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will in the remaining two-thirds.'

Diarchy, which had proved a failure in the provinces, was now going to be tried at the centre. The experience was worse.

Representatives of parties other than congress were also disappointed in the act of 1935. The liberal C. Y. Chintamani considered

the basis of the act as 'a cruel denial of the most cherished aspirations of the people of this country'. The moderate leader Madan

Mohan Malaviya said that the statute has a somewhat democratic appearance outwardly, but it is absolutely hollow from inside.

Jinnah bluntly called it 'thoroughly rotten, fundamentally bad, and totally unacceptable'.

Even many Englishmen could see through the new legislation. During the parliamentary debate, labour leader Clement Attlee

summed up his viewpoint by saying that 'the keynote of the bill is mistrust'. An English historian has argued that the entire act was a

device for safeguarding British financial interests in India. This opinion is given support by a private letter of lord Linlithgow. Later he

became the viceroy. He had much to do with the enforcement of the act that he helped to create. Linlithgow wrote that the act of 1935

took the form that it did, "Because we thought that way the best way. Of maintaining British influence in India. It is no part of our policy, I

take it... To hurry the handing over of the controls to Indian hands at any pace faster than that which we regard as best calculated, on a

long view, to hold India to the empire."

But whatever its limitations, the act of 1935 marked a decisive turning point in India's constitutional history. Parliamentary institutions,

even if in a weakened form, were the framework of the new governmental set-up. The strong element of Indian representation made it

certain that these institutions would gradually become stronger. This meant eventual independence, perhaps within a generation.

(Last Updated on : 01/03/2012)

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