Grammar and the Spoken Language
Transcript of Grammar and the Spoken Language
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Gramm ar and the Spoken Language
1
RONALD CAR TER and MICHAEL M cCARTHY
Universityof Nottingham
In this paper, we argue that language teaching which aims to foster speaking
skills and natural spoken interaction should be based upon the gramm ar of
spoken language, and not on grammars which mainly reflect written norms
Using evidence from a mini-corpus of conversational English, w e look a t how
four grammatical features which occur with noticeable frequency in the corpus
are dealt with in currently popular pedagogical gramm ars Our investigation
show s that treatmen t o f the selected features varies from adequate to patchy to
complete absence from the gramm ars surveyed We conclude that research in
discourse analysis does offer some helpful insights into the usage of these
features, but that, in the absence o f easy access to discourse analysis work and
given the mixed treatment in gramm ar books, teachers and learners will often
be thrown back on their own resources How ever,
we
argue that even verysmall
amoun ts of real spoken data can yield significant evidence which can be used
imaginatively within inductive and language awareness approaches in and out
of the classroom to increase awareness and knowledge of the gramm ar of
conversation
1 INTRODUCTION
In the last couple of decades, the emphasis of English language teaching has
shifted from a general notion of proficiency or com pete nc e tow ard s skills-based
approaches, and the speaking skill has been foregrounded in a way that was not
so som e twenty-five to thirty years ago In parallel, the com m unica tive ap pr oa ch
has provided language teachers with innovative techniques and materials for
fostering the spoken skills At the same time, language courses and works of
reference are increasingly advertising themselves as offering 'real English
1
and
'real-l ife communication' to the learner
2
Equally significant and relevant is the
debate over model(s) of English selected for teaching the speaking skills,
wh ether i t be south ern, m iddle-class B rit ish English, Am erican English, on e of
the 'new E nglish
1
varieties, or else a m or e neu tral, culturally un attach ed variety
of the language for intercultural communication that may not involve the use of
English as a native or first language (see, for exam ple, Bex (199 3) on Eng lish in
Eu rop e) But i t may be argued, as we shall argue in this pap er, that the m ode ls of
grammar which underp in m ost of the laudable at tem pts at represen ting and
activating the use of the spoken language are still rooted in descriptions of the
grammar of writ ten English and have fai led to take on board some interest ing
features of the grammar of informal, interactive talk Just as it would be
questionable to base a writ ing skil ls course on grammatical statements based
only on informal spoken data, in our opinion it is equally the case that spoken
Applied
Linguistics, Vol 16,No 2O Oxford University Press 1995
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142 GRAM MAR AN DTHESPOKEN LANGUAG E
language instruction based solely or mainly on written language description is
an unsound methodological foundation upon which to build The problematic
base from whichwelaunch our argument includes ideological confusion too so
often, in our experience, attempts to discuss the grammar of speech in teacher-
training seminars and similar contexts are clouded by prejudgements that many
of the grammatical features observable in everyday, unplanned conversation
are simply wrong
1
, and are corruptions of and lapses from the standards
enshrined in the scholarly grammars (this may be particularly so in the
perception of the public at large, see Pinker 1994)
What we shall argue in this paper is that wntten-based grammars exclude
features thai occur widely in the conversation of native speakers of English,
across speakers of different ages, sexes, dialect g roups, and social classes, and
with a frequency and distribution that simply cannot be dismissed as aberration
If our speakers are 'wrong', then most of us spend a lot of our time being 'wrong'
Such a view of grammar is absurd and needs to be put aside from the outset In
this paper,weshall not make particular reference to course books, but suffice it
to say that the available evidence points to a lack of fit between what conversa-
tional data tell us and what textbook dialogues suggest, and not just for Bntish
English(eg see Pica (1983) on Am erican English, O'ConnordiVito (1991) on
French data and textbooks, and G lisan and D rescher (1993) on a similar lack of
fit between real data and Spanish textbooks)
Nowadays, computational analysis of large am ounts of natural language data
is relatively easy, and pioneering projects such as COBUILD at the University
of Birmingham have revolutionized the way we look at naturally-occurring
language And yet even the COBUILD Grammar (Collins COBUILD 1990,
hereafter CO B), along with other recent grammars, seems to underplay or omit
recurring features of everyday spoken English In some cases, a lack of
descriptive coverage may be due to a bias towards broadcast talk, where
language
is
usually more measured, self-conscious, often pre-planned and more
formal, and more likely to emulate written standards because of traditional
perceptions of institutions such as the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC)
(see the views of Summers (1994), representing rival publishers Longm an, on
the question of bias towards broadcasting in relation to CO BUILD in theEFL
Gazette article 'Corpuses', August 1994 18) In the case of the COBU ILD
project, great stndes have been made in incorporating more and more spoken
data of vanous kinds into its huge corpus, and others have not been slow to
follow
its
lead
m
building major co rpora which are either devoted
to ,
or include,
spoken material The Bntish National Corpus, now under development,
promises scholars access to millions of words of spoken data (see Crowdy 1993
for details) and its published products, it is to be hoped, will have the
opportunity to reflect the nature of'r ea l' spoken language in a way that has not
hitherto been possible In the meantime, though, language practitioners d o not
have to sit back and wait for the results of such vast investigations for, with
relatively small but carefully targeted corpora, much can be learnt about the
spoken language, and small corpora can. in themselves, be directly exploited as
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RONALD CARTER AND MICHAEL McCARTHY 143
a valuable resource in teaching The fact thatlexis isessentiallya hugenumber of
items whose occurrence, except for the most common words, is relatively
infrequent means that convincing corpora for major lexicographical work need
to be vast, perhaps tens of millions of words Gramm ar, on the other hand,
consists of a small number of items and patterns frequently repeated, and thus
much smaller corpora can yield regularly patterned data for grammatical
analysis and exploitation in grammar teaching Put another way, even in a very
large corpus of millions of words, many idiomatic lexical expressions will only
occur once or a couple of times(e g Arnaud and Savignon (forthcoming) cite
Rosamund Moon's evidence of only one occurrence of the expression it'sall in
a day's work' in the 18-million-word Oxford Hector Pilot Corpus of British
English) However, the inclusion of such instinctively useful expressions in
dictionaries of idioms would pass largely without controversy On the other
hand, even in a very small (by current standards) corpus of tens of thousands of
words of conversation, one can easily find grammatical patterns not described
in existing grammars occurring five, ten, or m ore times across different speakers
and in different contexts Furtherm ore, huge corp ora often throw up vastly
unmanageable numbers of occurrences of common grammatical features (e g
the articles), resulting in compilers of dictionaries and gramm ars having to work
with a sub-sample anyway And it should never be forgotten that even the very
big corpora currently in use are themselves only small samples of the spoken
and wntten output ofaspeech community over the course of many years Each
average individual processes a phenomenal amount of language every day If we
were only exposed to three hours of spoken language per day (many people
experience this much and more from radio and television alone, not to mention
their exposure to live conversation and to written language), the Nottingham
corpus (see below) average figure of 100 hours for one million words of
conversation would suggest that an individual might well process the 12 million
spoken sample' words claimed by the Cobuild 'Bank of English' (see Fox,
quoted in 'Corpuses',
EFL
Gazette August 1994 18)injust over a year of their
adult life (many might achieve this in an even shorte r time) Naturally, small
corpora cannot be the basis of sweeping generalizations about the spoken
language, but they can be used as the basis of further research or day-to-day
observations which can confirm or refute their limited evidence Above all,
small corpora can be collected by teachers and learners and used as a class
resource where existing published resources fail to supply data or descriptions
of features of interest in the spoken language
This paper bases
its
arguments on data taken from a mini-corpus of conversa-
tional English which forms part of a larger spoken corpus currently under
development at the University of Nottingham For the present purposes, we
have taken 35 extracts of conversation averaging four minutes each,
3
giving us a
total of approximately two-and-a-half hours of transcribed talk and 30,000
words In this mini-corpus, 45 different speakers are represented, 22 males and
23 females, ranging in age from 11 years to 78 years The speakers com e from
across a broad social spectrum covenng unskilled working-class on one side to
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144 GRAMMAR AND THE SPOKEN LANGUAGE
professional people on the other They come from widely distributed areas of
the British Isles The 35 extracts are classified by genre (see McCarthy and
Carter 1994 24-38) We wish to concentrate principally on features of casual
conversation as the core genre for any conversational analysis relevant to the
teaching of general spoken English, with a secondary interest in narrative, and
so the mmi-corpus is weighted accordingly, with other genres represented by
smaller amounts of talk Fo r more reliable cross-generic com parisons, statistical
normalization procedures such as that outlined by Biber (1988 75-8 ) can be
brought into play, though in the first instance we are interested in gross
frequency across all genres The classification and am ounts of data a re as
follows
A Casual conversation (bi- and multi-party informal talk with frequent turn-
changes, no pre-set topics, equally distnbuted or shifting conversational roles),
14 extracts, approximately 16,000 words, 35 of the total speakers represented
B Narratives(stretches of talk amenable to narrative-structure analysis
according to accepted models of narrative, for example Labov 1972) 11
extracts, approximately6,000words, 15 of the total speakers represented
C Service encounters (talk between server and served parties in shops,
restaurants, etc, in the negotiation of goods and services), 5 extracts,
approximately 4,000 words, 9 of the total speakers represented
D Language-in-action (talk which accompanies some real-world task, for
example, talk while preparing food, moving furniture, etc), 5 extracts,
approximately 4,000 w ords,17of the total speakers represented
The genre-classification is important, since the grammatical features we shall
look at are not equally distnbuted across the genres, and we shall argue for a
more genre-sensitive description of the spoken language as being the most
useful resource for teachers and learners of English (see Biber, Conrad, and
Reppen (1994) for a similar argument, though they refer to differences across
registers, see also Rings (1992)) Our choice of the non-casual genres is
influenced
by
our long expenence as English language teachers and the kinds of
genres most often found in textbook dialogues It
is,
unsurpnsingly, notalwaysa
simple, straightforward matter to assign extracts to genres For example,
narratives often occur embedded in longer casual stretches, and defining what a
minimal narrative may consist of is also occasionally problematic, but overall
labelling is generally feasible and has a pedagogical usefulness that transcends
any unresolved local difficulties
Our purpose in analysing the data was to see how often features of grammar
occurred which, intuitively in the first instance, could be labelled as unlikely to
occur in formal, writtentext,but which, nonetheless,did not seem 'wrong' orlll-
formed, but which occurred repeatedly in the mini-corpus We have been able
to use large numbers of our own students and other seminar participants over
the past year as informants to support our intuitions as to which features of the
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RONALD CARTER AND MICHAEL McCARTHY 145
texts corresponded to those criteria When at least five occurrences of any such
features were recorded in the data, and provided the features in question
occurred across different speakers independently of sex,
age,
dialect group, and
social class, and across different extracts, searches were made in current
descriptive and pedagogical reference grammars to see what coverage, if any,
the features received
4
O ur interest was in forms and structures which, although
unlikely to occur in the formal written mode, seem to pass as perfectly
acceptable and grammatical in the informal spoken mode, and on which any
observant language learner or teacher might well expect to find information in
available published resources We did not count aborted structures o r
anacolutha (changing from one structure to another in mid-stream, before the
first construction is complete) Some work on spoken grammatical features to
date (eg Brown 1980, Lewandowska-Tomaszcyk 1990) has concentrated on
starkly obvious anomalies such as anacolutha and pronoun-copying in relative
clauses(e g Th at's the record thatIlent it to her weeks ago') These features are
undoubtedly of interest, since they are by no means isolated phenomena, but
there are also other, less immediately striking features which do not seem so
openly to violate traditional norms and yet which still slip through the net of
grammatical descnption or are relegated to positions of minor importance in
the descnptive and pedagogic apparatus, as we shall attempt to sh ow
5
In the following section, we shall take just four grammatical features, and
report findings which we believe to be relevant for dealing with gram mar in the
spoken m ode in the language teaching and learning context These features do
not by any means exhaust our list of areas offering great potential for new and
revised description and pedagogy, and more findings will be published as our
project develops
2 EVIDENCE FROM A SELECTION OF GRAMMA TICAL FEATURES
2 1 Ellipsis
Ellipsis, the omission of elements otherwise considered required in a struc ture,
occurs widely in the mini-corpus Here we shall concen trate on just one kind of
ellipsis, what Quirk
et al
(1985 895 ff) (hereafter QUIRK ) refer to as
situational ellipsis
Situational ellipsis differs fromtextualandstructuralellipsis
in that the unrealized items of the conventional account of structure are
retnevable from the imm ediate situation Textual ellipsis is characterized by
retnevability from the text itself (either anaphoncally or cataphoncally), while
structural ellipsis occurs when a purely structural element is omitted (eg 'I'm
surprised [that] no-one told you ') Situational ellipsis is particularly apparen t in
casual data Itisalso notably present in language-in-action data, where not only
the participants but the objects and entities and processes talked about are
typically prominent in the immediate environment There is also situational
ellipsis in our service-encounter examples It is notably
absent
from the
narrative data, where the participants and processes of the story are usually
separated in time and place from the moment of telling
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146 GRAMMAR AND THE SPOKEN LANGUAG E
T h e r e a r e o v e r 8 0 p l a c e s i n t h e m i n i - c o r p u s w h e r e o n e o r m o r e i t e m s o f
s t r u c t u r e w h i c h w o u l d b e e x p e c t e d in t h e f o r m a l w r i t t e n m o d e d o n o t a p p e a r ,
b u t w h o s e r e f e r e n t s a r e r e t ri e v a b l e f r o m t h e i m m e d i a t e s i t u a t i o n O f t h e s e
p l a c e s ,
6 5 a r e e l l i p s e s w h e r e s u b je c t p r o n o u n s a r e r e t r i e v a b l e f r o m t h e
c o n t e x t u a l e n v i r o n m e n t I n 4 1 o f t h e s e 6 5 c a s e s , a c o p u l a r o r a u x i li a r y v e r b is
a l so ab se n t w h e re i t m ig h t b e ex p e c te d in w r i t t en tex t Ex t r ac t ( 1 ) , f r o m a
lan g u ag e -m-ac t io n seg men t , g iv es th e ty p ica l f l av o u r o f th e se ty p es o f e l l i p se s
(1) [mem bers of a family in their kitchen co okin g ne e in prep ara tion for a party)
1 (0 1) Foreign body in there
2 (0 2) It's the raisins
3 (0 1 ) O h is it oh it's ne e with raisins is n
4 (0 2) L No no no it 's not supp osed to be
5 [laughs| erm
6 (0 1) Th ere must be a raisin for u being in there
7 (0 3) D'you want a biscuit
8 (01) Erm
9 (03) Biscuit
10 (01) Eryeah
11 |9secs]
12 (0 3) All right
13 (01) Yeah
14 [10 sees)
15 (0 3) Didn 't know you used boiling wa ter
16 (02) Pardon
17 (0 3) Didn 't know you used boiling wa ter
18 (02 ) Do n't have to but its erm they reckon it s erm
19 quicker
Here we may o b se rv e e l l i p s i s o f t h e su b jec t an d v e rb p h ra se an d th e in d e f in i t e
ar t ic le in l ine 1 , po ss i b ly e i th er there s a o r you ve got a fo re ig n b o d y in th e r e ,
though these two interpretations by no mea ns exhaust the possibili ties ( e g / can
see ais an equally possible cand idate for the und ers too d part of the message) In
line 9, biscuit might minimally expect to attract a,while in lines 1 5, 1 7 , and 18,
the pronouns / and
you
are not real ized These types of pron oun an d/o r
pro nou n + o per ator absences are well de sen be d in existing gram ma rs (e g see
Q UIR K ib id ), although the tende ncy is to explain them as elemen ts of
informality Q U IR K simply states that sttuationa l ellipsis is 'restricted to
familiar (generally spo ke n) Eng lish' (ibid 89 6 ) W hile it may be true that such
ellipses do not occur in highly formal contexts, it is also true that the wholly
informal and, by any account, ' familiar ' narratives in our mini-corpus do not
have them either, and so the form ality/informa lity or familiarity d istinction is
anything but the whole story We would arg ue that genre and context are the two
key factors that m ediate beyond th e cho ice of formality/familiarity T he
narrative genre, with i ts spatio-tem poral displacem ent, no m atter how informal
or familiar, cannot easily retrieve its elements from the immediate context and
thus spells out explicitly the participants and verbal operations which may be
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RONALD CARTER AND MICHAEL McCARTHY 147
assumed to be retr ievable from the environment in other, more si tuation-
dependent forms of talk, such as tanguage-in-action, informal service encoun-
ters, and casual talk, wh ere participa nts are face-to-face Ex tract (2 ), from a
service encou nter, i l lustrates such retnevab ihty
(2) [At a dry-cleaner's (02) is leaving a pair of trousers for cleaning|
(01 ) Wednesday at four be okay
(02) Er yeah that's fine just check the pockets a minute
Initial willo r would from (Ol)'s turn and / ' / / from (02)'s second clause are not
realized O ur conclusion is that a pr op er des criptio n of a feature such as
situational ellipsis, and any de sc np tio n claiming pedagogical usefulness, should
be able to state those en viron m ents in which the types of ellipsis desc ribed tend
to and tend not to occur, as well as stating the structural restnctions on what
elements in the clause may and may not be elhpted
Even on the purely structural questions of what is permissible or not in
situational ellipsis, existing gram m ars fail to tak e into accou nt som e interesting
features of corre lation betw een gram m ar and lexis In the mini-co rpus , it is
noticeable that, on many occasions, items are elhpted from what are often
termed lexical phrases (Nattmger and DeCarnco 1992), inst i tut ionalized
exp ressions (Lewis 1993 94 ), or fixed exp ression s (identified by the norm al
criteria of lack of syntactic or lexical prod uctivity, see M cC arth y 199 2) Q U IR K
(899) does permit this for the definite and indefinite article with fixed and
idiomatic expressions, but our data show ellipsis of other items too in the
environm ent of f ixed expressions Natt inger and D eC ar nc o (ibid ) argue that
such expressio ns are fundam ental in the construc tion of text , and , indee d, i t is
their very fixedness and cultural commonality which makes them good
candidates for ellipsis, the unspoken elements of the message can always be
assum ed to be know n Som e exam ples follow, with relevant fixed expres sions
manifesting ellipsis in italic
(3)
(01) We did quite well out ofitactually
(02) Great
(03) Mm
saved a fortune
[ellipted
we\
(4 )
(0 1) How many pillowsdo youhave,one two
(02 ) I haveoneGraeme won't haveany
(01) Yeah right okaygood job yousaid [elhpted it s/u was a\
(5)
(01) It'slovely
(0 2) Go od winter wine that
(01) Aterrificone
(02) Put hairs on your chestthato ne[elhpted it ll]
Fu rthe r, casual observa tion in the field suggests this feature is quite c om m on ,
and future rese arc h w ill de vo te itself to investigating just ho w w ides prea d it is as
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148 GRAMMAR AND THE SPOKEN LANGUAGE
the corpus develops Once again, we would argue that any description of ellipsis
in spoken language is incomplete which does not investigate fully and render an
account of this essentially culturally embedded feature of lexico-grammatical
form
Ellipsis is a good starting point for our examination of grammatical features,
for it is a feature which is described in existing published resources, but often
with inadequate attention to precisely those features that leap out of natural
spoken data Swan (1980) (hereafter SWAN
6
)givesvery good coverage of most
of the types of situational ellipsis we find in our data but makes no reference to
fixed expressions or to the uneven distribution over genres, prefernng formality
as the determining factor and permitting elhpsis of words 'when the m eaning can
be understood without them' (SWAN section 196, a similar quote may be
found in the new edition, section 183) Alexander (1988) (hereafter ALE X) has
no separate section devoted to ellipsis, textual ellipsis is referred to with
examples as and when they arise On the kinds of everyday situational ellipsis we
have referred to, ALEX is singularly unmformative COB (399 -4 00 )
concentrates on the elliptical features of questions, short replies, and agreement
sequences, and makes no reference to much of what we have observed in our
data Downing and Locke's grammar (1992 242) (hereafter DOWL) has only
an extremely short and cursory subsection on situational ellipsis, but at least
recognizes the 'institutionalized
1
nature of ellipsis in many everyday expres-
sions What we have, therefore, with regard to situational ellipsis in these major
popular reference resourcesisan uneven and patchy treatment, even though the
feature is extremely common in conversational data in the genres we have
referred to
Often in such cases it is worthwhile turning to discourse-analytical research
papers and relevant books, and we shall argue for other features below that this
is sometimes the best course of action for teachers and materials writers in
pursuit of more accurate description In the case of ellipsis in conversation, the
two most notable recent papers are Thomas (1987) and Ricento (1987)
Thomas covers auxiliary contrasting (eg Hasshe arrived
7
' - She
should
have
by now'), and Ricento concentrates on clausal ellipsis which produces the kind
of verbless short replies exemplified in COB No paper or book we know of
covers adequately the kinds of features we have found to be frequent and
significant in our data
2 2 Leftdislocationandtopical information
Left dislocation is one of the names commonly used for the phenomenon where
items semantically co-referential with the subject or object of the clause are
positioned before the subject An example from our data is
(6)
(01) Well
Sharon,
where I'm living,a
riendof
mine,she'sgot her railcard, and
Here,
a friend of mine
is 'copied' in the subject pronoun
she
There are seven
clear examples in the mini-corpus (uttered by seven different speakers in seven
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RONALD CARTER AND MICHAEL MCCARTHY 149
different extracts) wh ere the pro no un subject of the clause is co-referential with
an init ial noun phrase uttered before the main clause gets under way, as in
exam ple (6), and again here in examp le (7)
(7)
(01) The one chap in Covenl Garden whoIbought the fountain pen offhewas saying
that he'd
where he copies the who le of the preceding long nou n phra se Exa mp les (6)
and (7) fit in with G eluyk ens' (19 92 ) m odel for left d islocation, w here
a friend of
mine in (6) would be term ed the ' referent ', shew ould be termed the
'gap ,
an d s
got her railcard the 'proposi t ion' But other com parable ph enom ena, labelled
'quasi-left disloc ation ' by G eluy ken s (ibid 131) are also ap pa re nt in ou r da ta,
and m en t a closer look Fo r exam ple, the init ial noun phra se m ay be only
indirectly related to the subject, which need not be a pronoun copy, as in (8)
(8)
(01) This
riend
of mine,her sonwas in hospital and he'd had a serious accident
Or there may be discord of person and number between the front-placed noun
ph rase an d the main -clause sub ject, as in (9), but which d oes not seem to
hamper pragmatic decoding by the hstener(s)
(9)
(01) Thai couple thai we
know
in Portsmouth,Idon't hearof/ie r for months then
Alternatively, the front-placed item may be gramm atically ind eterm inate an d its
relationship w ith the main-clause subject only topically/pragm atically coh erent
For instance, in (10) below, is the italicized portion a non-finite clause, or a
noun-phrase (a colloquial version of 'your saying')
9
The precise grammatical
status seems irresolvable, and yet its pragmatic link with the subject ( 'one of
dad's many stones of how he escaped death during his long life ') is apparently
clear to the participants and unproblematic
(10)
(01) You saying about that chap with the
newspaper,
that, one of dad's many stonesof
how he escaped death [laughs] during his long life was
Th e point ab ou t these canonical exa m ples of left dislocation an d th e less-clear
but related examples is that they have in common the utilization of an available
'slot ' before the core constituents of the clause (Subject, Verb, Object/
Co m plem ent, Adjunc t, in wh atever ord er they occu r) are realized Ind eed , it
would seem to be a m isno m er and a misleading metap hor to talk of dislocation,
for i t suggests that something has been pushed out of place to a somewhat
abe rrant posit ion This m etap ho r may be an unfo rtunate legacy of a Ch om sky an
view of syntax
7
W e would arg ue that left-placed or fronted items of this kind are
perfectly normal in conversational language, and are quite within their 'right
place' The phenomenon occurs especially in the narrative genre, where ten of
ou r total of fourteen exam ples of this type of feature occ ur It is ap pa ren t that
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150 GRAMMAR AND THE SPOKEN LANG UAG E
speakers use the available slot to flag a variety of items of information that will
be helpful to the listener in identifying participants, in linking current topics to
already mentioned ones, in reactivating old topics, and generally anchoring the
discourse, offering what Quirk
et al
(1985) call 'a convenience to hearer'
(QUIRK 1417) Thisisa quintessential example of'gram mar as choice', where
the speaker chooses to fill an available slot for textual and interpersonal
motives The grammatical indeterminacy of what may fill the available slot,
which we shall term thetopic because of its proclivity to carry topic-prominent
items,
actually means that it is quite easy for language learners to manipulate
and experienced teachers will here recognize a common feature of learner
discourse manifested in examples such as 'My father, he has two brothers and
one sister*, which are .sometimes lamented as examples of aberrant structure
The problem may well be better pul down to lack of
pragmatic
motivation for
using the structure rather than to any inherent ungram matically
QUIRK handles the topicslot under a wider phenom enon termed
reinforce-
ment,which includes what
we
discuss below in section 23,and describes it as a
feature of colloquial style used for 'purposes of emphasis, focus or thematic
arrangement (QUIRK 1416) COB seems to ignore the phenomenon
altogether, and no heading anywhere would seem to point the student in the
direction ofthisfrequent feature of 'real' English (our claim toitsfrequency and
normality is here doubly reinforced by Geluykens' (ibid) data from a much
larger corpus) SWAN (1980 edition) offers no guidance in connection with the
topic slot except for one isolated example sentence withatopic-slot object and a
copied pronoun in the main clause, under the heading emphasis (section
201 3 a) The new edition of SWAN improves on this with several examples of
what Swan calls detached fronted subjects and objects' (section 217
3),
but with
no guidance as to the function of fronting other than stating that it is common
Wecan find no examples ofthetopic-slot phenom enon in AL EX and only the
briefest of mentions in DOWL, which, using Halhdayan terminology, refers to
'preposed themes' (234) Once again, the picture is inadequate and terribly
patchy We would argue that ouP da ta , which points to genre-correlations,
suggests that more detailed descriptions of this phenomenon are needed, and, in
the case of narra tive, whichiswhere the majority of instances occur in our mini-
corpus, the topic-slot needs to be related to basic narrative functions such as
abstracts and orien tations, to use Labov's (1972) terms
2 3
Reinforcem ent the tail slot
Just as there seems to be an available slot at the front of the clause, which we
have called the
topic,
so too , when all the core clause constituents have been
exhausted, is there a final available space which speakers often choose to fill
with different types of information Tags occupy this slot A typical example is
the reinforcement tag (eg'You're stupid,
yo uare
*),whichiswell-covered in the
sources we have surveyed But also recurrent in the mini-corpus are amphfica-
tory noun-phrases, the reverse, as it were, of the topic-slot noun phrase and a
subsequent copying pronoun Some examples follow
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RONALDC RTER AND MICHAEL McCARTHY 5
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152 GRAM MAR AN DT H ESPOKEN LANG UAG E
Tab le 1 Structural potential of the clause in conversa tion
Sequence
Function
Constituents
Forms
pre-clause
TOPIC
S-tp/O-tp/RI
NP/NFC
clause
CORE
S/V/O/C/A
NP/VP/ADVP
post-clause
TAIL
TAG/S-tl/O-tl
NP/VP
S-tp and O-tp ~ subjectorobjectin thetopic slot S-il and O-tl
subject orobjectin
the tail slot, RIrelated item (as in example (8) above),andTAGany of the types of
English sentence-tags (see Bennett 1989) S/V/O/C/A represent the core clause
constituents (subject, verb object complem ent, and adjunct), which may be re-ordered
for avariety of thematic and focusing purposes (eg object-fronting, see Hietaranta
1984) NP = noun phrase NFC = non-finite clause,as inexample(10)above,VP=
verb phrase
and
ADVP
=
adverbial phrase
2 4
Indirect speech
Indirect spee ch is an area which, on the face of it, seems th orou ghly cov ered in
the gram ma rs we have surveyed H un dre ds of examp les abou nd of the type 'X
said that Y\ where the reporting verb (typically sa yor tell)is in the simple past
tense and the sequence of tense rules apply to the reported clause And yet in
our mini-corpus, eleven examples of indirect speech (uttered by eight different
speak ers in eight different extracts) have the repo rting v erb in past co ntin uo us
Some examples follow
(15)
(01)
1
mean
1
was sayingto mum earlier that I'm actually thinking not for the money
but for the sort of fun ofitreally trying to get a bar or a waitressing jobI
wassaying
to
you wasn't 11(02) Yeah) in the summer well over Christmas or Easter
(16)
(01) Tony
was saying
they should have the heating on by about Wednesday
17
(01 ) Wh ere were, yeah because I was saying to Ken that you wouldn t be in a pub at
twelve o clock in Corby would you you w ould have to be in som ebo dy's house
(18)
(01 ) Yes M aureen and Derek were tellingme you have to get a taxi
Ex am ple (1 8) abo ve, it will be note d, has tellin past con tinuo us In add ition to
the eleven examples in the mini-corpus, we have collected a further eleven
instances of indirect reports with past continuous
sa y
o r
tell
by eleven different
speakers on separate occasions during casual listening over the last three
mo nths, thus revealing the value of a m ini-corp us as a stimulus for further tar-
geted observation in the field None of the illustrative sentences in any of the
gram ma r bo ok s surveyed co ntain a single exam ple of this feature All exam ples
are with
sa y
a nd
tell
(and oth er rep ortin g verbs) in simple past tense Th e same is
true of researc h articles on indirect speech M ost pap ers are co nc ern ed w ith the
problem of backshift in the sequ encin g of tenses (e g prese nt be co m es past)
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RONALD CARTER AND MICHAEL McCARTHY 153
when direct speech becomes indirect, for example, Coulmas (1985), Comne
(1986), Goodell (1987), Huddleston (1989), Harman (199 0) A good surveyof
debates among linguists concerning direct and indirect speech may be found in
Baynham (1991) Yet despite the shift Baynham notes towards looking at
speech reporting within discourse pragmatics, even those investigations using
real data fail to pick up on the use of past continuous in indirect speech
reporting verbs, for example, Philips (1985), Tannen (1986), Wald (1987)
Notable tooisYule # a /' s (1992) paper, which sets out to take to task previous
work on speech reporting and which shows with real spoken and written data a
wide range ofwaysof reporting speech, butwhich,none the less, fails to note the
past continuous phenom enon for indirect speech Perhaps even more
remarkable is the absence of any reference to past continuous with
say
and
tell
in the recent CO BU ILDReportingG uide (Thompson 1994), which is corpus-
based with hundreds of real examples of indirect speech, and which is
thoroughly detailed in every other respect
The language teacher and the interested and observant learner are thus
thrown back on their own intuition in understanding examples (15) to (18) We
note that
say
and, in example (18),
tell
may be used in this way, that the report
may be of what the speaker him /herself said or what another said, and that past
simple could have been used, but with
a
distinctly different force the past simple
seems to give more authority to the actual words uttered, while the past
continuous seems more to report the
event
of the uttenng (exploiting perhaps
the basic foregrounding and backgrounding functions of past simple and past
continuous, respectively) Once again, though, what is interesting is that no
examples of indirect speech in thenarrative extracts have past continuous We
checked ten other narrative extracts not in the mini-corpus and none of them
have any occurrences either All our examples occur in the casual genre, except
one,
which crops up in the middle of a language-in-action sequence All the
indirect speech reports in our narratives are introduced by reporting verbs in
past simple or so-called historical present (see Johnstone 1987 on this) This
may hint at a truly reporting function for past simple reporting verbs, where
what someone said
and
what words they used (although creatively recon-
structed) are considered important On the other hand, past continuoussayand
tell
show a tendency to emphasize message content rather than form, and to
report or summarize whole conversational episodes rather than individual
utterances At the moment, our conclusions must be tentative until much more
data can be analysed As a feature of spoken English gramm ar, it seems, past
continuous reporting verbs have slipped through the grammarians' net We
would argue that this is precisely because (a) most notions of reported speech
are taken from wntten data (including literary text), and (b) that where spoken
data have been consulted, there has been an over-emphasis on oral narrative,
which is simply unlikely to yield such exam ples if the present corpus is anything
to go
by,
and an over-emphasis on b roadcast talk, where indirect speechislikely
to be of a truly quotational type, where form and content are both important
(e g news reporting)
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154 GRAMMAR AND THE SPOKEN LANGUAGE
3 CONCLUSIONS IN I HE PEDAGOGICAL CONTEXT
The last points in section 24 concerning indirect speech underscore some
central pedagogical considerations with regard
to
spoken English grammar
Principally,wewould argue that descriptions that rest on the written m ode or on
restricted genres
and
registers
of
spoken language
are
likely
to
omit many
common featuresofeveryday informal grammar and usage,or atbest relegate
themtomarginal placesinthe description, regardlessofcorpus size But other
considerations arise too, which we summanze as follows
1 There is
no
common, agreed metalanguage
for
talking about
the
features of
spoken grammar that we have focusedon in this article Our surveysofcurrent
grammars reveal
a
bewildering and often user-unfriendly variety
of
terms used
to descnbe
the
features illustrated This makes
it
difficult
to
find
and
compare
information, even where it exists
2 Research-minded teachers and learners canget a lot of information on
spoken grammar from articles and books within the areaofdiscourse analysis,
but these sources are sometimes obscure and difficult of access
3 Real spoken data is hard to come by
for
many teachers and learners, and
the
concocted dialoguesofcourse books often suffer from grammatical artificiality
and
do not
feature
the
kinds of grammatical items we have looked
at
Without
either improved descriptions
ofthe
spoken grammar
or
materials which reflect
it, grammar teaching within the communicative approach will alwaysbeout of
kilter with the typical kindsofinformal interaction teachers hope to foster and
which learners frequently hopetobe able to enter into in a natural way
4 Even very small corpora,ifproperly targetedandapproached with an open
mindandcareful observation, can yield recurring patterns of grammar thatare
not fully (or not at all in some
cases)
described
in
conventional grammars Size is
no guarantee that the corpus will yield up its secrets
if
it isbadly targeted
or
not
subject to detailed searching (see Owen (1993) forarelevant critique of corpus-
based grammar) But even small corpora may bedifficult tocollect inmany
situations, and publishers should be encouraged to publish user-friendly
corpora
and
more real spoken language extracts
as
resources
for
teachers
and
learners
5 Corpora should
be
carefully chosen
to
reflect
the
model
of
English
the
learners maywantor need toacquire There is little point inagonizing over
interactive features of informal spoken British English grammar if such features
simply do not occur in the target vanety This agument goes alongside our view
that there is equally little point in basing grammar teaching exclusivelyon
written models
if
the goal is to encourage speaking skills
6 Inthe present situation, the best course of action would seem to betoexpose
learners
to
natural spoken data wherever possible and
to
help them to become
observersofthe grammaroftalkinits natural contextsandin different genres.
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RONALD CARTER AND MICHAEL McCARTHY
]
55
as advocated by Riggenbach (1990) Ellis
8
has claimed that learners need to
learn how to observe language through tasks which foster comprehension as
much as production, and an over-emphasis on production in grammar may not
necessarily be the best approach in relation to the features we have described
7 The kinds of features we have looked at may not be entirely suitable for the
traditional 'three Ps' (Presentation-Practice-Production) mode of teaching,
and approaches based on observation, awareness, and induction may prove to
be a more satisfactory way of dealing with the interpersonal subtleties of choice
in matters such
as
ellipsis and topicahzing Our mnemonic would be the three
Is*
(Illustration-Interaction-Induction) where illustration stands for looking at
real datawhich may be the only option since the grammar books and current
materials so often fall short, interaction stands for discussion, sharing of
opinions and observations, and induction stands for making one's own, or the
learning group's, rule for a particular feature, a rule which will be refined and
honed as more and more data is encountered On this last point, the patchy,
confusing, and often inadequate treatment of the grammar of spoken language
in published resources may turn out to be a cue for imaginative discovery and
problem-solving work in the grammar class One only needs an initial cunosity,
some real data, and the feeling that there is a lot to be discovered to get started
(Revised version received August 1994)
This paperwasreviewed and accepted by the previous editorial team, before the
appointment of Michael McCarthyasjoint editor ofApplied
Linguistics
NOTES
1
This articleisa version ofapaper delivered by the authors at the Second MATSDA
Conference at the University of Luton, UK in January 1994, and at TESO L, Baltimore,
USA, in March 1994 Further versions were presented at TESO L Greece, Athens
March 1994, IATEFL Argentina, Buenos
Aires,
July
1994,
and BRAZTESOL, Riberao
Preto, Brazil, July 1994 The authors are grateful for the many comments offered by
participants at those conferences which have helped to shape and refine the present
article
2
'Helping learners with real English' is the slogan used to promote the Collins
COBUILD reference books and materials Real-life communication' has been used
recently in publicity literature lo promote the Look Aheadmulti-level English course,
published by Longman of Harlow, UK
3
There is a difficulty in controlling length of extract in that narratives and service
encounters are closed episodes of unpredictable length, and many of these extracts are
shorter than four minutes, while the open-endedness of casual conversation means that
episodes can be considerably longer before participants negotiate some sort of break or
closure
4
The figure of five occurrences is based on a projected average of once per5,000
words of conversation,
5,000
words representing approximately 24-25 minutes of talk
Some canonical features (eg adding-clauses with
which
and w/t-clefts) occur withthis
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156 GRAMMAR AND THE SPOKEN LANG UAG E
frequency in the mini-corpus and so the figure is claimed to have sufficient reliability for
our present purpose
5
While we con cen trate here on what we call
spoken
gramm atical features, we are
aware that so me of the features we have ch ose n to highlight {e g situationa l ellipsis) may
also occur in certain types of written text, for instance friendly and informal letters,
postcards, diaries, e-mail messages, etc, as well as written advertising and literary texts
which purposely evoke conversational style (see McCarthy 1993 for examples) The
existence of such texts underlines the difficulty of creating a sharp boundary between
spoken' and 'written
1
gramm ars and the need for comprehen sive descript ions covering
the full range of genres and contextual types, which traditional grammars have usually
failed to provide
A
A new edition of this work is in pres s and is due in late 1994 W e are very grateful to
Michael Swan for letting us read pr oof s of the new editio n W he re two section refe renc es
are given they refer to the 1980 edition an d the new edition in that o rd er
7
We are grateful to Robin Fawcett of the University of Wales, Cardiff College, for
offering us this view of the provenance of the dislocation metaphor
* Rod Ellis, M A T S D A co nference talk. University of Luton , UK, Janua ry
1
1994
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