History and Theory of Anthropology - Power and Healthcare

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Power and the American Healthcare Debate

Jason Simpson

History and Theory of Anthropology

Dr. Kimbra Smith

November !" #$%



Simpson $

&hen President 'bama stated his intentions to provide Americans with a better

healthcare system" many people anticipated the change" whether with hope or dread. As time

progressed and the Patient Protection and Affordable Healthcare Act too( shape" the co)ntry

became more divided abo)t e*actly what healthcare sho)ld loo( li(e. +any people as(ed if the

government was overstepping its bo)ndaries by re,)iring healthcare for certain gro)ps of people.

The ,)estion of who was really demanding -affordable healthcare came abo)t. People

wondered how this act wo)ld change the way Americans live" and given what appears a small

affair" the debate abo)t the f)t)re of healthcare coverage has potentially significant

reperc)ssions.

The first thing that people noticed was the advertisements for and against the new

healthcare law. /ideos proclaimed that the law wo)ld better the ,)ality of life for many people.

0t wo)ld increase the ,)ality of the lives of o)r sic(est children and in o)r poorest comm)nities.

The videos were s)ggesting that those gro)ps sho)ld be bro)ght into sync with the rest of

-normal society. 'ther videos s)ggested that the new -'bamacare was 1)st another step

towards socialism and away from democracy. The opponents of the act see it as a step towards

socialism" and as s)ch" a step towards the deterioration of the -American 0deal that incl)des

democracy. Since the 2old &ar" socialism has become the epitome of everything bad" at least

politically" and any step seen as moving away from complete independence is disastro)s. Tho)gh

these two tactics differ in most regards" they both re,)ire an idea of the -normal state of society

that m)st be either maintained or obtained. 3o)ca)lt loo(ed at this idea of normal as defined by

both the abnormal and the classifications that it imposes. Normal -individ)ali4es by ma(ing it

possible to meas)re gaps" to determine levels" to fi* specialties" and to render the differences

)sef)l by fitting them one to another.$ The first two co)ld represent meas)ring gaps li(e the



Simpson

poverty line and determining the levels of healthcare coverage that individ)als receive. Tho)gh"

determining levels co)ld also be the stratification of social stat)s" as indicated by yo)r pay and

)sed to determine healthcare coverage. 3i*ing specialties co)ld be constr)ed as the maintaining

of the c)rrent hierarchy and -rendering the differences )sef)l being how those hierarchical

levels interact.

Now" the real ,)estion is" why does this debate matter so m)ch to Americans. Are their

lives really going to be affected eno)gh to warrant s)ch a heated disc)ssion" or is there

something else going on5 0f as(ed directly" many Americans wo)ld simply respond that the iss)e

of healthcare is indeed the main iss)e at sta(e" b)t perhaps the real answer lies in what the

healthcare act might bring abo)t and the indefinite fear that often accompanies s)ch broad

changes. The identity of the -normal American is called into ,)estion in relation to their

healthcare. Does being normal incl)de the new changes to healthcare coverage that seem to

e,)ali4e the c)rrent stratification" or is the c)rrent coverage a representation of the hierarchy that

is 1)st a part of being -American5 &hen 6ichard Handler loo(ed at identity" he fo)nd that

identity can be comprised of $7 the individ)al person" 7 the gro)ps of people imagined as a

comm)nity" and %7 the relationship between them.% Since the individ)al will change based on the

comm)nity change and the relationship is how the individ)al will change" the second definition

is most important. As indicated earlier" the -American c)lt)re is hierarchical" so as the different

-levels are e*amined" different comm)nities are observed with different attit)des towards the

new healthcare plan. Advertisements seem to e*ploit these attit)des and angle their views to

appear to align with the hopes of each hierarchical level. 3or those seen as -below average"

monetarily" the new act is the way they can e,)ali4e their standing with the -normal section of

society. 3or the rest of society" the new act might rearrange the established hierarchy" ma(ing this



Simpson %

the less desirable option. 8ven tho)gh the e*isting economic hierarchy divides the co)ntry in a

m)ltit)de of different and comple* positions" the healthcare9identity debate creates even more

categories for Americans to identify with.

S)pporters and opponents of the Affordable 2are Act )se what Sherry 'rtner refers to as

-relationalism and -individ)alism. The former appeals to the -lower class Americans in

s)pport of the act" and the latter appeals to the -)pper class Americans in opposition to it. 0n

'rtner:s st)dy on Sherpa shamans" she disc)ssed the interrelatedness of relational and individ)al

characteri4ations of an instit)tion. Still" s)pporters of the act portray it as relational to convince

specific gro)ps of people and opponents )se its individ)alism to show how the act will degrade

each person:s individ)ality in a society set to become more interdependent. Sherry 'rtner simply

states that since a society cannot be p)rely individ)alistic or p)rely relationalistic" then the parts

of the society cannot be p)rely one or the other.; <et" while the act can be neither completely

relational nor completely individ)al" the two sides of the article pretend it is.

Again this ,)estion of identity comes into play when the advertisers themselves are

analy4ed" not the videos" b)t those who create them and those who infl)ence their creation. &ho

e*actly is in control of the debate5 &ho is really in power" the megacorporations set to benefit

from the act or the people in line to vote for it5 Again" there are two views to these ,)estions" one

held by the act:s s)pport and one by its opposition. The first view" that of s)pporters" the people

are controlling the government that enacts reg)lations on the megacorporations. This view is

based on the ass)mption that perfect discipline is the best way to reg)late the megacorporations.

3o)ca)lt:s idea of a -perfect eye that nothing wo)ld escape and a center toward which all ga4es

wo)ld be t)rned! represented what s)pporters hoped to achieve with governmental reg)lation.

This panopticon wo)ld incl)de both the cons)mers and the government as the watchmen over



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the corporations" from the government at the top and the cons)mers at the bottom =and also" to

some e*tent" the top7. As 3o)ca)lt said" -for altho)gh s)rveillance rests on individ)als" its

f)nctioning is that of a networ( of relations from top to bottom" b)t also to a certain e*tent from

bottom to top and laterally>.

According to s)pporters of the act" the cons)mers are tr)ly in power" b)t the opponents

recogni4e the camera obsc)ra image of a false conscio)sness" as Karl +ar* called it. The

s)pporters believe that they are in charge of the government and have direct control over its

decisions" as many Americans believe" b)t they have" as the opposition may believe" been shown

an acc)rate image of reality that is flipped )pside?down. 6ather than the proletariat having the

power" they are being manip)lated by the megacorporations" whose money is in politicians: ban(

acco)nts. &hich one is tr)e has yet to be revealed" b)t perhaps a third option m)st be presented

to acc)rately portray the sit)ation. At the center of the debate for healthcare are the politicians.

Are they representing the will of the people who elected them" as the s)pporters believe" or are

they filling their poc(ets with bo)rgeoisie capital" as many opponents believe5 Perhaps they are

controlling the megacorporations overtly" with specific reg)lations" and the cons)mers covertly"

with laws that affect the corporations" which pass on the effect to the people. +ore probable than

a single gro)p in charge is a constant shift of power between the bo)rgeoisie" the politicians" and

the proletariat. &hoever is in charge" they seem to be manip)lating whatever system they believe

they live in and )sing their power" whether imagined or real" to affect the change they want.



Simpson !

Notes

$. +ichel 3o)ca)lt" -The +eans of 2orrect Training" in The Foucault Reader " ed. Pa)l

6abinow =New <or(@ Pantheon oo(s" $BC;7" $B>?$B.

. 0bid.

%. 6ichard Handler" -0s E0dentity: A Fsef)l 2ross?2)lt)ral 2oncept5" in

Commemorations: The Politics of National Identity" ed. John 6. Gillis =Princeton Fniversity

Press" $BB;7" C.

;. Sherry 'rtner" -The 2ase of the Disappearing Shamans" or No 0ndivid)alism" No

6elationalism" %%.

!. 3o)ca)lt" The Foucault Reader " $B.

>. 0bid.



Simpson >

ibliography

3o)ca)lt" +ichel. -Docile odies. 0n The Foucault Reader . edited by Pa)l 6abinow" $B?$C.

New <or(@ Pantheon oo(s" $BC;.

3o)ca)lt" +ichel. -The +eans of 2orrect Training. 0n The Foucault Reader . edited by Pa)l

6abinow" $CC?#!. New <or(@ Pantheon oo(s" $BC;.

Handler" 6ichard. -0s E0dentity: A Fsef)l 2ross?2)lt)ral 2oncept5. in Commemorations: The

Politics of National Identity" ed. John 6. Gillis =Princeton Fniversity Press" $BB;7" C.

+ar*" Karl. -The German 0deology@ Part 0. 0n The Marx-Engels Reader . edited by 6. 2. T)c(er"

$;>?##.

'rtner" Sherry. -The 2ase of the Disappearing Shamans" or No 0ndivid)alism" No

6elationalism. %!!?%B#.

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