households headed by men the yield increased only 15percent. The most likely explanation is that in households headed by men, women hadlittle incentive to do a thorough job, because they would gain nothing for their time andeffort. On a national scale this disincentive effect is about equal to the gain in yield fromapplying phosphate and nitrogen fertilizers.

Different Role Models

Another mechanism is the different directions in which the tendency to imitate rolemodels attracts men and women. To be influenced by what other people do, especiallythose we admire, is a universal feature of human behavior. It is a key way in whichinnovations spread through the population, but it is also a reason for the lasting oftraditions. Role models tend to be gender specific: girls copy women and boys copymen. For example, in urban Cote d'lvoire, people were much more likely to enter formalwage employment if their parents had done so. However, girls were not influenced bytheir father's occupation nor boys by their mother's; each copied only the parent of thesame gender. This implies that if some new economic opportunity is initially taken up bymen, it may be automatically diffused to other men but not to women.

Women's Limited Access to Resources and Information

Women often encounter discrimination outside the household, which limits theiraccess to resources and information. Unlike the other constraints faced by women,which may be deeply embedded in social custom, discrimination outside the householdis something that policies and programs can help change.

Access to land

In most African countries the legal system and traditional practices give ownershipand control of land to men. Women's access to land is mostly through their husbands,sons, or male relatives. Both households and governments give priority to cash cropssuch as coffee, tea, or cotton. The best land is used to produce these crops, leaving onlythe poorest land to women for subsistence food crops. Thus mechanization and cashcrop production have increasingly marginalized food crops and, in turn, the status ofwomen.

Women's traditional role in food production has been further undermined by

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policies that keep food prices low for urban dwellers. In many countries women havetumed their attention to household gardens where they raise vegetables and smallanimals---that is, to activities and income sources that they can control.

Access to credit

To expand their economic activities and earn more money to support their families,women need access to more resources. If there is a well-functioning credit market, aninvestment can be financed through borrowing. When financial markets are rudimentary,however, there will be less intermediation, and a person will have to save the moneyneeded for investment. Because women usually have less income than men, it will beharder for them to save enough for a particular investment.

Even where credit is available, access requires collateral---either assets orreputation. Women's limited autonomy implies that they control far fewer marketableassets and thus may lack the opportunity to build independent reputations forcreditworthiness. Even public credit programs depend to a large extent on physicalcollateral and so are heavily biased toward male heads of households. A symptom ofwomen's difficulties in obtaining private savings and credit is that informal savings clubsseem to be predominantly made up of women. Such clubs are likely to be formed inresponse to women's lack of access to formal credit.

Public limitation of interest rates in the private sector tends to reduce the incentiveto invest in savings accounts and thus reduces the mobilization of savings by the bankingsystem. This, in turn, reduces the availability of credit, and thus those with relatively poorcreditworthiness---disproportionately women---tend to be squeezed out of the creditmarket.

Finally, governments have typically imposed high implicit taxation on savings,because deficit financing usually results in an inflation tax. This tax, in turn, fallsdisproportionately on those who must rely on cash savings rather than the credit marketto finance their investments, and women are precisely in that position.

Access to education and agricultural extension services

Entry into activities that provide higher returns depends on dissemination ofinformation about such opportunities and on well-functioning labor and capital markets.One of the main sources of information is formal education. There is evidence that bettereducated farmers are more likely to enter into export agriculture because educationappears to increase the ability and willingness to reallocate resources efficiently whenprices or technology change. In rural Africa, because women have significantly lesseducation than men and constitute the majority of agricultural labor, this educational biasseriously inhibits the pace of development.

Within the agricultural sector, information about new techniques is spread thoughboth public extension services and private imitation. Recent work indicates that theimitation process is very powerful. For example, among contiguous groups of 200

-9-

households in Kenya, on average every two households that began to grow coffeeinduced a third household to follow suit. Moreover, as discussed earlier, in the formallabor market there is evidence that this imitation process is gender specific: men copymen and women copy women. It is logical, but not certain, that this also applies toagriculture; if it does, then households headed by women have a lower likelihood ofentering sectors in which they were initially underrepresented.

Agricultural extension services in many African countries still design their programsas if all farmers were men. This is because of the erroneous belief that men are the maindecision-makers in agriculture. It also reflects the fact that the extension service isoverwhelmingly staffed by men. As a result male agricultural extension agents tend toprovide production information to male farmers, while female home economics extensionagents, who target women, concentrate more on subjects such as food processing andcrafts. Women extension agents also generally have lower status, less influence in theextension service hierarchy, and less logistical support---particularlytransport---to performtheir services.

The design, timing, and location of training programs do not consider women'sagricultural roles or their multiple responsibilities for food processing and storage andcaretaking within the family. Frequently, farmer training centers do not have facilities forwomen and their children and do not address the need for childcare. Overall, the timingand location of programs must take account of women's multiple roles andresponsibilities, particularly the severe constraints on their time and mobility.

Availability of appropriate agricultural technology

Even if the agricultural extension service puts more emphasis on reaching womenfarmers, it may lack the appropriate technology to recommend. The technologicalimprovements in agricultural production are mostly intended to improve cash cropproduction, which traditionally provides no benefits for women, even though they mayprovide some of the labor. Furthermore, most of the technical improvements are gearedto tasks largely performed by men, such as plowing rather than weeding. Whentechnological innovations do address womens' tasks and make them more profitable, menoften take them over. This was exactly what happened when pump irrigation wasintroduced for rice production in West Africa.

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Woman examining her corn in the Lilongwe Land Development scheme in Malawi (World Bank)

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AlunOGS POOZI DAQIdWI oz SG!6a1leS PILIoaSfOH

Raising the Level of Income

For a given variability of income, the higher the income is on average, the lowerthe risk that income will fall below the level necessary to ensure an adequate level offood consumption. This is obvious but important because it implies that in many casesthe problem of food insecurity does not need to be separately addressed but can besolved in the process of raising incomes. As development raises incomes, the coreproblem of food insecurity gradually changes from being one of overcoming long-termpoverty to one of riding out short-term adverse economic shocks.

Varying Assets to Smooth Consumption

For given fluctuations in income, food consumption can be stabilized throughchanges in assets and debts. Hence, the more liquid assets the household has and thebetter its access to credit, the safer it is.

Changing the Structure of Income

The typical household can generate income many different ways. One factor ishow much the household participates in markets. At one extreme the household mightfunction purely at the subsistence level; at the other it may sell all its production andpurchase all its food. Another factor is the range of activities in which the household isengaged. At one extreme it might be completely specialized and get its income all fromone source; at the other it may have many different agricultural activities as well asnonagricultural sources of income, including household members who work at otherlocations. The economic structure that provides the least risk is the outcome of fourdistinct considerations: diversification, skewing, matching, and limiting input parsimony.

Diversification

For a given expected income, diversified income sources will reduce fluctuationsas long as the incomes from the different activities do not all vary in the same directionat the same time.

~~~~~~~~~~~...... .. I... .... ... .. .. .. .... .. . . .. ...... . .., . . . ...........More ActiitTes Prouce More.. Income::::::; ...

on' ki-'entfalae' so!urce of -income.''' The - r a orrta n te ru oshlsta

!~~~~~~~~W,doubledh.""',"'ho d 1td o-n

- 14 -~~~~~~P-OU4

Even if all the activities are somewhat risky, as long as the risks are at least partiallyindependent of each other, the household increases its safety by undertaking moreactivities. Thus growing maize on one plot may be viewed as a distinct activity fromgrowing maize on another plot some distance away if, because of this distance, diseaseor bird damage will b-e substantially different on the two plots.

Skewing

Not all activities are equally risky, however. Hence a household may reduce thefluctuation in its income by skewing its resources away from high-risk activities. But itusually will be best to limit skewing so that the household retains at least a few high-riskactivities, although at a diminished level. Some exposure to high-risk activities will actuallyreduce overall risk as long as the incomes from high-risk activities do not all vary in thesame direction at the same time.

Matching

If a household does not produce any of the food it consumes, it is subject to pricerisks arising from a sudden increase in the price of food it buys or a sudden fall in priceof the output it sells. Thus the household can reduce its exposure to price risks bymatching its production structure more closely to its consumption structure, that is, byproducing more of the food it consumes. A second reason for matching is that it avoidstransaction costs. Often in Africa the spreads between the farmgate and export prices ofcrops and between urban and rural prices of consumer goods are very wide. This ispartly because transport costs are frequently high, reflecting poor infrastructure, and partlybecause marketing channels are frequently uncompetitive, resulting from the fact that inany village or small locality only a very few will buy export crops or sell food. A thirdreason for matching is that food is stored by the household instead of by centralizedagencies, and there is probably more scope for the government to reduce storage costsat the household level than through promoting centralized pest-resistant facilities. Whenfood-crop marketing agencies are given privileged access to bank borrowing at negativereal interest rates, they can store food for later sale (even to producers) at a relatively lowcost so that matching is discouraged, and the result is socially costly.

Input parsimony

Generally, for a given expected net income, the more inputs the household uses,the more it is exposed to risk. This might happen when fertilizer is applied, but the rainsfail. Hence the household can reduce fluctuations in net income by restricting the use ofinputs. There is an important exception, however, because some inputs reduce thevariation in output. For example, spraying for coffee berry disease does not raisemaximum output, but it does raise the minimum output.

The Cost of Strategies to Vulnerable Groups

Generally, these strategies have some cost. Holding assets in a liquid form will

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usually involve a lower return. Input parsimony and skewing will reduce expected income.Diversification, skewing, matching, and input parsimony will generally conflict. Forexample, the household that aims to be self-sufficient in food, thus avoiding price risk,may be so heavily oriented to food production that it is excessively exposed to quantityrisk. There will be some ideal balance among the various strategies, which will differ foreach household.

A household may be especially vulnerable to food insecurity if it has an unusuallyhigh incidence of the various kinds of risk or if it has an unusually high cost of achievingsecurity. On the whole, price risks do not differ, and all households face the same prices.However, the quantity risks vary substantially between households and between persons.For example, in both Kenya and Tanzania women between the ages of 16 and 49 are tooill to work for twice as many days as men, whereas there is no such difference for otherage groups. Governm3nt policy should thus aim to improve the health of women becausethis contributes significantly to increasing household food security.

The most important difference between households is the ability to use thesestrategies to cope with food insecurity. Vulnerable groups will have the same threecharacteristics that the strategies are meant to overcome: low income, few liquid assets,and few options to adopt a risk-minimizing structure of income.

There is a strong relation between household income and the range of activities inwhich the household participates. To a considerable extent, a rural household increasesits income by gradually accumulating more remunerative activities. Households that staypoor are the ones unable to overcome the barriers to entering these activities---whetherthey be financial, informational, or institutional. Households headed by women tend to beespecially disadvantaged in their capacity to overcome such barriers and so are morelikely to be poor.

The lower the value of liquid assets a household possesses, the less able it is tosmooth consumption by selling assets in bad times or by borrowing against them ascollateral. Households with few liquid assets typically have no livestock or secure title toland. Both these characteristics tend to describe female-headed households.

Vulnerable households also tend to be insufficiently diversified. This is illustratedby survey data from Zimbabwe. During 1983 there was an incipient problem of foodinsecurity in Zimbabwe, and the government very effectively avoided severe hardship bydistributing famine relief to households perceived to be in hardship. Among householdswith roughly comparable incomes, three characteristics were found significantly to reducethe likelihood a household would need famine relief; two of these illustrate the impor-tance of asset-based 3trategies. First, access to credit, either because of collateral orreputation, reduced th.e likelihood of needing food aid by three-quarters. Second, inotherwise identical households, ownership of livestock reduced the likelihood of needingfood aid by nearly a third. The third significant influence on reducing the need for foodaid was the degree o diversification of activities, with the most vulnerable householdsheavily reliant on subsistence for their income.

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Furthermore, households that. are unable to diversify, and thereby reduce risk andraise income at the same time, must resort to strategies that reduce risk but also r'educeincome. The most extreme example of this is the household that is confined to a singlelow-return activity---usually subsistence food production---and can do nothing else but limitinputs. Using fewer inputs reduces risk, but it also lowers yield. The household reducesits insecurity, but it locks itself into a low income and continues to be excessivelyvulnerable.

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Weaving for the market in Madagascar (N. de Palma)

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Public Policies to Increase Household Food Security

Because all efforts to increase household food security and to reduce inequitableburdens on women take place in the context of macroeconomic policies, there are policymeasures that governments can adopt to improve the situation.

Macro Policies to Enhance Women's Economic Activities

Many governments in Africa are undertaking structural adjustment programs, whichput substantial emphasis on cash cropping for export or for import substitution. Thus theresults of research into the effect of cash cropping on household food security and onwomen are extremely important.

In the early 1980s the International Food Policy Research Institute did a series ofstudies on the effects of the commercialization of agriculture---or cash cropping---onhousehold income, household expenditure, and agricultural production, as well as onthe individuals within the households. Five similar studies were conducted in The Gambia,Guatemala, Kenya, Philippines, and Rwanda.

Results from each of the case studies showed that the incomes of the householdsparticipating in the cash cropping schemes increased significantly compared with the non-cash-cropping households. A part of this incremental income was spent on additionalfood for the household, but the improvement was less than proportional to the increasein income. This occurred despite the fact that almost all the households were consumingfewer calories than the number needed to provide adequate nutrition.

The data from Kenya were used to study the effect of sugarcane production onwomen's income, on how they allocated their time (including time spent on sugarcaneproduction), and on their health and nutritional status. The results showed thathouseholds that produced sugarcane had higher incomes than similar households thatdid not produce sugarcane. Absolute incomes of women were higher in sugar-producinghouseholds regardless of whether the household was headed by a man or a womanbecause women were able to diversify their income sources. However, the proportion ofincome controlled by women was higher in households that were headed by women butthat did not produce sugar. Interestingly, households headed by women earned a higherincome from sugarcane production than did households headed by men. Both absolutehousehold income and the proportion of that income controlled by women are importantfor ensuring household food security.

In addition, the cash cropping studies show that the income controlled by womenis more likely to be spent for food than the income controlled by men. This conclusionis supported by the data from Kenya, which indicated that children from householdsheaded by women were less likely to be moderately or severely malnourished thanchildren from households headed by men because a greater proportion of incrementalhousehold calories was allocated to preschool children.

The surveys indicated that women spend virtually no time in sugarcane production

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because sugarcane is perceived to be a men's crop, and women are not compensatedfor time spent working on sugarcane. However, women in sugarcane-producinghouseholds and those in households that did not produce cane spent the same amountof time on other agricultural activities.

Contrary to what might have been expected, the health and nutritional status ofwomen in Kenya did not improve as household income increased. Increased householdincome was not associated with a decrease in women's illness because the incrementalincome was spent on a mix of goods and services that did not lessen women's morbidity.This may be in part explained by the fact that the increased income was controlled bymen and because women may not have access to or perceive the benefits of health carewhich could reduce morbidity. More curious was the fact that as income controlled bywomen increased, their nutritional status declined slightly. It was discovered that most ofthe additional income was generated from very energy-intensive activities, such asweeding, and that the increased expenditure of energy was not compensated for by theincrease in caloric intake.

Three lessons emerge from these data:

There is a very close link between macroeconomic policies and their effects at thehousehold level. For example, in the Kenya case study, the increased income associatedwith cash-cropping was due in large part to the government's pricing policy on sugarcane.If this policy were to change, the micro-level effects would very likely also be different. Inorder to understand the determinants of household food security, it is crucial tounderstand the links between the macro and micro levels.

Increments in inc,ome from cash-cropping made a statistically significant but modestcontribution to reducing hunger in each of the case study areas. However, increasedincome by itself was less successful in alleviating malnutrition. To have dramatic effectson the nutritional status of individuals---at least in the short term---programs to increaseagricultural production must be linked to programs to improve household nutrition.

Agricultural policies and programs will not have positive effects on women unlesswomen are specifically incorporated into the planning and implementation of schemes togenerate income. Planners need to look at the range of policies pursued by governmentsand attempt to assess the effects of these policies on households and on the women inthese households. Based on this assessment, positive effects can be enhanced andnegative ones reduced.

Policies That Directly Increase Household Food Security

Macroeconomic; policies aimed directly at improving household food securityshould try to improve the ability of vulnerable households to adopt risk-reducing strategiesrather than try to redu ,e price fluctuations or to increase job security.

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Enabling households to adopt risk-reducing strategies

Government policy can help vulnerable households reduce their risks by increasingtheir capacity to hold more liquid income, to raise their incomes, and to alter the structureof their income.

The obvious liquid assets for households to hold are financial. Financial assetshave the enormous advantage of being socially costless. Since financial assets are justa network of offsetting claims and liabilities, they do not use up real resources. Of courseit takes time for poor households to put aside enough money out of their earnings, buteven very low savings rates of 2 or 3 percent of income would, over a decade, leavethem in a radically more secure position. The government can encourage savings by taxpolicy and by institution building. In parts of Africa much government expenditure hasbeen financed by the inflation tax, which is a tax on savings. In turn, savings have oftenbeen the only financial asset available to poor people in rural areas. The government canencourage development of a rural banking system that offers a range of appropriatesavings instruments with after-tax positive real rates of return.

Governments can also help vulnerable households expand into higher-returnactivities through carefully designed policy measures. In Kenya, for example, tea is themost important export activity with potential for expansion because it is not subject tointernational quotas. Yet the ability of vulnerable households---especially those headedby women---to add tea production to their income-generating activities is severelyrestricted; households headed by women have only half the propensity to adopt teaenterprises as those headed by men. Since around 40 percent of rural households inKenya are headed by women, this national diminished propensity is substantial. Further,the case of Kenyan tea is particularly revealing because most of the labor of tea pickingis done by women. In households otherwise very similar, extra male labor has no effecton the likelihood of adopting tea, whereas an additional woman in an otherwise averagehousehold raises the propensity to adopt tea growing by around a quarter. Thus in Kenyathe tea sector is characterized by three apparently incompatible facts: women do mostof the work on tea, households with more women are more likely to adopt the crop, andyet households headed by women are far less likely to do so.

Constraints that prevent households from restructuring their income also inhibitthe economy from restructuring. Hence, policies to help vulnerable groups to overcomeconstraints improve the mobility of resources in the economy as a whole and therebycontribute to structural adjustment.

Reducing risks outside the household

In the past, the macroeconomic policies of many African governments to improvehousehold food security have concentrated directly on reducing three kinds of risk:variations in crop prices through stabilization schemes, variations in consumer pricesthrough price controls, and job loss through legal job security (for wages employees inthe private sector) and subsidized unprofitable activities (for wage employees in the public

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sector). None of these is a good use of resources.

Stabilizing crop prices has a long, unhappy history. Marketing boards weresupposed to build up surpluses when world prices were high and then use these tosubsidize domestic prices when world prices were low. In practice, however, two thingshappened. First, to cover their administrative costs, marketing board margins tended tobecome greater, the classic case being the cocoa board of Ghana. Second, revenuefluctuations tended to destabilize the government budget. In Kenya, for example, forevery shilling of windfall revenue the government received, public expenditure increasedby KSh 1.35. During the coffee boom of the late 1970s, however, Kenyan coffee growerssaved around 70 percent of their windfall income. Hence, the poor farmers seemed tobe able to handle the most common kind of large price shock rather well, whereas thegovernment did not.

Price controls on consumer goods were used extensively in Tanzania until 1984,but they seemed to increase rather than decrease overall risk. By holding prices belowthe point at which supply would equal demand, they created acute excess demand andseverely uncertain supply. People had to waste time searching or queuing for consumergoods---time that could have been used to generate more income.

Job security confers real benefits on those who have it, but this is paid for bythose who do not, either in the form of taxes to finance the subsidy of public enterprisesor the form of reduced employment opportunities when private firms restrict recruitmentto provide job security. Because those with wage employment are the least vulnerablegroup in the society, these benefits are very poorly targeted.

Gathering Information for Policymaking and Program Design

To enable governments to better design macro policies to enhance women'seconomic activities, a better information base is needed. This can be provided bymodifying their current survey instruments, adding more household and micro-levelstudies, commissioning special studies, and seeking information from nongovernmentalorganizations and international agencies. In addition, a conscious effort is needed toensure that this information is used to modify policies. An interministerial committeecould regularly examine the effect of policies on low-income households and women,and a lead agency could be assigned to interpret this information for policymakers.

Accurate information about the status of women and about how policies andprograms affect women plays an important role in efforts to increase household foodsecurity and to raise the incomes of low-income women. However, a framework isnecessary to gather and analyze that information. Such a framework helps identify theroles of women and men and the different ways policies and programs affect them.

A framework can be useful to policymakers and project designers for severaldifferent reasons. First, it can help them identify factors that cause or contribute tospecific cases of food insecurity or inequitable treatment of women and the relevantactors or decisionmakers in each area. Second, it can help design policy and program

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interventions and identify the appropriate target population or participants. And, third, itcan help screen policy or program interventions and their likely effect on individuals andhouseholds and help monitor the effects of changes.

One such information-gathering framework is organized around three separateaspects of household food security: food produced and consumed directly by thehousehold, household income sources and expenditures, and the consumption andnutrition of household members. Within each aspect the factors affecting food securityand the status of women fall in to three areas of analysis: access to and control ofresources, task and time allocation, and decisionmaking. The information analyzed inthis framework could come from sectoral reports or from research at the household level.

The three aspects of analysis proposed by this framework highlight the elementsamenable to policy or program interventions to improve household food security and thestatus of women. A strictly economic analysis will reveal factors affecting prices of inputs,outputs, and consumption. By treating the household as an undifferentiated unit,however, it will mask the roles of different decisionmakers and actors, the constraints theyface, or their contribution to household and individual food security. Agriculture studiestend to focus on production, while health and nutrition studies may focus only on womenand children. In contrast, this framework focuses on the human dimension of foodsecurity and women's daily life---the activities, resources, and decisions involved in the useof income or output and made by women and men as producers and consumers. Basedon this, governments can structure more effective policies and programs to improvehousehold food security, the status of women, and, thus, their contribution to householdfood security.

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Women's dual responsibilities in Madagascar (N. de Palma)

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Programs to Increase Women's Access to Services and Resources

Governments should reassess their programs in rural areas to make adjustmentsthat will increase women's access to the resources and information they need to increasetheir incomes and thus the food security of their households. Programs oriented towardswomen's needs are now being implemented in several countries in credit and finance; itis important to learn from this experience, but more action is needed in agriculturalextension, technology, and nutrition.

Credit and Finance for Rural Women

Women need both fixed and working capital for agricultural production and fortheir off-farm activities that produce income. For agricultural production they need fixedcapital for tools, such as hoes, axes, and wheelbarrows; oxen and associated plows andweeders; production inputs, such as seeds and fertilizer; storage facilities, includingvarious kinds of containers and storage buildings; capital items to process and markettheir agricultural output, such as grinding mills, churns for ghee and butter, hullingmachines, peelers, and smoking and drying equipment; and transportation vehicles. Foroff-farm activities they need fixed capital for market stalls and buildings as well as toolsand machinery for cottage industries. Rural women also need fixed capital for householdimprovements, water storage facilities, and durable appliances, such as stoves orrefrigeration equipment.

To match their fixed capital, rural women also need working capital for suchagricultural production inputs as hired labor, tractor or animal hire, improved seed,fertilizer, pesticides, bags, rent for storage space, and transport services. In their off-farm activities rural women need working capital for raw materials, equipment, transporta-tion services, and fees and licenses.

African women face many difficulties in obtaining credit to start or to enlarge theirenterprises. However, initiatives are now under way in several African countries toincrease women's access to credit.

Expanding lending to women in Uganda

An effort is underway in Uganda to open credit channels to women. Central tothis effort is the underlying assumption that lending to women must be institutionalized.Women cannot be expected to obtain credit at reasonable rates and conditions throughany other channel. The effort is not to establish a separate credit program; rather it is tolook at the factors inhibiting women's access to credit from existing institutions and toredress them. If the obstacles to women's access to credit could be removed, no specialinterest subsidy would be needed. Women would then be able to compete on an equalfooting with men for credit.

Based on field research that evaluated women's participation in the credit market,their constraints, and their strengths, the Central Bank is working with two commercialbanks, one cooperative bank, and one nongovernmental organization to increase

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women's access to credit. To encourage lending to priority targets---such as women---the Central Bank grants favorable rediscount facilities for loans.

One goal of the effort is to increase the quality of lending to women. The researchfound that when banks did lend to women, they were so cautious that they tended tounderfinance the proposed enterprise and were not willing to lend even up to theapproved limits. This disturbed the borrower's plans and forced the woman to work morethan planned at other activities. In turn, this reduced the anticipated income from the newenterprise and led to difficulties repaying the loan.

With the help of the Central Bank, the lending institutions improved the quality oftheir lending for women by modifying the conditions that were reducing women's access..They waived the requirement for collateral, using the reputation of the woman's characterand an analysis of the proposed enterprise instead. Since so many women had beendenied access to institutionalized credit, the banks also waived the requirement thatwomen borrowers be previous customers. Applications were simplified, and women,especially those who were illiterate, were given extra assistance in making theirapplications. In some cases loans were made to women's groups, which assumedcollective liability and received special training in the use of credit and record keeping.

The program has met with considerable success, and repayment records havebeen good. Not unexpectedly, there remain problems. One, of course, is extending thereach of the program. Another is trying to incorporate a stronger savings element in whathas to date been largely a credit effort. In the view of the Central Bank, however, theprogram has led to a "breakthrough in lending"---so much so that now the most difficultproblem is the availability of loanable funds.

Learning to use credit through group projects in Zimbabwe

The Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) is supporting a project to expandlending to women in Zimbabwe. The project grew from a critique prepared by the Ministryof Community Development, Cooperatives, and Women's Affairs, which found thatprograms for women were often small, marginalized women in lower-income activities, anddrew women away from higher-income activities. Women lacked access to land, inputs,credit, and oxen and often did not control the income from their farming activities.Usually, access to resources was through men, and women had little direct access toagricultural extension information.

The FAO project addresses the problem of credit availability by working withgroups, drawing on traditions of labor sharing. The groups usually have between 10and 20 people, select their own members, and include both men and women. Theprogram suggests that more than half the group be women to reflect the reality ofextensive male emigration. Groups undertake collective farming activities, but membersalso have individual plots.

The project considers credit to be a farming input and believes that farmers mustunderstand that borrowing money is a commercial transaction. The group jointly plans

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all aspects of its production, and the connection between inputs and the use of credit isemphasized. Simple records are introduced from the beginning, but they become moresophisticated during a four-year period as the group becomes more experienced. In thefirst year, a group is eligible for a special subsidized loan, which matches the group's ownassets and is made on the basis of an agreed cropping plan. The loan is managed bythe group as a whole. If their first year is successful, the group is encouraged to expandtheir enterprises by borrowing from the Agricultural Finance Corporation at the going rateof 13 percent. No collateral is needed other than the growing crop. The group agreesthat the marketing board for the crop will deduct the loan from the proceeds of the cropsale and will remit it to the Agricultural Finance Corporation. Thus, the farmersthemselves do not have to make the payment.

Although the scheme is in its early stages, the FAO considers it to be reasonablysuccessful. The small groups develop a group cohesion as a result of their jointproduction. The individual members learn from their group participation how to use creditproductively in their own individual enterprises. An advantage of the group-basedapproach is that to some degree the group is removed from the household, so womenmembers retain much more control over their share of the income.

One weakness that remains, however, is that the program focuses largely on creditand is not concerned with savings. The Agricultural Finance Corporation is a creditagency, not a full-service bank. Groups are encouraged to save through postal savingsor a building society, but it would be preferable if the lending institution also mobilizedsavings.

Enabling African women to use commercial credit

Women's World Banking (WWB) has instituted an international effort to help womenlearn economically productive skills and to obtain commercial credit to establish or expandenterprises. Because women tend to have few assets, normal commercial credit isunavailable. The WWB breaks this stalemate by guaranteeing loans made to women bycommercial banks.

The program has affiliates in 24 African countries. In Kenya, for example, whereseveral commercial banks are cooperating with the WWB, the international office of theWWB guarantees 50 percent of a loan, the national affiliate guarantees 25 percent, andthe commercial bank assumes the remaining 25 percent of the risk. Loans are made atgoing rates of interest with normal commercial conditions. The program has been inoperation about six years and has suffered only one default.

WWB affiliates put considerable emphasis on training women in economic skillsand the use of credit. For example, the Kenya Women Finance Trust (KWFT), usingfunds from the Swedish International Development Agency (SIDA), trained women tradersin the two largest markets in the country in business management, accounting, andmarketing and then guaranteed loans from a commercial bank. The bank has recentlyrenewed its loan guarantee agreement with the KWFT and is expanding its lending.

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The KWFT is embarking on another guarantee scheme with the commercial bankhaving the most rural branches. The program is targeted to rural women and conductstraining courses at many locations throughout Kenya.

The WWB has attracted considerable support from international agencies. InAfrica, for example, it has cooperated with the World Bank, the African DevelopmentBank, UNICEF, l'Organisation Canadien pour la solidarite dans le developpement, andSIDA, among others.

Orienting Extension toward Women's Needs

Many African specialists believe that agricultural extension services in Africa donot adequately address the needs of women farmers.

Extension activities are mostly addressed to men because of an erroneous beliefthat men are the main decisionmakers in agriculture. Furthermore, extension staff aremostly male. For these reasons extension messages do not address the fact that womenare generally involved in a much wider range of agricultural activities than men and hencerequire a wider range of information and technology. Such information should cover notonly agricultural production, but also food processing, storage and utilization, and smallanimal raising. Moreover, women have limited access to agricultural inputs, in part dueto their lack of credit. In terms of developing the extension message, there has beeninadequate research on traditional, or "minor" food crops, which often are produced bywomen, such as yams, bananas, and sorghum.

Wo'T2men-Ar'Maj:r-Use'rs"-ofEtension in frc;~~~~~~~~~~t 1 A ........... .g: . .....

oReetl i Afrira there ras: b.of i lextension servies LasMmoreanm mn se off-farm e..

:f ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ..... ....i. E .iE i. ii .i..E.....i.-....... E- E .i....iE...--...-E-. -i. : EEi

-n Kenyas for example, more than 60percentofthecontact f arm.. ers reached by the extensionfarm is often a woman0 ...1Za3QV :- e r

The Kenyan extension sevc i idngtat oe adtinnovations mor qikyha

men ..elal ... en the Inv"v m'ainly chnh-nprcie r inepeniv.........njnts. - - i. i . S . , .E j i - .-i. F -......................... . ... . ....... .... ............. .. ..... ... .. ..... .... .. ...... ....-.i ... .... .

At] field demo aons, abou 60 pernt of the areome n -mayames oups -ar--limost entirely mde- up of women .-!ii----Sii -E-E :E--EE--EEEi ---EE

To improve their outreach to women, agricultural extension services will need tobetter identify the information needed by women farmers. They can do this throughsurveys that disaggregate information by gender, thorough periodic meetings withextension staff (a prominent feature of the training and visit agricultural extension system

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found in many African countries), and through consultation with central, provincial, andlocal agencies dealing with women's affairs. The extension services in both Nigeria andKenya are making considerable progress in better diagnosing the extension needs ofwomen farmers.

Technology and information packages suited to women farmers will need to bedeveloped in many African countries. A much stronger link between the extension serviceand research agencies needs to be fostered. Researchers should be encouraged tofocus more on-farm research on tasks typically performed by women, such as weeding,food processing, and storage. On-farm trials at farms operated by women can increasethe effectiveness of research and extension work. To ensure that the results areinterpreted accurately, women should be involved in evaluating the results of the trials.To speed development of appropriate technologies, research agencies and agriculturalextension services should consult extensively with their counterparts in other countries.

As agencies increase their store of information suited to the needs of womenfarmers, they will need to strengthen their ability to disseminate that information. Existingextension staff---mostly men---should enhance their ability to work effectively with womenfarmers (which likely will also increase their effectiveness in working with men). This willinvolve organizing sessions at which the needs of women farmers are discussed andappointing specialists with expertise on the topics appropriate to women farmers (suchas food storage and processing) and the technologies suited to their needs.

Existing home economists should be provided with additional agricultural trainingand be fully integrated into the regular extension program. Care should be taken not tocreate a parallel extension system for women farmers; the Nigerian extension system hasbeen notably successful in this regard. More women agricultural agents need to berecruited and trained and women promoted to management responsibilities at all levels.Moreover, agriculture should be added to primary school curriculums so that girls havethe opportunity to study this topic and hopefully continue at higher levels of education.

As programs to serve women farmers are extended, more and more contactfarmers should be women. To speed this, targets should be set---at least 30 percent ofthe contact farmers should be women within a reasonably short time. Work should beexpanded with women's groups and with rural youth groups that include girls. Of course,given the staffing structure of agricultural extension services, much work with womenfarmers will continue to be the responsibility of men. To enable men to work moreeffectively with women's groups, in some countries, such as Cameroon, a woman agentintroduces the men who will be working with the groups. Once the women farmersbecome familiar with the extension system and with the agent, and the agent becomescomfortable working with the women, the woman agent moves on to introduce other maleagents to other women's groups.

Farmer training centers should be improved to include residential facilities forwomen and to provide child care. Since women often find it harder than men to attendthese centers, mobile training units can also be used.

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To ensure that their programs are moving on schedule and are effective,agricultural extension services will need to adapt their monitoring and evaluation activitiesto include data disaggregated by gender. Reports prepared by extension agents shoulddescribe separately the adoption rates and other activities undertaken by men and womenfarmers. Surveys undertaken to assess effectiveness will need to disaggregate the resultsfor men and women farmers. And, of course, those responsible for administeringextension services will want to review their programs regularly to ensure that womenfarmers are being effectively reached. Many of these changes are already being madeby the extension system in Nigeria.

Improving Women's Access to Technology

If African women are to be able to improve household food security and to enhancetheir incomes by taking advantage of improved technologies, they will need improvedtechnical skills, better access to credit, and stronger extension information support. Theissue of technology involves five major concerns: appropriateness of technology, foodtechnology, transportation technology, the need for economic-sized enterprises, andaccess to credit.

Appropriateness of technology

Of course, any proposed technological introduction should be appropriate to thesocial and economic setting where it is to be introduced. It should also be appropriatefor the intended users. Unless proposed technological innovations are better than whatis already in use, they will not be acceptable. For example, "improved" fish smokingovens in West Africa produced a taste people did not like. There was also an effort tointroduce a red sorghum, which was highly drought resistant and little troubled by birdpests because of the high tannin content. However, the tannin also made the taste bitterfor humans, and, furthermore, it tied up the protein in the sorghum and reduced itsabsorption by the body. It was a classic case of a failure of researchers to talk with users.

While technology must be relevant to end users, in some cases users must meetnew technological innovations half way. If the new technology reduces cost and thus theretail price, but produces a somewhat less palatable product, then the price difference willinduce some users to accept the less palatable substitute. Those who feel the morepalatable product is worth the extra cost can continue with the higher-priced product. Theimportant thing is to make a wide range of products available and then to let the marketsort things out.

Policymakers, however, should not focus too narrowly on technological innovationcontrolled by women. Rather, they should search for any way to increase women'sefficiency. For example, mechanical maize mills are often controlled by men, but womentake their maize to the mills to save hours of pounding---hours that can then be devotedto economically more productive activities.

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Food technology

Despite advances in mechanical grain milling and fuel-efficient stoves, muchremains to be done to reduce storage losses. FAO data show that about 15 to 20percent of the cereals produced in Africa are lost through bad storage. For vegetables,storage losses may run as high as 40 to 50 percent.

One widely known advance in food technology is the success in reducing infantmortality by introducing better weaning food and growth monitoring in the Iringa Districtof Tanzania. "Power flour" was introduced as a composite weaning food. In addition tobeing more energy-dense than traditional weaning food, an interesting innovation was tointroduce flour made from germinated seed to increase nutrient density. The techniqueof germinating seeds for processing was already well-known to women in the district sincethey use it to make beer. At the same time, the technique of using a simple chart tomonitor growth was introduced for virtually all children under five years of age. Thosewho showed signs of being malnourished received supplemental food at feeding postsestablished in 60 of the 68 villages in the district. An innovation was to make the villagehead responsible for checking every child and for being sure that parents were aware ofchildren failing to grow normally. In 1984, when the program began, the infant mortalityrate in the region was 152 per thousand; by 1989 it had dropped nearly a third to 106 perthousand.

Transport

Technological improvements in transport should have additional dimensions. Mostemphasis has been placed on road transport between urban centers or between urbancenters and rural areas. Recent surveys have led to an additional focus. They wereconducted by following selected men and women in their daily work. They revealed thatin some areas family members spend 2,700 hours a year walking to fetch water orfuelwood. This is the equivalent of a full-time job in the formal sector. When walking isbroken into tasks (such as walking to collect firewood, walking to the fields, and the like),walking for crop marketing purposes is surprisingly little---only 10 percent of total walkingin Tanzania. Furthermore, 85 percent of the walking is done by women. If something canbe done to release that time, the family would have some 2,000 hours a year to put intomore productive economic activity.

A related example comes from the Iringa District in Tanzania already mentionedin connection with food technology. Growth monitoring showed that many children wereundernourished because mothers had to spend too much time gathering fuel and thusconserved fuel by cooking less often. This led community leaders to ask men to helpgather firewood. At first there was serious resistance. So the program produced a filmcalled "Share the Responsibility" and encouraged wives to talk about the fuel problem withtheir husbands. Over time, men began to help collect fuelwood---and even introduced thenew technology of wheelbarrows to increase their efficiency.

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Economic size

An important issue in any discussion about technology is the need to makeenterprises large enough so that they can be efficient and generate substantial income.Several agencies are now trying to bring women together into groups to establishenterprises with a greater surplus value than can be achieved by the individual womenworking alone. These larger enterprises, however, have problems of their own: womenmust receive management training, good information must be available from extension orsimilar sources, the enterprise must be able to maintain its equipment properly, and thegroup must have access to sufficient credit. Larger food-processing enterprises have runinto the problems of meeting public health hygiene standards and of acquiring appropriatepackaging materials.

For larger economic enterprises undertaken by groups of women to be successful,they must be nurtured by national economic policies that support, not discourage, theinformal sector.

Access to credit

The availability of credit is an underlying concern in any discussion of technology.If women are to have access to new technology that involves capital expenditure---as somany do---then they must have access to capital. Although some agencies areconsidering schemes to enable groups of women to lease capital equipment, most oftennew technology will require access to credit. As discussed earlier, the terms andconditions of bank lending need to be changed to enable women to become commercialborrowers.

Developing technology for rural women

There is a need for explicit national programs to develop technology for ruralwomen, coordinated by a ministry with "clout." Likely, this would have to be the primeminister's office, since a program to increase technology suited to the needs of ruralwomen and to disseminate information about available technology would involve manysectors and agencies.

Actual implementation of the program, however, probably would be theresponsibility of a lead institution in cooperation with institutions in various sectors. Thefirst task would be to identify the needs for better technologies and the problems ofproviding them. This would be done through discussion with women who would use thetechnologies in their agricultural production activities, for off-farm enterprises, or to reducethe burden of household work. Once the technological needs were identified,responsibility for developing the technology could be assigned to a national agencyworking in that area. That agency would have to determine if the technological innovationshould be based in the household or whether it might be better to develop it at the villagelevel.

Once the technology was available, the coordinating ministry would need to

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organize dissemination. A pilot program among target users would determine theeffectiveness, acceptability, and affordability of the new technology. Access to credit fornew users would need to be assured if the technology involved significant capital expendi-ture. Facilities for production---locally where possible---and a sales and maintenancestructure would have to be established. If the new technology was simple to use, thenprinted instruction in local languages might be enough for new users to adopt thetechnology. If it was more complicated, however, training would need to be organized,perhaps by the agricultural extension service. The extension service would also beresponsible for ensuring that rural women learned about the availability of the newtechnology and its use.

As the technology was disseminated, the coordinating agency or the lead institutionwould want to monitor its use through feedback from the women who had adopted it.That information would be forwarded to the research and development agencies to helpthem improve the technology or to be used to develop other related technologies.

In most African countries, establishing a national program to increase thetechnology available to rural women would most likely need outside support from donoragencies. Once in place, however, the program's obvious usefulness would justify itssupport from domestic resources.

Nutrition Programs for Low-Income Households

To improve food security in low-income households, national nutrition programsshould be developed that would focus on subsistence farmers, landless rural households,and the urban poor.

Many factors contribute to nutritional status: morbidity, low income, insufficientfood supply at the household level, insufficient knowledge about nutrition and health,heavy labor, competing demands for women's time, accessibility of health and othersupporting services, and price policies.

Programs targeted to subsistence farmers and landless rural households wouldfocus first on helping them increase their incomes. They would receive information aboutimproved technology, better crop varieties, diversification into other agricultural activitiessuch as horticulture, more efficient implements, intercropping, and simple irrigation. Theprogram would also seek to improve the markets for inputs and outputs serving low-income rural households. The program would help women in low-income ruralhouseholds adopt labor-saving technology, organize child-care facilities, and establishcommunity cooperatives. Special efforts would be directed to low-income households tohelp them improve family health through campaigns to improve health and nutritioneducation, to inform households about family planning, and to ensure that children wereimmunized against common diseases. Better water supplies and improved environmentalsanitation would also directly improve health and nutritional status.

Programs to improve the nutritional status of the urban poor would also beginwith efforts to help them adopt strategies to increase income. Such programs would

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help improve markets serving urban poor households, increase access to credit foreconomic activities in the informal sector, offer training in management and recordkeeping, provide information about potential opportunities, establish technical infrastruc-ture support such as worksheds and workshops, organize child care, and work closelywith nongovernmental organizations assisting the urban poor. Urban poor families wouldalso receive particular attention to help them improve their shelter, environmentalsanitation, and knowledge about health and nutrition and family planning.

Of course, programs to improve the nutritional status of low-income householdswould need careful monitoring and evaluation to assure efficient implementation. Thiswould begin with baseline surveys and development of indexes such as those used ingrowth monitoring. The program would then monitor changes in nutritional status anddisease incidence.

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Woman carrying wheat from the field in Ethiopia (World Bank)

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Epilogue

The presentation of the issues and the wide-ranging discussions in the workinggroups helped identify a number of different actions that households themselves musttake to enhance their food security. But the deliberations also led participants toformulate guidelines for African policymakers and donors so that they can continue torecognize and address the economic and social costs of the inequitable division of workand responsibilities between men and women.

In seeking to improve household food security in Africa, it is also important thatconsideration be given to increasing the benefits that women receive and improving theirdecision-making authority. Care must be taken that new policies and programs do notadd to women's already large burden of providing food and care for their households.

Would men's rights be reduced if women gain a more important position ineconomic and social development? No, was the consensus response of the symposiumparticipants. Increasing women's rights would expand opportunities for both men andwomen. In economic jargon, increasing women's economic opportunities is not a "zero-sum" game, because both men and women gain. As one participant gracefully put it, theaim is "to move forward hand in hand."

In his closing remarks to the symposium, Mr. Jaycox, Vice President for Africa atthe World Bank encouraged participants to follow-up with national level workshops on thisimportant topic, and to repeat this symposium at the sub-regional level in West Africa.

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PARTICIPANTS

Members of the Symposium

Members of the Symposium participated in their individual capacities,not as representatives of agencies or governments.

Name Affiliation

Adanech Addisu Expert, Planning andProgramming

Agricultural Marketing CorporationEthiopia

Mary Amajo Head, Women's Credit DeskBank of Uganda

Timothy Banda National Food Security OfficerMinistry of AgricultureTanzania

Sitotaw Berhanu Head, Socio-Economic ResearchDivision

Planning and ProgrammingDepartment

Ministry of AgricultureEthiopia

Marilyn Carr Senior Advisor on Technology andSmall Business EnterpriseDevelopment

United Nations Development Fund forWomen

Zimbabwe

Joyce Chanetsa Senior NutritionistNutrition UnitMinistry of HealthZimbabwe

Manassea Chihota Principal PlannerNational Planning AgencyMinistry of Finance, Economic

Development and PlanningZimbabwe

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Judith C. Chikore Assistant SecretaryDepartment of Women's AffairsMinistry of Political AffairsZimbabwe

Paul Collier Unit for the Study of AfricanEconomies

Oxford UniversityGreat Britain

Misrak Elias Regional Advisor, Women'sEconomic Activities andIntegration

United Nations Childrens Fund(UNICEF)

Kenya

Leopoldina Dalia Dias Fakir Head, Marketing DepartmentMinistry of AgricultureMozambique

Olu A. Falusi Head, Federal AgriculturalCoordinating Unit

Nigeria

Hilary Sims Feldstein DirectorGender in Agriculture ProjectUnited States

John K. Gatheru Deputy Director of AgricultureMinistry of AgricultureKenya

Christine Hayanga Regional CoordinatorWomen's World Banking/AfricaKenya

Flavian M. Kalikandar Principal EconomistMinistry of AgricultureKenya

Francis Joseph Kasiirye Permanent SecretaryMinistry of Women in DevelopmentUganda

Eileen Kennedy International Food Policy ResearchInstitute

United States

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Peter M. Lewa Chief Supply Management OfficerMinistry of Supplies and MarketingKenya

Wilbald S. M. Lorri Director, Food Science andTechnology Department

Tanzania Food and NutritionCentre

Tanzania

Richard Tendai Masundire Agricultural EconomistSouthern Africa DevelopmentCoordinating Conference Food

Security UnitZimbabwe

Getachaw T. Medhin Head, Department of AgricultureOffice of National Committee on Central

PlanningEthiopia

Joseph C. K. Mhango Agricultural Assistant ChiefEconomist

Economic Planning andDevelopment

Malawi

G. B. Mthindi Senior Deputy SecretaryMinistry of AgricultureMalawi

Festus Z. Omoro Senior Economist/StatisticianMinistry of Planning and National

DevelopmentKenya

Simon Pazvakavambwa Director, AgritexMinistry of AgricultureZimbabwe

Sam B. Rutega Permanent SecretaryMinistry of Cooperatives

and MarketingUganda

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P. T. K. Sangu Senior EconomistPlanning CommissionTanzania

Howard K. Sigwele Principal Agricultural EconomistMinistry of AgricultureBotswana

Anna Tibaijuka ResearcherEconomic Research BureauUniversity of Dar es SalaamTanzania

Kate Truscott Senior Project AdvisorFood and Agricultural

OrganizationZimbabwe

Emmanuel Tumusiime-Mutebile Permanent SecretaryMinistry of Planning and Economic

DevelopmentUganda

Host Country

The Honorable Herbert Ushewokunze, Minister of State for Political AffairsThe Honorable Jock Kay, Deputy Minister of Lands, Agriculture and Rural

Resettlement

Sponsoring Agencies

African Development Bank

Kweku Andah, Head, Member Countries Training UnitElizabeth Mary Okelo, Senior Advisor to the President of the African

Development BankGeorge R. Onaba, Principal Agronomist, ZimbabweC. R. Spencer, Principal Agricultural Economist, Officer in Charge--Women

in Development Unit

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World Bank

Edward V. K. Jaycox, Vice President, Africa RegionMahmud Burney, Resident Representative, ZimbabweNadine R. Horenstein, Consultant, Women in Development DivisionKatrine A. Saito, Senior Economist, Women in Development Division

Symposium Staff

Sidney Chernick, Symposium AdvisorJ. Price Gittinger, RapporteurAmon Nikoi, Moderator

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LIST OF DOCUMENTS

The documents listed below were distributed to participants attending theSymposium. Single copies and the collected papers from the Symposiumare available from the Women in Development Division, Population andHuman Resources Department, Room S-9-131, World Bank, 1818 H Street,N.W., Washington, D.C. 20433, U.S.A.

Collier, Paul 1990. "Household Food Security and the Role of Women: TheEconomic Policy Setting." Paper presented at the Symposium onHousehold Food Security and the Role of Women, and Kadoma, Zimbabwe,January.

Elias, Misrak 1990. "Household Food Security and the Role of Women."Paper presented to the Symposium on Household Food Security and theRole of Women, Kadoma, Zimbabwe, January.

Falusi, A. 0. 1990. "The State of Support to Women in Nigeria's AgriculturalDevelopment Projects." Paper presented to the Symposium on HouseholdFood Security and the Role of Women, Kadoma, Zimbabwe, January.

Kennedy, Eileen, forthcoming. 'The Effects of the Commercialization ofAgriculture on Women's Control of Income and Health and NutritionalStatus: The Case of Sugarcane in Kenya," Economic Development andCultural Change.

Saito, Katrine and others, 1990. Symposium on Household Food Security:The Role of Women: Collected Papers. Washington, D.C.: Women inDevelopment Division, Population and Human Resources Department, WorldBank, April.

Saito, Katrine, and Rosemary McCarney 1990. Background Issues Papers.Paper prepared for the Symposium on Household Food Security and theRole of Women, Kadoma, Zimbabwe, January.

Saito, Katrine, and Jean Weidemann. Agricultural Extension for WomenFarmers in Africa. Washington, D.C.: Discussion Paper (forthcoming),World Bank.

Tibaijuka, Anna K., and Hilary Sims Feldstein 1990. "Gender AnalysisFramework for Food Security." Paper presented to the Symposium onHousehold Food Security and the Role of Women, Kadoma, Zimbabwe,January.

Ushewokunze, Herbert 1990. Opening Remarks. Address to theSymposium on Household Food Security and Role of Women, Kadoma,Zimbabwe, January.

WWB Africa (Nairobi) 1989. No. 13, October.

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Recent World Bank Discussion Papers (continued)

No. 67 Deregulation of Shipping: What Is to Be Learnedfrom Chile. Esra BCnnathan with Luis Escobar and George Panagakos

No. 68 Public Sector Pay and Employment Reform: A Review of World Bank Experience. Barbara Nunberg

No. 69 A Multilevel Model of School Effectiveness in a Developing Country. Marlaine E. Lockheed and Nicholas T. Longford

No. 70 User Groups as Producers in Participatory Afforestation Strategies. Michael M. Cernea

No. 71 How Adjustment Programs Can Help the Poor: The World Bank's Experience. Helena Ribe, Soniya Carvalho, RobertLiebenthal, Peter Nicholas, and Elaine Zuckerman

No. 72 Export Catalysts in Low-Income Countries: A Review of Eleven Success Stories. Yung Whee Rhee and Therese Belot

No. 73 Information Systems and Basic Statistics in Sub-Saharan Africa: A Review and Strategyfor Improvement. Ramesh Chander

No. 74 Costs and Benefits of Rent Control in Kumasi, Ghana. Stephen Malpezzi, A. Graham Tipple, and Kenneth G. Willis

No. 75 Ecuador's Amazon Region: Development Issues and Options. James F. Hicks, Herman E. Daly, Shelton H. Davis, andMaria de Lourdes de Freitas [Also available in Spanish (75S)]

No. 76 Debt Equity Conversion Analysis: A Case Study of the Philippine Program. John D. Shilling, Anthony Toft, andWoonki Sung

No. 77 Higher Education in Latin America: Issues of Efficiency and Equity. Donald R. Winkler

No. 78 The Greenhouse Effect: Implicationsfor Economic Development. Erik Arrhenius and Thomas W. Waltz

No. 79 Analyzing Taxes on Business Income with the Marginal Effective Tax Rate Model. David Dunn and Anthony Pellechio

No. 80 Environmental Management in Development: The Evolution of Paradigms. Michael E. Colby

No. 81 Latin America's Banking Systems in the 1980s: A Cross Country Comparison. Felipe Morris, Mark Dorfman,Jose Pedro Ortiz, and others.

No. 82 Why Educational Policies Can Fail: An Overview of Selected African Experiences. George Psacharopoulos

No. 83 Comparative African Experiences in Implementing Educational Policies. John Craig

No. 84 Implementing Educational Policies in Ethiopia. Fassil R. Kiros

No. 85 Implementing Educational Policies in Kenya. G. S. Eshiwani

No. 86 Implementing Educational Policies in Tanzania. C. J. Galabawa

No. 87 Implementing Educational Policies in Lesotho. T. Sohl Thelejani

No. 88 Implementing Educational Policies in Swaziland. Cisco Magalula

No. 89 Implementing Educational Policies in Uganda. Cooper F. Odaet

No. 90 Implementing Educational Policies in Zambia. Paul P. W. Achola

No. 91 Implementing Educational Policies in Zimbabwe. 0. E. Maravanyika

No. 92 Institutional Reforms in Sector Adjustment Operations: The World Bank's Experience. Samuel Paul

No. 93 Assessment of the Private Sector: A Case Study and Its Methodological Implications. Samuel Paul

No. 94 Reaching the Poor through Rural Public Employment: A Survey of Theory and Evidence. Martin Ravallion

No. 95 Education and Development: Evidencefor New Priorities. Wadi D. Haddad and others.

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