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A book about Garcilaso.

Transcript of Hayward Keniston

pm'

HISPANICNotes and MonographsESSAYS,

STUDIES,

AND BRIEF

ISSUED BY THE HISPANIC SOCIETY OF AMERICA

BIOGRAPHIES

PENINSULAR SERIES

(iarcilaso dc la

Vega and his son of the same namt San Pt dio Marlir. Toledo

GARCILASO DE LA VEGAACritical Study of HisLife and

Works

HAYWARD KENISTON

NEW YORKHISPANIC SOCIETY OF AMERICA1922

COFVKUIHT,BY

1922

>.

THE HISPANIC SOCIETY OF AMERICA

CORNELL Publications Printing Co.Ithaca, N. Y.

PREFACE

vi

PREFACE

CONTENTSLife

X

CONTENTS

LIFE

:

:

*: *;

Bii

Ihplacc of (jarcilaso

GARCILASO DE LA VEGA

CHAPTER I FAMILY HERITAGEOnhill

the northwestern slope of the sheeris

upon which Toledohalf

perched, a narhalfalley,

row passage,

staircase,

once called the Cuesta de Garcilaso de la Vega but now known as the Cuesta de Santo Domingo el Antiguo, drops down

from the Plazuela de Padilla toward the Tagus. For the most, the houses which keep eternal shadow on the ill-paved wayare prim,

conventual,

but

a

few

rods

down the

slope another alley, the Cobertizoel

de Santo Domingo

Antiguo, as steep

and dirty as the first, throws into relief an old, ruined building upon the corner.a grim, massive structure, built in the Andrea Navagero, ambassador of Venice at the court of Charles V, reIt is

style that

marked to beToledan

typical of the palaces of the

four-square and unadorned, of rough stone with terra-cotta

nobihty,

HISPANIC NOTES

2

LIFE AND

WORKS

4

LIFE AND

WORKS

6

LIFE AND

WORKS

8

LIFE AND

WORKS

10

LIFE AND

WORKS

12

LIFE AND

WORKS

14

LIFE AND

WORKS

16

LIFE ANDaccomplished

WORKS

17

strong men, brave fighters for their kings,courtiers, men who have and who have fallen with the intricacy of royal whim, and yet men of letters, who have cherished a regard for the masters of the past and have striven to

risen

emulate their example.Charles V.

Their

spirit

is

clearly reflected in the soldier

and poet

of

AND MONOGRAPHS

18

LIFE AND

WORKS

20

LIFE AND

WORKS

22

LIFE AND

WORKS1

23

24

LIFE AND

WORKS

I

25

pounded Pliny and Ovid at Salamanca, and even the ladies of the Court, following the leadership of the Queen, set themselves to the task of mastering Latin and As Prescott has so well reeven Greek.^

marked, "Fromcourtlyliterature of

a very early period,

a

stamp was impressed on the poeticSpain.

A

similar character

was now imparted to its erudition; and men of the most illustrious birth seemedeager to lead theof science,

way

in the difficult career

which was thrown open to the

nation. "2

At Toledo the spread of the new movement had been evidenced as early as 1485in

the establishment

of

the

Colegio deAlvarez,

Santaschool,

Catalina

by

Francisco

Maestrescuelas of the Cathedral. ^

This which was raised to the status of

a imiversity in 1520, numberedsixteenth century several of the

amongmost

its

professors during the early years of thedis-

tinguished scholars in Spain.

If

Garcilaso

received his early training in Toledo he

must have

sat

under their instruction and

AND MONOGRAPHS

26

LIFE AND

WORKS

28

LIFE AND

WORKSgrammarrules to

29

dictated to his pupils the rules of

and they committed theseory.

mem-

As soon

as the elements of the lan-

guage were thus imparted, he began the study of elementary texts. These texts,chosen rather for their moral than for theirliterary value,

were commonly called the

the principal works were the Disticha Catonis, the collection of fables which they ascribed to Aesop, the

"authors" (auctores);

De contemptu

miindi, attributed to Saint

Bernard, the Facetus, also

known

as the

M orthe

OS us,

a collection of moral precepts,knownas the Floret us,

a similar workEclogaof

andin

Theodulus.

Written

works were readily committed to memory and thus served as a foimdation for further teaching in the forms and syntax of Latin. In the more advanced stages of the study of grammar, the same methods were applied to the "Priscianusverse, these

minor, or to the Dodrinale.

By

the four-

teenth century the classical authors, withthe exception of Virgil, were almost whollyneglected.

Xor was the study

of rhetoric

AND MONOGRAPHS

i

30

LIFE AND

WORKS

32

LIFE AND

WORKS

33

grammar in Spain, the elementar>^ texts used by students long remained those that the Middle Ages had employed. Thereis

a long

list

of editions of the various

"auctores," such as the Disticha Catonis,

the fables of Aesop, and the

Ecloga of

Theodolus, printed either singly or in acollection

known

as Lihri minores, before

the end of the century ;i Lebrija himselfedited one of these collections whichfirst

wasold

printed in 1525 at Alcala, after his

death. 2

And

the

influence

of

the

method

can be seen in the pubUcation of such works as the Ars epistolandi of Franciscus Xiger (1494) '

of studying rhetoric

and the collection of Epistolae ex antiquorum annalihus excerptae made by Lucio Marineo.* But the latter work is also significant because it shows that even ifthe

Spanish humanists retained the art

of epistolary composition as

an important

part of their study of rhetoric, they were

now

tiuning to the Classics for their models

instead of the jejune formulae of thedle Ages.

Mid-

AND MONOGRAPHS

34

LIFE AND

WORKS

36

LIFE AND

WORKS

38

LIFE AND

WORKS

40

LIFE AND

WORKS

42

LIFE AND

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44

LIFE AND

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4o

which followed in the task of repressing the Comimidades, Garcilaso served under the

Juan de Rivera, captain of the That he showed himself to be a brave and daring soldier in this, his maiden venture in arms, we are assured by the reports of his captain, and at the battle of Olias, on August 17. 1521, when the Toledans, who were in no small straits for provisions, came forth to scour thecolors of

royal forces. ^

coimtryside. he received aface.-

wound in the The campaign ended in a victorywith the surrender of1521.still

for the royal forces

Toledo on October 25, fires of animosity wereai]doiice

But the

smouldering

on February 2 in the following year more broke into flame. The rebels fortifxcd themselves in the house of Dona Maria Pacheco, widow of the ill-fated Juan de Padiila, and for a time successfully defended themselves against the authorities. The house of the Padillas was next to that of Garcilaso and an attempt was

made

to penetrate the castle of the insur-

gents through the latter 's yard.

The

ruse

AND MONOGRAPHS

46

LIFE AND

WORKS

48

LIFE AND

WORKS

^

50

GARCILASO DE LA VEGAhad beenin1

killed in the expedition to Africa

have frequent occasion friendship which he Of the latter 's friendfelt for Garcilaso. ship with Boscan, a friendship which lasted even in death so much has been510.shall

We

to mention the

warm

written thatSufficeit

it

needs no comment here.

to

say that to their mutual

encouragement and emulation was due in no small measure the triumph of theirliterary experiments.

The

gallant

company

of Spanish gentle-

men

left

Valladolid on the last day of

Crossing Spain, they emSeptember. 2 Their barked at Cartagena for Messina.=*

carrack was attackedian corsairsperate, for the

by

a fleet of Alger-

and their plight seemed desmain-mast was shot away

andtheyto

their rigging wrecked.

Even thoughbelow the

received

severalstill

shots

water-line, they

fought on, determined

bum

their ship rather

the banner of St.

than surrender John to the infidels.theirlast

But happily, with

broadside,

they sank the flagship of the enemy and

HI

SPANIC NOTES

LIFE ANDwhile the corsairs

WORKS

51

were engaged in theof Ibiza in

rescue of their chief, succeeded in escaping.

Having made the portBalearicIslands,

the

theythe

spent

someat lastof

weeks inreached

refitting their ship

and

IMessina

at

beginning

December. There they foiind that the measures for gathering the relief expedition were meeting with little success. Some of the sovereigns, Hke Henry VHI of England, had refused to send any aid others, like Francis I and the Pope Adrian VI, were so hesitant, in their fear of exposing themselves to an attack from their enemies, that their forces were still awaiting equipment. And finally, the several expeditions outfitted and manned by the members of the Order in different countries suffered a worse fate than the company of Diego de Toledo. Some were attacked by corsairs, others were sunk in the terrible storms which raged on the Mediterranean that winter and not one of these little fleets reached Messina unscathed. By the middle of January only four more ships;

AND MONOGRAPHS

52

LIFE ANDof

WORKS

53

the

Order dispatched by the Grand

Master, at Gallipoli in Puglia, the Italians

The were loath to admit its accuracy. Pope said on first hearing the report, "Irefuse to beHeveit

yet,"

and at Naples,

bets were offered at odds of five to onethat the story was false.in particular,

The Venetiansthe

who might have savedconscience -strickenat

island

had they been wiUing to turn aweretheir

hand,

betrayal of Christianity.

But the

griev-

ous news proved to be only too true, Martinengo reached Messina and checkedthe preparations for the expedition.rest of the knights

The

and the Christian inhabitants of the island were beset by illness and by storms on their journey to Messina.

A

part of the

company reached the:

harbor late in Marchning ofof the

not until the begin-

May

did the

Grand Master enter

the port, flying at his masthead, in lieu

banner of the Order, a flag bearing an image of the Virgin with the dead Christ in her arms and the inscription"Afflictis spes

unica rebus. "^

AND MONOGRAPHS

54

LIFE AND

WORKS

56

LIFE AND

WORKS

57

58

LIFE AND

WORKS

60

LIFE ANDsiege,

WORKS

!

61

entered Salvatierra (Sauveterre) on

the isth.i

Here Garcilaso was quarteredSix years laterhis will, he

in the house of a surgeon.

when he drew upnance. ^

rememberedmaintestrong

that he had not paid

him

for his

Plainly those were days

when thehowever,

sense of personal honorin war.

was

still

The

initial

successes,

were not followed up. Instead of pushing on to Bayonne, the Spanish generals decided to turn back andterrabia.cult;it

la}^

siege to

Fuendiffi-

The undertaking provedwas the 27thyearbeforeof

February in thegarrisonsur-

following

the

rendered and the Spanish forces enteredthe town. 3

Perhaps

it

siege that Garcilaso first

was during this came to know

Fernan Alvarez de Toledo, heir to the duchy of Alba. For it was here for the first time that the young knight, althoughbut sixteen years of age, served in thefield

against the enemy,

and

this, as

Peter

Martyr

tells us, in spite of his

grandfather's

express prohibition.*

Fernan Alvarez, who, as we have seen,

AND MONOGRAPHS

62

LIFE AND

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64

LIFE AND

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66

LIFE ANDWe may

WORKS

67

assume these contracts were

immediately followed by the ceremonies of betrothal and marriage and that sincethe Court was then in Toledo, the youngcouple

took upIt is

their

residence

at

the

house of Garcilaso's mother,de Guzman.

Dona Sancha

not easy to judge what

were Garcilaso's relations with his wife. There is not one mention of her in all ofhis writings, imless

we except

his last will

and testament. On the other hand, the sincerest and most ardent of his poems were inspired by Isabel Freire, w^hom weshall presently meet.It

cannot be said

that this neglect of one's wife for

some

other mistress was merely a conventional,poetic

pose

of

the

time,

for

Boscan's

noblest verses are those that reveal his

devotion to his wife, DofiaRebolledo.If

Ana Giron de we may judge by numerous

other examples of court practice, such as

the imion of the Marchioness of Cenete

with the Count of Nassau, marriages were

not

made

in

heaven in the early sixteenththe lady of the

century.

Dona Elena was

AND MONOGRAPHS

68

LIFE AND

WORKS

i

69

CHAPTER VI A COURTIER OF THE EMPERORspecializing as king of Spain

These years in which Charles had been had also been

a season of prosperity for the Imperial

arms in Italy. On March 3rd of the year in which Garcilaso was married there reached Madrid the glad tidings that on the Emperor's birthday, February 24th, the armies of France had been defeated at Pavia and the king, Francis I, made a prisoner. Almost immediately after the latter 's arrival at -Madrid in August under the guard of the Viceroy of Naples, the1

long discussion over the terms of peace between Charles and Francis began. On one point both of the monarchs were ready to agree, that Francis I should marry Charles'" sister Eleanor of Austria. But the other conditions were not so easilysettled

as

these

family matters.

Dofia

Eleanor

Toledo on October 6th for Talavera, where she remained "in bondleft

AND MONOGRAPHS

70

LIFE AND

WORKS

72

LIFE AND

WORKS

174

LIFE ANDa few days later fordiverse matters

WORKShome; and along upon

75

my

the long and lonely road, ruminatingI

reverted

many

times to

what Navagero had said to me; and so I began to try this type of verse. At first I found some difficulty in it, for it is exceeding artificial and has many pecuHariBut afterwards ties differing from ours. fancying, perhaps with that love we have for things our own, that I was beginning to have some success, I found my interest But this in it warming little by little. would not have been enough to make meachieve great progress,hisif

judgment,as

Garcilaso with

which not only in

my

opinion, but in everyone's,

upon

a

guide,intent.

must be lookedso,

had not confirmedoften times

meing

in

myby

And

praising thisit

my

plan and finally approv-

his

example, because he too

decided to take this path, he at last

made

me occupy my idle moments in it more seriously. And when my judgment wasopened by his persuasion, new reasons occurred to me each day to make me carry

AND MONOGRAPHS

76

LIFE AND

WORKS

78

LIFE AND

WORKS

80

LIFE AND

WORKS

82

LIFE AND

WORKS

84

LIFE AND

WORKS

86

LIFE AND

WORKS

88

LIFE AND

WORKS

90

LIFE AND

WORKS

92

LIFE AND

WORKS

94

LIFE AND

WORKS

96

LIFE AND

WORKS

LIFE AND

WORKS

100

LIFE AND

WORKS

102

LIFE AND

WORKS

104

GARCILASO DE LA VEGAthe Court of Charles

V

the

summer

of the marriage

had learned during which Dona

Mencia Bazan was arranging for her daughThe prospect of an alliance between their family and that of Pedro Laso was extremely distasteful; it meant little less than ruin, for Pedro Laso, in spite of his pardon, had never recovered from theter.

stigmaCharles

attached to his participation

in

the Comunidades.

At

their

instigation,

to his wife

had written on September 4th and to the Archbishop of Santiago, urging upon them the need of preventing this union. But his action was too late, for as we have seen, the betrothal had taken place on the 14th of August.^

V

Too late for an ordinary individual, but not too late for an absolute sovereign. TheEmpressthat

discovered

upon

investigation

Garcilaso had been present at the30,

ceremony and on Januaryof the

1532 she

issued a general order to the corregidores

realm to apprehend Garcilaso, wherein

ever he might he found, and secure from

him a deposition under oath

answer to

HISPANIC NOTES

LIFE AND

WORKS

106

LIFE AND

WORKS

108

LIFE AND

WORKS

no

LIFE AND

WORKS

112

LIFE AND

WORKS

114

LIFE ANDstatement.^

WORKS

115

The

detailed description of

campaign which Garcilaso gives in the second Eclogue^ lends some color to this theory, buttheof Alba's part in this

Duke

we must notthis

give too

much weight

to

argument, for the same process might

be used to prove that he was also presentat the battle of Gelves in 1510, of

he haslogue.

left

a vivid account in thesituationis

which same Ec-

catedItaly

The by the

further compli-

fact that in a Hst of Spanish

gentlemen who passed through Treviso,

on Octoberthedi

22, 1532,

on

their

way

to

Venice, there

appears immediately after

the

name of "Don Gratia

DukeVega."

of^

Alba a certainIt is of

course

possible that this Garcia de

Vega has no

connection with Garcilaso de la Vega, yetseeing this

name

so closely connected with

that of his protector, and knowing that

Diego de Toledo was also in the company, is tempted to believe that the Duke had succeeded in persuading the Emperoroneto allow Garcilaso to postpone his depart-

ure for Naples until the end of the cam-

AND MONOGRAPHS

116

LIFE AND

WORKS

118

LIFE AND

WORKS

120

GARCILASO DE LA VEGATwoof his sonnets are addressed to

Garthe

cilaso,

and were early quoted by Herrera,^refers

and Garcilasosonnet

to

Tansillo in

already

mentioned.

But

the

clearest evidence of theiris

mutual

relations

to be found in the study of their poems;

there

we

shall

find

clear

proof of theirlong

familiarity with each other's work,

before these works were published.are at least

There

two other Neapolitan poetsBernardo TassoCaracciolo, to

whom

Garcilaso knew:

and Giulio Cesare

whom

His rehe addressed one of his sonnets. lations with other members of the Court is shown in his dedication of an occasionalsonnet, as those to

MariaPadula.2

di

Cardona,

Mario Galeota and to Marchesana della

From

these brief hints, culled for the

most from chance allusions, we may form some conception of the society in which Garcilaso mingled during these years at The Court that gathered about Naples. Pedro de Toledo was not merely brilliant; like that of Francis I, it was thoroughly

HI

SPANIC NOTES

LIFE AND

WORKS

122

LIFE AND

WORKS

124

LIFE AND

WORKS

126

LIFE AND

WORKS

128

LIFE AND

WORKS

130

LIFE ANDhis wife

WORKSandsettle

131

come

to Italy

down

with him.appeal,

Despite the earnestness of hisinfer that the

we must was not moved,ceived thefollowing

Emperor

for

Garcilaso never re-

appointment.CharlesIt

winter

V

Again in the showed his

obduracy.

seems that since Garcilaso's

banishment, the Mesta, (a powerful organization of cattle-owners which controlled the industry in Spain) had refused to pay to him the income from the montazgo of Badajoz which his father had willed to him. Garcilaso had brought suit against the Mesta in the Chancery of Granada to recover this incom^e, amounting to 85,000 maravedis a year. As he found it difficult

to prosecute the case in his absence, he

induced the Viceroy to write to theperor, begging

Em-

him

to grant a suspension,

until such time as Garcilaso should return.

The Emperor's reply was curt: "As for your request that we order a case whichGarcilaso has in the court of Granada to

be postponed, you are aware that we are not accustomed to postpone such matters.

AND MONOGRAPHS

132

LIFE AND

WORKS

134

LIFE AND

WORKS

136

LIFE AND

WORKS

138

LIFE AND

WORKS

140

LIFE AND

WORKS

142

LIFE AND

WORKS

144

LIFE AND

WORKS

146

LIFE AND

WORKS

^

148

LIFE AND

WORKS

150

LIFE AND

WORKS

152

154

LIFE AND

WORKS

156

LIFE AND

WORKS

158

LIFE ANDTherehisis

WORKSmannerof

159

a strange irony in the

which ahnost Hterally fulfills the words which he had written in thedeath,

preceding year,

Y

esta no permitio mi dura suerte que me sobreviniq^se peleando, de hierro traspassado agudo y fuerte,

not killed in open combat with his peers,

but struck down in a miserable squabble with a group of peasants. And yet the

manner of his death is He had spent his wholeof his king.last gift

of littlelife

moment.

in the service

To

that service he gave thelife.

he had to give, his

AND MONOGRAPHS

160

LIFE ANDtion of her legalchildren.^cilasoeldest,

WORKS

I6i

the end of the year applied for confirmaguardianship over herin his will in 1529, the

Of the three sons which Gar-

had namedGarcilaso

was already dead, for she mentions only Ifiigo and Pedro. In addition she speaks of two other children, a daughter Sancha, then five years, and a son Francisco, a little over two years ofage.It is

probable that the oldest surthe following year,

viving son, Inigo, assumed his deceasedbrother'sfor

name during21,

1539 the Emperor granted to Garcilaso de la Vega, son of the poet,

on June

a stipend of 80,000 maravedis a year until such time as he should receive him intohis

household or

make

other provision for

him. 2

The career of the name and estate was

heir to the

poet's

as brief as

father's. While he was still was admitted to the Order of Santiago in 1543.^ One of the witnesses to his nobility was his father's friend, the Duke of Alba, who admitted that he was a kinsman of

was his a youth he

AND MONOGRAPHS

162

LIFE AND

WORKS

164

LIFE AND

WORKS

166

LIFE ANDbutlittle

WORKS

167

wife settled,

from the Ust of debts which his amounting to over a millionit

maravedis, althoughfind that he

is

interesting

to

owed

a hat -maker in

250 ducats, a whole year'sthat he borrowed

money

in

Granada salary, and Naples fromCaptainher

one of his fellow

soldiers, a certain

Geronimo.first

When

Doiia Elenalater,

made

will,

two years

she mentions

another debt which was

still

unpaid, the

hundred scudi, which Garcilaso was said to have owed to a lady named Catalina de Sanseverino.^ If it be true that the fifth Cancion of the poet wasof three

sum

addressed to Catalina Sanseverino in the

name

of

told Herrera.- thenhis verses

Mario Galeota, as his son-in-law we must conclude thatbrought credit to himself,if

not

favor to his friend.stancesit

Under any circum-

reveals a curious combination a

prose and poetry.

Doiia Elena de Guzman sur\4ved luitil February 3, 1563.-^ In her second wiU, dated November 28, 1562, she mentions the figures of her husband and of her son

AND MONOGRAPHS

168

LIFE AND

WORKS

170

LIFE AND

WORKS

171

CHAPTER XVIPERSONALITYIt is curious that so little

has come

down

to us which will help us to see Garcilaso,

the man.

xA.s

we have followed

his life

through the years, there has been hardlya glimpse of his whims, his weaknesses, his

Ukes andonly

di.slikes,

nor a mention of his

personal appearance and disposition.

Thehis

contemporaryis

observation

on

charactercillo

a

word

of the jester, Frances-

de Zuniga, in the passage of his Cronica

already referred to, in which he swears

by

"Pedro Laso'srent

hope

for favor

and the

gravity of his brother,"^ as subjects of cur-

commentis

at the Court.

This serious-

ness

characteristic of his writings;

one

looks in vain for a passing touch of himioror the suspicion of a smile.Oiu* poet is

utterly lacking in Horatian geniality.

But

he

seems

to

haveof

possessedif

a

certain

caustic type

observation,

we may

believelates.-

the anecdotes which Zapata re-

Thus we hear that upon one occa-

AND MONOGRAPHS

172

LIFE AND

WORKS

174

LIFE ANDof Alcantara.

WORKS

175

shows a gentleman wearing the green cross

The

statue in the chapel of

San Pedro Martir therefore remains the only work which was assuredly intendedto represent Garcilaso de la YegSL,

"the

Prince of Castihan poets."Little as his contemporaries

have tooffer

tell

us of Garcilaso, his

own worksis

more

of a picture of his

temperament.

no So

large a portion of

them

purely formal

verse, impersonal as v/as so

much

of the

Italian

poetry of the Cinquecento, that

we should try in vain to reconstruct from them a character. But in regretting thislack of precise information concerning thepoet,fore

we must remember that he died behe was thirty-five and that prior towork fromhis

his death the only

pen to

be published was thecortegiano.

letter included in the

1534 edition of Boscan's translation of // Nor must it be overlooked

that his literary production was not theleisurely expression of a pensioned laureate,

but the hasty composition of a

man

of the

world, stolen, as he himself says, from his

AND MONOGRAPHS

176

Memorial Tablet on Garcilaso's Birthplace

PART

II

WORKS

GARCILASO DE LA VEGA

179

CHAPTER

I

SPANISH VERSEShis

During Garcilaso's lifetime only one of works was published, the Dedicatory

Epistle to the edition of Boscan's translation of // cortegiano, printed in 1534.his talent

But

must have been known,

to a cer-

tain extent, at least,

amongsuelto,

his

contem-

poraries through manuscript copies of his

poems;date(No.

perhaps the

bearing thetheel

1536,

whichel

contains

sonnet

"Passandodeath.

mar Leandro

animoso"

XXIX) wasThe

printed even before his

scattered papers of the poet

were gathered by his famil^^ and intrusted to the care of his friend Boscan, who waspreparing

with hisprised

them for publication together own verses, when he too was surby death. Boscan's widow deterin

mined, however, to carry out her husband'spurpose;1543

the

press

of

Carles

Amoros

in Barcelona

produced a quarto

HISPANIC NOTES

180

LIFE AND

WORKS

182

LIFE AND

WORKS

184

LIFE AND

WORKS

186

LIFE ANDB.

WORKS

187

VERSES IN THE ITALIAN MEASURES

That Garcilaso did not devote himselfto the cultivation of his native form ofverseis

due to another event, that historicat

conversation between Boscan and Andrea

Navageroseen

Granada

in 1526.

We

have

how

the Venetian ambassador per-

suaded the Spanish poet to endeavor toacclimate in Castile the measures of Petrarch

and how the

latter 's failing enthusi-

asm

in this

new venture was

rekindled

by

the advice and emulation of his friend Garcilaso.

It is difficult to

form a judgment

as to the exact date at which Garcilasofirst

began

his experiments in the Italian

measures.

The

first

of his

poems

in the

new

style to

whichis

it is

possible to attach

a definite date

the cancion

(No.

Ill)

written on the island in the

summerit is

of 1532.

Danube in the When we consider theis

master>^ of form which this cancion reveals,at once apparent that its authorfield

no

novice in the

and

it is

probable that

a number of his sonnets and canciones werewritten before that date, perhaps as early

AND MONOGRAPHS

188

LIFE AND

WORKS

190

LIFE AND

WORKS

192

LIFE AND

WORKS

194

LIFE ANDimpossible.

WORKSfeelings of the

195

Although theEglogaI,

poet are most clearly depicted in the protests of Salicio in

there are nimier-

ous evidences of his dejection in his earlierverses.

Peculiarly appealing

is

the close

of the

sonnet in which he reviews the

course of his love:

Y

sobre todo, faltame la lumbre

de la esperanga, con que andar solia por la oscura region de vuestro olvido.(Son.

XXXVIII,

12-14)

In the V.still

summer

of 1529 Garcilaso

made

his first visit to Italy in the suite of Charles

But the memory of Doiia Isabel was harassing him; from a foreign shore

he

cries his despair:

La mar en medio y tierras he dexado de quanto bien, cuytado, yo tenia.(Son. Ill, 1-2)

Perhaps

it

was

at this time that

he

first

read some of the verses of 'Dante in theFlorentine edition of the

Rime

antiche of

1527 and developed the Hnes of the canzone, "Donne ch'avete intelletto d'amore,"

AND MONOGRAPHS

196

LIFE AND

WORKS

198

LIFE AND

WORKS

200

LIFE AND

WORKS

202

LIFE AND

WORKS

204

LIFE AND

WORKS

206

LIFE AND

WORKS

208

LIFE AND

WORKS

210

LIFE ANDiar

WORKS

2ii

to whether Garcilaso was personally famil-

with the work of the great Catalanof

imitator

Petrarch.

reminiscence in his writings, asjust

The only other we haveaswell have

remarked,

may

quite

come from Boscan. Theis

latter 's familiarity

with the poetry of his fellow-countrymanrevealed in numerous imitations;

Diegoto

de

Mendoza.

too,

frequently

turns

March

for his images;

in fact, the simileis

of Love's garment,

which

the theme offirst

the disputed sonnet,Eclogue.^

occurs in his

On

the other hand, the inclusion of this

among the compositions which Boscan had gathered, if not prepared, for the press would seem to warrant a beliefsonnetinits

authenticity.

And

this

belief

is

further borne out

by the appearance

of

another version of the sonnet with paroxytone rhymes, slightly different from theversion ascribed to Mendoza. in ascript used

manu-

by El Brocenseis

in the prepara-

tion of his edition of the works of Garcilaso.It

perhaps impossible to give

AND MONOGRAPHS

212

LIFE AND

WORKS

213

The pangs of absence inspire too his sonnet on the deserted hound (XXXVII). Thelast scene in this brief

drama

is

depicted

in Sonnet

triumphant emancipation from the yoke of Love:his

XXXIV:

Gracias al cielo doy que ya del cuellodel todo el grave jnago he desasido.(lines 1-2)

It is idle to speculatefair ladies of

who amongbeen.

the

the XeapoHtan court the ob-

ject of this love

may havesi

His

own

answer

is final:

preguntado

soy

lo

demas, en

lo

demas soy mudo. (Son. XXVIII, 13-14.)

As a whole the sonnetsnot of high merit,cises

of this

group are

conventional exer-

in

the spinning of conceits which

degenerate at times, as in Sonnet

XXXI,

into an allegorization of the very conceits.

cerity

Lacking as they do, the warmth of sinwhich redeemed his first essays, andclassical

the polished elegance of his purely conventional

reminiscences,

they add

AND MONOGRAPHS

214

LIFE AND

WORKS

216

LIFE AND

WORKS

218

LIFE AND

WORKS

219

220

:

LIFE AND

WORKS

i

221

istaec moesta tibi carmina persolvi, quo fortasse meis consolarere Camoenis, si miseros quidquam Musa levare potest,(lines 1-8)

begins Fracastoro, and Garcilaso's versionis:

Aunque este grave caso aya tocado con tanto sentimiento el alma mia que de consuelo estoy necessitado, con que de su dolor mi fantasia se descargasse un poco y se acabasse de mi contino Uanto la porfia, quise, pero, provar si me bastasse el ingenio a escrivirle algun consuelo, estando qual estoy, que aprovechasse, para que tu reziente desconsuelola f uria mitigasse, si las

musas pueden un coragon al^ar del

suelo.(lines 1-12)

Theorder

following

lines

of

the

original

are

treated in freer fashion, with a change of

Ac ne tu lacrimas pauUatim

totus abires

liquitur ut pluvio facta pruina Xoto,

quandoquidem cari fato te fratris acerbo rumor in extrema vivere tristitia,

est

AND MONOGRAPHS

222

LIFE ANDla

WORKS

223

imagen amarilla del hermano que de la dulce vida desfallece; y tu, tendiendo la piadosa mano, provando a levantar el cuerpo amado, levantas solamente el ayre vano;

y

del dolor el sueiio desterrado,

con ansia vas buscando el que partido era ya con el sueno y alongado;(lines 25-36)

by the

inclusion of an idea derived from

the Elegy

Ad

Liviam:^agitaris

Et modo per somnosteque tuo

imagine

falsi,

Drusum

credis habere sinu ?re-

Et subito tentasque manu, sperasqueceptum;quaeris et in vacui parte priore tori?

(hues 325-8)

The long comparison3 7-5 7)is

of Lampetie's grief,(lines

developed in the following tercetsJ

based closely on Fracastoro (lines 15-24), with an interesting evasion of the formal "septem noctes, septem dies," (Hnes19-20)

by the vaguer, more modem. . .

phrase,

"O..

quantas vezes."

Y

quantas otraspicture of the

(lines 51-55).

The

AND MONOGRAPHS

224

LIFE ANDassi se

WORKS

225

Verase alii, que como polvo al viento, deshara nuestra fatiga, ante quien se enderega nuestro intento.(lines 91-96).

From

this point on,

Garcilaso departs

from the close imitation of Fracastoro, although the general lines are still followed.After a brief passage picturing the futility

human hopes and the beauty which Don Bemaldino revealed even in death, he turns his sympathies to the mother and It is probable sisters of the dead youth. that the thought was suggested by theof

portrayal of Li via 's grief in the eleg}^ dedi-

cated to her, and the references there tothe other

members

of the family of Drusus,

but his description of the frenzy of theirgrief in the lines,

a todas las contemplo desparziendo de su cabello luengo el fino oro,al

qual ultraje y dano estan haziendo, (lines 139-41)

is

apparently a reminiscence of Ariosto,pereosseil

seno e

si

straccio la stola,

e fece all'aureo erin

danno

e dispetto.

(Orlando furioso, V, 60, 3-4)

AND MONOGRAPHS

226

LIFE AND

WORKS

228

LIFE AND

WORKS

230

LIFE AND

WORKSfilled.

231

could not have failed to reflect the diction

with which their minds were

The

more then, when

their effort

was to repro-

duce in different form materials alreadyemployed, must we expect them to showtheir reading

and study.

At

their worst,

they produced but theture;

dr\^

dust of litera-

at their best they created forms of

the highest technical mastery and even of

enchanting atmosphere,of Saimazaro.

like

the Arcadia

With such anprising that the

inspiration,

it is

not suris,

poem

of Garcilasoit

asof

a whole, cold and unfeeling;the formal written exercise.

smacks

Occasionally,

when

the sentiments which he finds in his models awaken a sincere echo in his own heart, as in the passage in which he refers to the hardships of militar}^ service and

the emptiness of

its

rewards, there

is

a

momentaryawakenssolation.

ring of emotion.

But thelittle

rest

little

sympathy, gives

con-

In this respect, although equalof Fracastoro or the elder

to the

worksit

Tasso,

is

far inferior to the elegy

-4^

AND MONOGRAPHS

232

LIFE AND

WORKS

234

LIFE AND

WORKS

1

236

LIFE AND

WORKS

238

LIFE AND

WORKS

240

LIFE ANDforit

WORKS;

241

is

precisely that followed

in his Ecloga A III,

by Virgil and although the themeis

of the second shepherd's songian,

not Virgil-

even this contrast between the woes ofis

the betrayed and the bereaved lovers

found in the Due pellegrini of Luigi Tansillo, which was probably produced as early as 1528 and which Garcilaso must have known. Not only the main outline, but the minordetails of the

poem reveal

a constant imi-

tation of other pastoral poets.

From

the

same eclogue of Virgil and from others of the same poet, particularly the second, Garcilaso has borrowed many of his phrases and figures, and his use of a refrain to close each stanza. The lament of Xemoroso isstrongly reminiscent of the song of Ergastoin the fifth egloga of Sannazaro's Arcadia]his apostrophe to the lock of his lady's hairis

\

translated from the words of Meliseo in

the twelfth egloga of the same work.otherItalian

The

poets,

Petrarch,

Tansillo,

Ariosto andgested to

Bembo, seem him many of his

to have sugpoetic images.

AND MONOGRAPHS

242

LIFE AND

WORKS

244

LIFE AND

WORKS

246

LIFE AND

WORKS

248

LIFE AND

WORKS

250

LIFE AND

WORKS

251

252

;

LIFE ANDspite of Severo's plea, old

WORKSTonnesrefuses to

253

disclose thestill

meaning

of the brilHance

which

remains imexplained upon the um.

Severo, astounded at

what he has

seen, has

written

and thus Nemoroso has learned the story- With ait

down

as best he can

brief

exchange of opinions as to the im-

portance of appeaHng to Severo to cure

and a few conventional paswhich there appears for the second time a mention of anothertheir friend toral phrases, infriend,

one Gualafron.

who

is

probably to

be identified as the Marquis of Villafranca, Don Pedro de Toledo, the two shepherdspart and the Eclogue ends.

imeven.

As a composition, the poem is extremely Some of its lyrical passages, suchworkof the poet

as the opening song of Salicio (Hnes 38-76),

are as finished as the best

at other times the style drags heavily, hardlyrising

above the

level of prose.

Perhaps

the most interesting feature in the whole

workstyleis

is the piu-ely popular conversational used in the dialogue passages. There here a fine savor of old Castilian with its

AND MONOGRAPHS

254

LIFE ANDTheidentity of thisdefinitely established,

WORKS

255

Maria has never been though Herrera says, "Some think that it was addressed to the Duchess of Alba (Maria Enriquez), others, to Doiia Maria de Cardona, Marchioness de la Padula (to whom the poet dedicatedSonnet

XXXIV);

but the truthit is

is,

ac-

cording to the statement ofPuertocarrero, that

Don Antonio

addressed to Dofia

Maria de la Cueva, Countess of Ureiia, mother of Don Pedro Giron, first Duke ofOstina."

In spite of this authority,

it

is

probable that the ]Maria toexpresses his devotionis

whom

the poet

none

of these.

Several reasons bear out this fact.this

In

opening stanza, the poet speaks of aher.

recent change of fortune which separates

him fromlines,

That

this

is is

subsequent toclear

his exile in

Naples in 1532

from the

Mas la fortuna, de mi mal no harta, me aflige y de un trabajo en otro lleva; ya de la patria, ya del bien me aparta,y a mi paciencia en mil maneras prueva,(lines 17-20)

AND MONOGRAPHS

256

LIFE AND

WORKS

258

LIFE AND

WORKS

260

LIFE ANDthefirst of

WORKSit

261

the Eclogues,

remains a poem

of fineoffers

workmanship and in some respects the most perfect example of Garmastery of the cadence of the His octave is a sonorousinfinitely

cilaso's

hendecasyllable.

instrument,effective

more supple and

than that of Boscan and a worthy

modelation.

for the poets of the succeeding gener-

5.

GARCILASO'S LYRIC ART.is

Garcilaso

not a poet ofin

many moods;In vainfire of

the strings of his lyre are few.shall

we seekor

him the

passionate

good-humored geniality Nor do we find any of the of Horace. mystic aspiration toward eternity which transports a Luis de Leon or a San Juan The burden of his song is de la Cruz.Catullus

the

simple:

life's

pathis

is

a

way

of futile striv-

ing and of disappointment.vain;

Love

is

inis

death

the great healer.his

There

no cynicismmelancholy.

in

retrospective glance,

only a vaguely wistful regret, a tender In this respect heis

closely

akin to Virgil in the eclogues and to Sanna-

AND MONOGRAPHS

262

GARCILASO DE LA VEGAzaro, his

mood

is less

two great masters. His Petrarchan sincere, for his spirit was less

given to subtle analysis than to a quietdelight in the

memory

of his misfortunes.

His few pictures of the heroic struggles of

war are

stilted

and artificial. But within the

limited confines of his special talent, the

simple portrayal of human regret and sorrow,

he has few equals in the world's

literature.

With

this

subtle

power to touch the

heart of the world with a sense of his per-

hand in hand an exand a perfect form. Working in a medium which was new and strange, with no models to follow in the diction ofsonal sorrow goesquisite taste

he created a For such a task he was happily equipped. His stout Castilian past gave him a poise and dignity; his close contact with Italy added to his instrument the qualities of elegance andhis

own

Castilian

speech,

Spanish lyric diction.

polish.is

The

result of theseis

two

influences

a style whichfree

at once distinguishedrigidity of his

and supple,

from the

own

speech and also free from the extrav-

HI

SPANIC NOTES

LIFE AND

WORKS

264

LIFE AND

WORKS

265

CHAPTER II THE LETTERSOf the three letters of Garcilaso which have come down to us as evidences of hisprose, oneis

a brief

official

note sent to

the Emperor concerning a miHtary matter.

The secondto

is

a short, friendly mis-

Girolamo Seripando, interesting largely because of an unexplainable refersive

ence to certain enmities at the Court. Thethirdletter,

however,thefirst ofis

is

considerably

longer and offers a larger interest.

This

letter,

Garcilaso 's works

to appear in print,

addressed to

Dona

Geronima Palova de Almogavar and servesas a prologue toIIIt

Boscan's translation ofBaldassareCastiglione.tells

cortegiano

of

was

Garcilaso, as^

Boscanfirstit

us in his

ownof

Prologo,

who

sent

the Italian work and

him a copy was he who,at

after the translation

had been made

AND MONOGRAPHS

266

LIFE AND

WORKS

268

LIFE AND

WORKS

270

LIFE ANDforces

WORKS

271

Provence, where Acuna joined the Imperial

death

a few days before the poet's

and

this is highly

improbable

he could hardly have found in this lad adistinguished eulogist of the royal family.

In fact, theit is

first

verses of

possible to assign a date,

Acuna to which and these are

all

amorous, belong to the period between

1537 and 1540.king,

His famous sonnet to the

se acerca, sefior, o es ya llegada edad gloriosa, en que promete el cielo una grey y un pastor solo en el mundo \in monarca, un imperio, y una espada,la. .

Ya

.

(lines 1-3, 8)1

can hardly have been written before thebattle of ]\Iuhlberg (1547).

The

transla-

tion of

Le

chevalier delibere,

undertaken at

the request of Charles V, and dedicated to

him, was certainly written long after Garcilaso's death.

Under these circumstances,that the Garcilaso

it

is

plain

who wrote

the epigram

was not our poet butname.

his son of the

same

This son enjoyed a reputation as

AND MONOGRAPHS

272

LIFE AND

WORKS

274

LIFE AND

WORKS

276

LIFE AND

WORKS

277

CHAPTERGarcilaso's position as

IV

\^RSIFICATIOXan innovator in form gives especial significance to the technical methods which he followedpoeticalin these

new

forms, for

it

was

his verse,

rather than that of Boscan, which was the

modelis

of the early

school in Spain, and as

members of the we shall

Italiansee,it

he who

offers the first

of

many

of

example of the use the Italian metrical combinadiscussed

tions.^

The muchfirst

question

of

the

appearance in Spain of the hendeca-

and of the Italian verse forms, which has been reviewed at length by Menendez y Pelayo in his study of thesyllable

work

of Boscan,- does not concern us here.

Although there can be Httle doubt that sporadic lines in the ItaHan rhythms are to be foimd in writers of the Middle Ages

AND MONOGRAPHS

278

LIFE AND

WORKS

280

LIFE AND

WORKS(El. I, 121)

281

Bien es verdad que no esta acompanada.

Tus

claros ojos.

c.a

quien los volvlste?fEgl.I,

128)

Hinchen

el

a\Te de dulce annonia.(Egl. II, 69)

Ora clavandoVerde

del ciervo ligero.(Egl. II, 194)

tefiida, aqiiel valle

atajavamos.(Egl. II, 210)

Y

caminando por do mi

ventiira.(Egl. II. 539)

Como

pudiste tan presto ol\-idarte.(Egl. II, 578)

iAdios. montanas;

adios, verdes prados!(Egl. II, 638)

Even more common are the lines which have no stress between the fourth andtenth syllables:Pienso remedios en mi fantasia.(Son. Ill, 6)

Libre

el

lugar a la desconfian^a.(Son.

IV, 4)

A

poder mio y a mi consentimiento.(Son. VII, 10)

AND MONOGRAPHS

282

:

LIFE AND

WORKS

283

with a word of four or more syllables, in which the eighth syllable is necessarilyunstressed.

Aside

from

these

unquestionable

ex-

amples of deviation from the normal types, there are several cases in which it is necessary to place the- secondary stress on a

normally weak

syllable,

if

the lines are to

conform to the usual

rules.

Such Hnes

as:

Xo

pierda mas, quien ha tanto perdido.(Son. VII, 1)

^le quito

al

mundo y me ha en ti sepultado.(Son.

XVI,

13)

En un temorTentarel

que

me hasi

puesto en olvido.(Cane. IV, 157)el

mal y

es

maloser

sucesso.II,

(Egl.

824)

Aguas metido podra

que

al llanto. (El. I, 164)

should be considered in the class with ac-

and seventh syllable, and ser are essentially atonic.^ In like manner, there is no normal stress between the fourth and tenthcents on the fourthfor the auxiliaries aver

syllables in the lines

AND MONOGRAPHS

284

LIFE AND

WORKS

286

LIFE AND

WORKS

288

GARCILASO DE LA VEGA(c)

Lines composed of a perfect septen-

ary, followed

by a quint anary, instead

of

a quaternary:Si

quexas y lamentossenti tus leyes

|

pudieron tanto.(Son.

XV,

1)

Como

|

tan rigurosas.(Son.

XXV,I,

2)

El viento sus cabellos

|

y con su(El.

vista.

239)187)

Y

en

el rigor del

yelo

|

y en

la serena.II,

(El.

(d)

Lines composed of a quintanary,

followed

by a septenary:|

Mas

tan cansada

de averse levantado.(Son. IV, 2)

Muerte, prisiones no pueden ni (Son. IV, 12) embaragos. Valgame agora jamas aver provado.|

]

(Son. VII, 3)

Que

reffrenaron

|

el

curso de los(Son.

rios.

XV,

2)

Porque son duros

]

y tienen fundamentos.(Son.

XX,

7)

Cantando

el

uno

|

y

el

otro respondiendo.(Egl. Ill, 304)

HI

SPANIC NOTES

LIFE AND

WORKS

290

LIFE AND

WORKS

292

LIFE AND

WORKS

1

[

293

294

LIFE ANDga y dura.Son.(Son.10;

WORKSXVII,7;

295

Exceptions: La dulce compan/-d amaralso

XXV,

Egl. II, 531, 623,

793, 835;i-o-

Egl. Ill, 123, 137)

A

poder mio y a mi consentimiento.(Son. VII, 19;also:

Son. VIII, 6;

Cane.

Ill, 53;

Egl. II, 920. 1472,

1590, 1754;

Egl. Ill, 201)

Exceptions:

Del

seco

est i-o

el

granalso:

calor ardiente.

(Egl. II, 234;

Egl. II, 839, 1078, 1602)

Of thethefirst

fifteen cases of diaeresis in these

four groups, ten occur

vowelis

is

reinforced

when the stress on by a secondary

line-stress.

This

treatment becomes thereinforced

rule,

which

followed without exception,is

whenstress e-a

the word stress

by

(i)

a main Hne-stress or

(2)

by

a secondary

on an inner rhyme.

(i)

Mas

eladaI,

que nieve.

Galate-a.

(Egl.(2)

59)Cf. above:

No

example.

pele-an.

e-o

(i)

Y quanto yo escrivir de vos &es,se-o.(Son. V^2)

AND MON OGRAPHS

296

LIFE ANDa-e-

WORKSmal mi

297

TomaLos

a ca-er, que dexa a

grado.tiros

(Son. IV, 3)

(Son.

y sa-etas XVI, 4; sa-etale

pongonosas.also in Cane.

V, 102)

Para eseaparse noII,

fue ma-^stro.

(Egl. II, 262; ma-estro also in Egl.

355. 695, 709,

785, 841,

1308,

133s, 1622)

Yoa-i-

para mi tra-er solo un eomado.II,

(Egl.

899)

Y

a ver los passos por do

me ha

tva-ydo}

(Son.

I,

2;

tra-ydo also

in Egl. II, 721)

La qualhidi.^^

a

un

llano grande

yo traalso

(Egl. II,

266;

tra-hia

in

Egl. II, 1273,

135s;

Egl. Ill,

221)

Y

(Son.

en torcidas ra->'zes se bolvian. XIII, 8; ra-yzes also inIll, 165)

Cane. IV, 75; Egl.

De

perseguir al triste y al ca-ydo.I,

(Cane.II,

36;

ca-ydo also in Egl.

852)

AND MONOGRAPHS

298.

LIFE AND

WORKS

300

LIFE AND

WORKS

302

LIFE AND

WORKS

304

LIFE AND(Egl. II, 1733)

WORKS

305

Que de los tiemos ramos van rum/ando.Exceptions:var/-able.

Que en imaginacion tan(Cane. IV, 122)

Delias al negociarII,

y varz-ando.

(El.

vari-ar also in Egl. II, 447, 1685, 946; Egl. Ill, 172, 265)^2;los

A A

(Egl. II,

hombres reserva, 740; Di-ana802)le

tu,

D/-ana.

also in Egl.

II, 173, 752,

los

que

cr/-avan.

Luego estava.

(Egl. II, 1307;II,

cri-anqa also in Egl.

1341)el

Que

agua disponia

al

gran v/-aje.Egl. II,

(Egl. II, 1603;

17-0;'^ also in

1469)

El

cauto

Itali-ano

not a

y

mira.

(Egl. II, 1545)

Phillodoce,III, 55;

Df-amane y Climene.Di-amenedel

(Egl.

also in Egl. Ill,

145)

PorAllof

el

herv^orI, 2)

sol

demas/-ado.criar

(Cane.demasiado,

these words,represent

except

and

an

original

Latin

AND MONOGRAPHS

306

GARCILASO DE LA VEGAcombination;criar

shows a similar comis

bination in Latin creare, and demasiado

based on demasia.

Of greater significance

is

the fact that(Son.

Petrarch has diaeresis in vari-are,

CCCV,

Di-ana (Madr. I, i), cre-are (Canz. XXIX, 108), and vi-aggio (Son. LXII, 10). On the other hand none of the words in which synaeresis occurs in Garcilaso have cognate forms in Dante or Petrarch, except cristiano, which occurs,13),

also with synaeresis, in Petrarch's Trionfo

Finally it should be delta fama, (II, 142). noted that in every case where diaeresisoccurs, the word-stressis

reinforced

by theporfio.

mainid-

or secondary line -stress.inclinaczf?n,

Mi

con quien ya no

(Son. VI, 12; also in the ending -ion

without exception)

Del oro(Son.

se esQOgio

con buelo presto.also in the verbal

XXIII,

6;

Y

ending -id without exception) en lo secreto sabe D/os en quanto.(ElI,

14;

Dios and diosa without

exception)

HI

SPANIC NOTES

LIFE AND

WORKS

'

307

308

LIFE ANDDezildo(Egl.

WORKSquetanto.

309

vos,I,

P/-erides,

236)

IMuyeto.

sin

rumor, con passo211;

muy

qai-

(Egl. II,

qiii-eto also in

Egl. II, 1032)

Of the words found here, esperienza is found with diaeresis in Dante (Purg. XV, 21) and Petrarch (Son. LXV, 10); qiiieto with diaeresis in Dante (Parad. XVI, 134), Sannazaro (Son. XXI, i), and Ariosto

XXIII, 117, i). The most striking features of use of synaeresis and diaeresis(Orl. fur.,

Garcilaso's

are (i) his

synaeresis of the groups ea,

eo, ia

and

io,

even when the word-stress is reinforced by a secondary line-stress; (2) his general avoidance of diaeresis, unless the word stress is reinforced by a main or secondary line -stress; (3) his diaeresis of all groupsbearing the stress on the second vowel,

used almost without exception when the

group

arises

from the

loss of

an

interv^ocalic

consonant, and, also

when the groupall

repre-

sents an original Latin group, except in the

groups

id,

and

io.

In

of these peculiari-

AND MONOGRAPHS

310

LIFE ANDEnie-

WORKSde aqueldia.

311

viendos la

memorm

(Egl. II, 5)

Con mas pfedad devria ser escuchada. (Son. XV, 12) Con que nunca fue a nad/e defendido.(Cane.II, 41)

io

-

Era prision de mas de un(Egl. II, 26s)Salicif?I,

pris/onero.

juntamente y Nemoroso.le

(Egl.

2)

iu

-

Carlo Cesar tr/wmphante(Egl. II, 1503)

abragava.

00

-

Contando edes> ees> es) or be due to analogy with the syncopated future subjunctive or with the older1015-16)preterite forms.

may

Present Indicative. Old forms areexamples), conosco (Egl.(4 examples),atierra(in theafierraII,

esto (4

99, 319), veeII,

(Egl.

loio)

and'II,

figurativeis

sense, Egl.

1070).

Atierra

also

found in the

literal

sense (Egl. Ill,

^2)^)-

Presentlesca

Subjunctive.

and condolesca occurII,

The forms adoin the rhyme

(Egl.

are the regular use.is

353-54), but the forms in -zca In Egl. II, 917 thereof the older subjunctive of

an exampleused.

valer inis

"Valasme, Dios;" elsewhere valgaImperative.

Present

Thed, is

old

plural

form, without the final

found not only

AND MONOGRAPHS

360

LIFE AND

WORKS

362

LIFE AND

WORKS

364

LIFE AND

WORKS

366

LIFE ANDthat his

WORKS

367

memory was widely cherished. Save in the official documents which bespeak the Emperor's continued concern for his family, he is wellnigh forgotten.Boscan,it is

true,

commemoratedsonnets,

his loss

in

two deeply

felt

which rankde-

among

his best works.

The second

serves quoting for its imaffected sincerity,Garcilasso, que al bien siempre aspiraste y siempre con tal fuerga le seguiste que a pocos passos que tras el corriste,

en todo enteramente

le

alcangaste,

dime ^por que tras ti no me llevaste, quando desta mortal tierra partiste ? ^por que al subir a lo alto que subiste aca en esta baxeza me dexaste ?Bien pienso yo que si poder tuvieras lo que esta ordenado, en tal caso de mi no te olvidaras;de mudar algoque, o quisieras honrrarme con tu lado,

o a loo, si

menos de mi

te despidieras,

esto no, despues por

mi tornaras. (Son. XCII)

Andhim and

again, in the Octava rima, he refers toaffectionately as a noble gentleman

as a poet in Latin

and

Castilian,

AND MONOGRAPHS|

368

LIFE AND

WORKS

370

LIFE AND

WORKS

371

The earliest example of a sonnet is one by Juan Hurtado de IMendoza in DiegoGracian's translation of the

Morales of

Plutarch (Alcala, 1548).^tion also

The same edicontains an anonymous sonnet,

Greek epigram, and a "tercia rima" by Luis Hurtado, written in pertranslating afectly regular tercets.

The

following year

saw the pubHcationintroductory sonnet

of Urrea's translation

of the Orlando furioso in octaves, with

an

by Juan

Aguilon."^

From 1550

on,

the nimiber of works

written wholly in the Italian measures or

containing introductory verses in thestyle, is so large that it is

new

necessary to men-

Thus in 1550 there appeared Gonzalo Perez's translation of the Odyssey in strongly iambic versos siieltos,^ and also a new translation of the Orlandotion only a few.furioso in octaves

Of particular interest

by Hernando de Alcocer.'' is the Buen plazer

trohado en treze discantes de quarta rimacastellana, segun imitacion de trohas france-

sas (1550) of

All of the verses in the

Juan Hurtado de Mendoza.^ work are either

AND MONOGRAPHS

372

LIFE AND

WORKS

374

LIFE ANDof his

WORKSXXXVIII

375

Finally Luis Zapata in Canto

Diego de Mendoza, Juan Hurtado de Mendoza, Geronimo de Urrea, Gonzalo Perez, Fernando de Acuna. Juan Coloma, and Montemayor of the better known writers and also Francisco de Guzman, Juan de Borja, Juan Fernandez de Heredia, Antonio de Soria, Geronimo Samper, Pedro de Guzman, andCarlofamoso, mentions

Bernardino de Ayala.^|

have already referred to the work of Urrea, Gonzalo Perez, father of the great secretary, and Juan Hurtado de IMendoza. We shall find examples of the verse of some of the others in the Cancionero general de 1554. This collection of poemsof the reign of Charlesteresting, as

We

V

is

singularly inin its revela-

Wolf observed, 2first

tion of the conflict of theschools.

new and

old

The

ninety poems belong to;

the old Castihan stylethree works in the

there follow eighty"Si-

new measures:

guense

las

obras que van por

el arte tos-

cana, compuestas por diversos autores, nimca hasta aora impressas." Although

AND MONOGRAPHS

376

LIFE AND

WORKS

378

LIFE AND

WORKS

380

LIFE AND

WORKS

382

LIFE AND

WORKS

384

LIFE AND

WORKS

386

LIFE ANDbeautiesof Petrarch

WORKSandof

387

Sannazaro

and even in their earliest followers there is evident an effort for that polish and elegance which were so strikingly exempHfied by the work of the poet of Toledo.4.

THE ANNOTATED EDITIONSthe critics of the

The

first of

new

school

had, as

we have

seen, clearly celebrated

the superiority of Garcilaso's art over thatof Boscan.

His judgment was corroborated

by the testimony of all his successors and by none more plainly than by the public,which has encouraged the publishers to reprint the works of Garcilaso in editionafter edition, while the verses of his con-

temporary haveion.

fallen into

complete obliv-

Not

until 1569, however, did

an

edi-

tion of the

poems of Garcilaso alone appear. In that year Simon Borgofion, a publisher

of

Salamanca, issued from the press of Matias Gast a slender volume containing the verses which had formed till then the Fourth Book of the Obras of Boscan. In his dedication, Borgonon alleges as his motive

AND MONOGRAPHS

;

388

LIFE AND

WORKS

390

LIFE AND

WORKS

391

tions even before the edition

was in print, and Sanchez, following the suggestion of his counsellor, Juan Vazquez del Marmol,took care to defend his position in hisPrologue, calling attention to the fact that

the Italians had already performed a similar service in

honor

of Ariosto

and Sanna-

zaro by their annotated editions of the

Orlando furioso and the Arcadia.

This explanation of his purpose was notsufficient to silence the protests of his op-

ponents, one of

whom composed

a burles-

que sonnet. "Against the Annotations of Master Sanchez when they were printedfor the first time;

at the time

it

was

dis-

covered in the house of a gentleman- in

Salamanca,"Descubierto se ha un hurto de gran fama que han cogidola

del ladron Garci-Lasso,

con tres dosseles de

y con seys almohadas de el telar de Penelope, yde las Parcas yel

reyna Dido la cama,la

trama

arco de Cupido,

tres barriles del agua del olvido, y un prendedero de ore de su dama.

AND MONOGRAPHS

392

LIFE AND

WORKS

394

LIFE AND

WORKS

396

LIFE AND

WORKS

398

LIFE ANDlished until 1870,

WORKSit

,

399

when

the BibHofilos Andaluces.

was a true Castilianlearning;

was printed by The Condestable and a man of someHis defense of Garoftenis

his criticisms of Herrera are for

the most part sound.cilaso's Castilian is

eminently just and inis

matters of poetic taste, hecloser to

much

modem

feeling

than

Herrera,

circimiscribed as herules of

was by the artificial an academic school. He has also fallen with no gentle hand upon Herrera 's besetting weakness, his pompous style, and occasionally succeeded in pricking the bubble of his erudition. But the personal eleis

ment

exaggerated; therevulgarity

is

so

much uncauseis

necessary

that

his

weakened.Herrera had allowed the first attack by Damasio de Frias to pass unnoticed, but stung by the wide currency given to the invective of "El Prete Jacopin," he penned an answer imder the simple disguise of a Sevillan friend, in which he took up point by point the strictures of his CastiHanopponent. Herrera

lacked the piquant

AND MONOGRAPHS

400

LIFE AND

WORKS

401

CHAPTER Yl EL PRINCIPE DE LA POESIAESPANOLA.In the Dedication of his edition, Herrera

had styled Garcilaso "El Principe de la Poesia Espanola," and this title, in one form or another, has remained the universal symbol under which readers of every time and tongue have paid him homage. To list even the names of those who have paid tribute to him in his own land wouldbe to survey the history of Spanish literSuch an undertaking is impossible, ature.^

but there are certain phases of the cult ofGarcilaso which are of especial interest.First ofall,it is

noteworthy that his

poetry has appealed to the taste of everygeneration

and

school.

fads of style have not

The changing dimmed his glory;

men

of every

cist or

kind of temperament, classiRomantic, have turned to his verse

AND MONOGRAPHS

402

LIFE AND

WORKS

404

GARCILASO DE LA VEGAevolves the argument of his rifacimento of

the second Eclogue:

"Esta egloga, ense

la

qual Garcilaso dela Vega pone un pastor

llamado Albanio, aqui(Cordova's grammaris

llama Silvano

as erratic as his

verse), por la parte sensual del

hombre; yy

dondela

alia

se

llama otro pastor Salicio,dize Camila, aqui seel

aqui se llama Racinio, por la razon;

pastora que alia

le

llama Celia, que es

alma;

y

el

pastor

llama aqui Gracioso, por la gracia, con cuya fuerga el hombre vence a Y en la ficcion do alaba Garsi mismo.secilasso la succession

Nemoroso

de los duques de Alba,

aqui se ponen algunos patriarchas y reyes

detor

la

Nuestro,

generacion de Jesu Christo, Redempquanto a su sacratissima

humanidad, sin declarar nombre, ecepto el del bien aventurado Sant Joseph, que se pone aqui en lugar de Severo, el vie jo tan sefialado y alabado por el dicho Garcilasso,

Christo, Dios

y todo para en alabanga de Jesu y hombre verdadero.''^

In the third Eclogue the nymphs are none other than Prudence, Fortitude, Jus-

HI

SPANIC NOTES

LIFE ANDtice

WORKS

1

405

selves

and Temperance, who disport themon the banks of the Jordan and give

ear to the songs in praise of the Virgin,

sung by Phelisio and Charino. It is amusing to read in Cordova's Elegy addressed to Luis de Vera, that Boscan's Leandro hascost

him

great effort, and not less divert-

ing to hear in his Epistola in blank verse,of the ravagescilaso's

which the reading of Garamorous verse inflicted on his in-

nocent

spirit. 1

We

find

it

hard to under-

stand to-day the extravagance and bad taste which gave birth to such a monstruous

misunderstanding; that

it

was not limited

to Sebastian de Cordova seems clear from

the fact that his edition "a lo divino" wasreprinted

two years

later.

In the same vein of hoiTor for beauty, Juan Lopez de Ubeda writes in the Prefaceto his Vergel de flores divinas (1582) that

the only trace which the works of Boscan, Garcilaso, or Castillejo will leave in the

world

is

" that left

by the passage

of a

snake upon the road or a bird in the air."^ He goes on to speak with much unction of

AND MONOGRAPHS

406

LIFE ANDshowshis

WORKS

407

methods, for these verses were

y unidos con Such a patchwork was no slight task, as Fray Juan de la Plata remarked several years later in his Aprobacion of a similar operation performed by one Angulo y Pulgar on the works of Gongora. But the same critic further observed that, though Andosilla had done his work painstakingly and ingeniously, the result is rough and harsh to the ear, the more so because it is in blank verse which is so little fitted for Castilian art.^ The work of Andosilla was almost a coupley de centones."

*'sacados de diferentes partes

de grace for Garcilaso.

In 1622

Tamayo

de Vargas, a learned Toledan, had published aof his

new annotated edition of the poems fellowtownsman, deriving his mate-

from Sanchez and Herrera, although he did have access to a manuscript of the Escorial, once the property of Diegorial largely

de Mendoza, to assist him in the establishment of his text. This edition was the last printed in Spain for nearly one hundred andfifty years, unless

we count the

AND MONOGRAPHS

408

LIFE ANDcilaso as

WORKSwon

409

the

title of

one of the poets who have "El Divino."^

To Lope de Vega"El Divino" and in

as well, Garcilasoall

is

works "The Phoenix" manifests the most ardent admiration for the Toledan poet, counting himhis

at once as the initiator of the

new

school

and the supreme example of that good taste which was so rapidly falling into disrepute.

In the Papel de la nueva poesia,Garcilaso

he

cites

and Herrera as the

noblest models for imitation which Spanishliterature offers.sotinet

And again in the famous nueva lengua'" of the cultos, Garcilaso and Boscan represent the soimd old CastiHan tradition, amazed and dumbfoimded at the jargon of the cultos, fancy"Ala

ing that they are

still

in Vizcaya.

Theasof

Laurel dethe

A polo

is

sprinkled with refer-

ences to Garcilaso,

who appears alwaysof

recognized

master

the

poets

Spain,

que nadie

el

principadole niega.

de aquella edad

AND MONOGRAPHS

410

LIFE ANDItis

WORKS

411

doubly interesting to find that

Gongora, the leader of the school of cidteranismo, regarded him with no less admiration than the opponents of the school, as

he shows in his

canciofi

"Al sepulcro de

Garcilaso de la Vega,"

Piadoso oy zelo culto, sino el hecho de artifice elegante,de marmol espirante, un generoso anima y otro buito, aqui donde entre jaspes y entre oro talamo es mudo, tumulo canoro. Aqui donde coloca justo afecto en aguja no eminentesino en urna decente

esplendor mucho si ceniza poca, bienque milagros despreciando Egipcios pira es suya este monte de edificios.Si tu passo no enfrena, tan bella en marmol copia, io caminante!

essa es la

ya sonantelas

emula deel

trompas, ruda avena,

a quien del Tajo deben oy las floresdulce lanientar de dos pastores.

Este el curvo instrumento que el Albano canto, segundo Marte,

AND MONOGRAPHS

412

LIFE AND

WORKS

414

LIFE ANDality

WORKS

415

and commenting on his mastery of form and the purity of his language. Histhat "Garcilasois, if

final dictimi is

not

the greatest CastiKan poet, at leaEt the

mostbeenwilltilian

classic,

the poet

who

has enjoyed the

widest popularity, whose reputation hasleast questioned

and who probablyis

not perish as long as there

a Cas-

language and Castilian poetry, "i

Echoes of this same enthusiasm are to be foiind in the Anotaciones a la Poetica of Martinez de la Rosa, who constantly turns to Garcilaso as the great master ofSpanish versification, calling him "el masdulce de nuestros poetas."^

As

late

as

1844 we find Lista defending Garcilaso and the others poets of the sixteenth century

from the charge of being merely imitators, which had been made against them in anarticle

in

the

Liceo

espanol.^

With

his

eminently classical turn of mind, Lista goes so far as to say that "Garcilaso is soprofoundly tender, so highly original in the song of Nemoroso, because in the song of Salicio he imitated Virgil with such per-

AND MONOGRAPHS

416

LIFE AND

WORKS

418

LIFE ANDwars, where he

WORKS

419

is wounded in the arms and mouth, so that he can say only, "Ba!

Ba!"

After

Dona

Maria's marriage hefield of battle.

once more returns to the

There he learns from Doiia Porcia of Dona Maria's death and enters the fray, to fall in death at the foot of the tower. Artistically the play,

which introduces a galaxy of

notables, including Charles V,

Sclyman the

Magnificent, Barbarrosa, Antonio de Leiva,

Duke of Alba, Boscan and Diego de Its only Mendoza, is quite negligible. interest depends upon its use of the poet's own verses, which are introduced, more ortheless

a propos, throughout the entire work.in the nineteenth century,

Once more,ject of

we

find the story of the poet used as the sub-

a play in the "Garcilaso de

la

Vega"

(1840) of Gregorio

Romero y

Larraiiaga.

Here the plotwithpriseall

is

wholly fantastic, adorned

the devises of intrigue and sur-

erated.

which the vagaries of the type tolThe scene is laid in Bologna in 1530; Garcilaso's love for the Duchess of

Lerida ends in a sentence of exile to the

AND MONOGRAPHS

420

^

LIFE ANDd'intenerire

WORKSdava vanto,

421

un cor

si

ancor che fosse piu duro che pietra. Felice lui, se contentar di tanto

onor sapeasi, e scudo, arco e faretra aver in odio, e scimitarra e lancia, che lo fecer morir giovine in Francia.

(XVI, 72)

At the endrunt

of his Elogia doctorum viro-

(1550), Paolo Giovio

added a

brief

note on the scholars of other countries andthere he mentions Garcilaso as one of thefirst

in Spain to pursue learning, praising

his Latin odes for their Horatian suavity

and recountingFrance.^

his

untimely

death

in

Two

years later Antonfrancescohis Pistolotti amorosi

Doni included inSonnet

an

almost verbatim translation of Garcilaso 's

XXIX,

Passando il mar Leandro coraggioso, in amoroso fuoco tutto ardendo,stating thatit

was translated from theof the

Spanish but without naming the author.Tansillo

was not the only author

Cinquecento who found inspiration in the poet's first Eclogue. Ludovico Patemo in

AND MONOGRAPHS

422

LIFE AND

WORKS

423

tion from the poet's Cancion IV, in histreatise Delia perfetta poesia, (1706)/ there

was no general knowledge

of the Castilian

writer during the eighteenth century until

the period of the prolonged quarrel be-

tween BettineUi and Tiraboschi and their followers on one hand and Lampillas and his coterie on the other, over the responsibiHty for the origin of bad taste in Europeaninletters.

An

ItaHan, Giambattista Conti, resident

Madrid, pubUshed there in 1773 a translation into ItaKan of the first Eclogue, and in his subsequent Scelta di poesie castigliane (1782-90) devoted the whole ofthe second volume to translations of his works. Lampillas, as might be expected,

was an ardent enthusiast over Garcilaso's genius. 2 Another Itahan of the same perihe may be od, Gianfrancesco Masdeu, regarded as an Italian in spite of his Cata-

lan birth,de

author of the Hist or ia

critica

Espana y de la cultura espafwla, also produced an anthology of translations fromthe Spanish, \Tiiig with that of Conti, in

AND MONOGRAPHS

424

-

LIFE ANDtilian poet,

WORKS

425

tions, translations

but frequent imitations, adaptaand even parodies. As

his

an example of the skill with which he used borrowed material it will suffice toquote his paraphrase of Garcilaso's Sonnet

XI:Moradoras gentis e delicadas do claro e aureo Tejo, que metidasestayse

em

suas grutas escondidas,sossegadas;

com doce repouso

agora esteys de amores infiamadas,

nos cristalinos Pages entretidas, agora no exercicio embevecidas das telas de euro puro matizadas. Movey dos lindos rostros a luz purade vossos olhos belles, consent inde que lagrimas derramen de tristura; e assi com der maes prepia ireys ouvindoas quexas que

derrame da ventura, que com penas de Amor me vay seguindo.^is

In form as well he

indebted to him

whom

he

calls

"o brando

e

doce Lasso."

Thus he

employs the Spaniard's lira in his third Ode and in his eclogues, which are polymetric he gives a Portuguese example of the inner rhyme.

AND MONOGRAPHS

426

LIFE AND

WORKS

428

LIFE ANDworklatersity,first

WORKSi

429

Velazquez devoted a large attention to theof

Garcilaso and thirty-five years

another professor of the same univerFriedrich Bouterwek, produced thehistoryof

Spanish

literature,

the

"Geschichte

der

spanischen

Poesie

and

Beredsarnkeit" (1804).ions are colorless,

Bouterwek's opin-

and the space which he dedicates to the study of the life and worksof Garcilasois

small in proportion to that

which he gives Boscan, or Diego de Mendoza, for example. As Menendez y Pelayohas justly remarked, the northerncritics,

who

than have always shown a greater charity toward Boscan than have his own people. Oneread

with

their

eyes

rather

listen to the verse

with their

ears,

other sign of acquaintance with Garcilaso

which concerns Germany must be mentioned: the few examples of his verse which were printed in the Floresta de rimas antiguas castellanas of Johann Nicholas Bohl

von Faber, unless we prefer to call him Juan Nicolas and count him among thejSpaniards,

with

whom

his

own

literary

AND MONOGRAPHS

i

L

430

LIFE ANDcenttiry.

WORKSItalian,

431

In

1800

an

Gaetanoan-

Ravizzotti, published at

Romney an

thology of Castilian poetry, containing thethree Eclogues of Garcilaso and five of hislyrics,

with a brief

life

of the poet.

Un-

doubtedly from this collection Horace Walpolefirst

made

his translation of a part of the

Eclogue and a sonnet (No. XXIII)

which he published anonymously at Cambridge in 1805, imder the title Isabel, fromSpanish of Garcilaso de la Vega, with poems and translations frofn the Greek, The next work which treats Italian, etc.the

other

of him is Lord Holland's "Life of Lope de Vega" (181 7), in which there is a brief mention of his verses and a translation of oneof

his

poorer

sonnetslittle

(No.

XXXI V).^

Passing over thepublications

Essay on Spanishin

Literature (181 8) ofof

Anaya, we come to two1823:

interest

the

English translation of Bouterwek and more

important forlaso's

us, the translation of Garci-

poems by J. H. Wiffen. Wiffen prefaced his work by a long and romanticly inaccurate' life'of the poet and a free adap-

AND MONOGRAPHS

432

LIFE AND

WORKS

433

Ye, sweet-voiced Sirens of the sacred hill! Too high the strain, too weak my grovehngreed.

For

me

to dare proceed.rest of

The

the nineteenth century sawof

no striking proofscilaso in

an

interest in Garin

England, exceptiSIr.

icism ofit

the sound critJames Fitzmaurice-Kelly as

ature.

appears in his History of Spanish LiterBut in the New World of English

speech, one scholar at least has given atlife and work George Ticknor. The care with which Ticknor read his verses is made plain by the copious margin-

tention to the story of theof the Spanish poet, thatis

notes which he pencilled in his personal copy of the poems. His discussion of Garcilaso in his History of Spanish Literatureal^

is

penetrating and just;

his brief translafirst

tions of passages

from the

Eclogue,

done in blank verse, are infinitely more satisfactory^ than those of Wiffen. "We cannot end with a more fitting summary ofGarcilaso's place in the hterature of Spain

than his statement:

"Garcilaso has

come

AND MONOGRAPHS

434

LIFE AND

WORKS

436

LIFE AND

WORKShijos-

'

437

e avuelas fueron e son avidos e tenidos e

comimmente rreputados por honbresdalgo e de linpia enoble

sangre, syntales este tes-

yntervenir rraga ninguna de converso ni

moro

ni

tigo los

de otra cosa, e por tuvo e tiene.

Ael

la tercera

pregunta, dixo que sabe que

dicho Garcia Laso tiene cevales e cava-

llos e los

puede bien tener.

Aque

lael

quarta pregunta, dixo que no sabelo oviera seydo, este testigo loI

dicho Garcia Laso aya sido rrieptadosi

e que

oviera sabido o oydo e questo sabe delcaso.

E

firmolo

de

su

nombre.

Pero

Abrera.

AND MONOGRAPHS

438

LIFE ANDLIST OF

WORKSLiberal Arts.

439

WORKS CONSULTEDThe Sevened.

Abelson, Paul.

New

York, 1906.Relazioni degli

Alberi, Eugenio,basciatori

am-

veneti

al

Senato.

Firenze,

1839-55-

14 V.

Alonso Getino, Luis G.del maestro Fr,

Vida y procesosSala-

Luis de Leon.

manca, 1907. Amador de los Rios, Rodrigo.der.

Barcelona,

1891.

{in

SantanEspana:

sus

monumentos y2a ed.

artes, etc.)

Antonio, Nicolas.nova.

Bibliotheca hispana2 v.

Matriti, 1783-88.

Argote de Molina, Gonzalo.del Andaluzia.Sevilla, 1588.

Nobleza

Armstrong, Edward. The emperor Charles V. London, 1902. 2 v. AzARA, Jose Nicolas de, ed. Obras deGarcilasonotas.

de la Vega, Madrid, 1765.

ilustradas

con

Bernaldez, Andres. Historia de Fernando e Isabel, {in Rosell, Cronicas,etc.,

Ill, B.

A. E.,

LXX)

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440

LIFE AND

WORKS

442

LIFE AND

WORKS

444

LIFE ANDHaebler,del siglo

WORKSBibliografia iberica

445

K0XR.A.D.

XV. La Haya & Leipzig, 1903. Herrera, Fernando de, ed. Obras deGarcilasso de laSevilla, 1580.

Vega con anotaciones.S.

Hume, Martin A.and decay.los

Spain:

its

greatness

Cambridge, 1905. Jornada de CarIllescas, Gonzalo de.

V a Tiinez.B. A. E.,

{in Rosell, Historiadores,

etc., I,

XXI)

Itineraire de Charles-Quint de 1506 a Gachard, Collection des {in 1 53 1.voyages,etc., II,

1-50)

Le Journal1910.

d'un bourgeois

de

ParisParis,

(15 1 5-1 536), ed. V.-L. Bourrilly.

JusTi,

Karl.preuss.

Garcilaso de la Vega,k.

Ein Bildnis des Dichters {in Jahrbuch der

Kunstsammlungen, XIVla

(1893), 177-90)

Garcilaso de

Vega,

(m Espana135-150)et les

modema,

t.

310

(oct. 1914))

Latour, Antoine de. Tolede du Tage. Paris, i860.

bords

Lauren ciN, Marques

de.

Document os

AND MONOGRAPHS

446

LIFE ANDpoesias a{inel

WORKSVega ytres

447

inedita de Garcilaso de la

dedicadas por Cosimo Anisio.etc.,

Revista de historia y literatura,

Ill (1898), 362-8)

Menendez y Pelayo, Marcelino. Bibliografia hispano-latina clasica. Tomo I.Madrid, 1902. (No more published.) Juan Boscan, estudio critico. Ma(Antologia de poetas liricos drid, 1908.castellanos,

XIII)de, ed. Dra-

Mesonero Romanos, Ramonmaticos posteriores a

Lope de Vega.

Madrid, 1858-59.

2 v.

(B. A. E.,

XLVII,

XLIX)MiGNET, FRANgois AuGUSTE Marie. Rivalite de

Francois

P''

et

de Charles-

Quint.

Paris, 1875.

2 V.

Morales, Ambrosioverdadera

de.

Discurso de ladel

descendencia

glorioso

{in Ocampo, doctor Santo Domingo, Coronica general de Espana. Madrid,

1791-92, X) MoREAu, Sebastien.

La

prinse et

deli-

vrance du Roy, venue de la Royne, seiu" Paris, 1835. aisnee de I'Empereur, etc.

AND MONOGRAPHS

448

LIFE AND

WORKS

450

LIFE AND

WORKS

452

LIFE AND

WORKS

LIFE AND

WORKS

455

NOTES2,1

Lettera{in

Ispagna3.1. 3.2.3.3.

seconda, and Viaggio Opera omnia, pp. 268, 315.)16.

in

Vida, 12.

Obras de Garcilasso,Id., 14-15.

3.4.4.1.

See pp. 64-67.

Archivo historico nacional. Ordenes militares. Santiago. Pruebas de nobleza. Garcilaso de la Vega y de Guzman. 1523.N. 8613.4.2.

Cf.

Appendix A.

Id.,

Garcilaso de la Vega y Zuniga.78,2..

1543.4.3.5,1.