Gezi Park Occupy - What ıs goıng on ın Turkey

7/28/2019 Gezi Park Occupy - What s gong on n Turkey

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What is gong on n Turkey

What s Turksh On May 28, 2013, a small group of people gathered to protest the

development project and demolition of Gezi Park. By May 31, the demonstration had

significantly escalated and grown in size, thanks in large part to a heavy-handed police

response.

Using its usual methods of violent repression, beat-downs, and pepper spray filled water

cannons, the Turkish police proved unsuccessful in quickly dispersing the crowd.

Instead, its actions attracted more youth to the Taksim Square area, and increased

support for the demonstrations.

Turkish mass mediawhich has increasingly been under AKP control since the partys

rise to power in 2002 remained silent about unfolding events. By contrast, on social

media sites, like Twitter, #OccupyGezi quickly became a trending topic around the

world.

Themes like Turkish Springand Taksim = Tahrir were manifest in the many

analyses and expressions of solidarity with the Turkish protesters.

These comments, however well intentioned, reflect a poor understanding of Turkeys

political economy under the AKP government, as well as the main driving force behind

the Gezi Park protests.

These realities make recent developments in Turkey fundamentally different from

protests that broke out in Egypt and Tunisia in 2011.
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ANALYSIS OF TURKEYS DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION

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One simply needs to look at the youth attending the protests and, more importantly, at

the youth who are absent from these demonstrations to realize that unlike the Arab

Spring uprisings this is not a mass popular movement supported by broad segments of

society.

Mass labor protests, like those that preceded and directly influenced the April 6th

movement in Egypt, are largely absent from Gezi Park. Disenfranchised, jobless youth

from the slums have generally stayed away from the demonstrations so far. Pious girls

with headscarves who want more liberties are also absent.

As long as these girls in headscarves, mechanics, poor vendors, construction workers,

and jobless Anatolian youth are not protesting in Taksim Square, a comparison with

Egypts Tahrir Square is misplaced.

Upper Class Revolt

The youth demonstrating in Gezi Park and in solidarity protests in secular bastions

across Turkey hail from several groups opposing Erdogan. Nevertheless, young people

from the countrys mainly upper-class, secularwhite Turksocial strata are the key

driving force.

In this sense, these demonstrations represent one of the last convulsions of the old

secular elites, who have been waging, and losing, a bitter battle against the rising

Anatolian nouveau-riche that make up Erdogans AKP.

The fact that protesters did not remove representatives from the main opposition

party,CHP, who were present at yesterdays Gezi Park demonstration is telling
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zdVS0mGwD3I&feature=youtu.behttp://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zdVS0mGwD3I&feature=youtu.behttp://www.turkiyegazetesi.com.tr/politika/42377.aspxhttp://www.turkiyegazetesi.com.tr/politika/42377.aspxhttp://www.turkiyegazetesi.com.tr/politika/42377.aspxhttp://www.turkiyegazetesi.com.tr/politika/42377.aspxhttp://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zdVS0mGwD3I&feature=youtu.be


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CHP is just as neoliberal and autocratic as AKP and has a similarly dismal governing

record when it comes to human rights. In contrast to the Erdogan government, however,

CHP represents Turkeys old secular elite. In fact, the party hadapproved and

ratifiedthe Gezi Park development plans, a fact that went without mention by people

who welcomed its attempt to piggy back on the protests.

OccupyGezi protests (Source: http://occupygezipics.tumblr.com)

So what are the Gezi Park protests about? They are in essence a cultural backlash

against the AKP governments increasingly authoritarian and polarizing style of politics.
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After the 2011 elections, when the AKP won a third consecutive landslide victory,

Erdogan saw an opportunity to fully consolidate his power. The moderate or

accommodating stance he adopted during the first years of his government

disappeared. From the military to the judiciary, Erdogan successfully moved to jail or

remove secular forces from positions of institutional power.

The Prime Minister has also continued Turkeys long tradition of muzzling dissent. As

was the case in the 1990s, the Erdogan government has actively

prosecutedjournalists and intellectuals, jailing students andchildren.

New forms of oppression have come to the fore under Erdogans watch. These include

efforts to curbinternet freedom, which target a variety of speech including political

dissent, as well as websites discussing the scientific concept of evolution. Whereas

previously, Turkeys secular ruling regimes targeted religious dissent, the AKP

government has primarily focused its repression on secular critics.

For Turkeys Kurdish population little has changed under Erdogan, beyond superficial

gains on issues of self-determination and human rights. As one friend at theHuman

Rights Association(IHD), an independent grassroots NGO working on human rights

abuses in Turkey, once told me, The AKP is the CHP with turbans.

Religious conservatism and accompanying social pressures to conform to Islamist

morality have been steadily fueled by Erdogans populist speeches and policies. In

recent monthslip-stick bancontroversies,anti-lewdnesscampaigns,alcohol

restrictions, and the demolition ofcultural bastionsof the old elites have added to

secular anger.
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Turkeys privileged youth were primed by an already-existing social consciousness to

take these grievances to the streets. In Turkey, any self-respecting member of the

young elite has gone through a phase of commitment to Trotskyism, Anarchism or

Environmentalism. With a conservative, religiously oriented party like the AKP in power,

these youth were highly motivated to act on their discontent. Blatantdisregard for the

environmentin all of Erdogans megalomaniac building plans only added more fuel to

this youthful, secular fire.

In Gezi Park, this fire finally burst out onto the streets.

At least Erdogan gives us some crumbs

Erdogans vision of Turkey is one full of citizens who piously pray in the countrys

ubiquitousmosquesand then go shopping at one of its equally ubiquitousmalls, which

are frantically being built in urban areas.

As long as the imports, credit card, and debt-drivenTurkish economic bubbleremains

intact, the government will continue to pursue these and other neoliberal policies to the

great praise of western think-thanks,private equity firms, and politicians who all

repeat thefallacyof the Turkish [success] model.

Notwithstanding these neoliberal economic policies, Erdogan is still extremely popular

among Turkeys poor and working people in both urban and rural areas.

Most western observers have missed this crucial fact and are, therefore, quick to

enthusiastically compare the Gezi Park protests with the Arab Spring.

One has only to speak with blue-collar workers in Turkey to understand popular

attitudes toward the government.
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Whenever I am in Istanbul, I engage in political small talk with people from various

walks of life, including waiters, construction workers, and young men working on the

ferries crossing the Bosporus. I also frequently visit my family members, who are from a

poor Anatolian background.

In my conversations with these people, I have heard nothing but firm support for

Erdogan. When asked about Turkeys unemployment rate or the Prime Ministers

nepotism, most of these individuals do not hesitate to say, I know that Erdogan is also

siphoning the cash (hortumluyorlar). But good for him (helal olsun). At least he is

leaving us some crumbs. The previous bastards never gave us everything.

Memories of many decades of economic and political oppression by secular elites are

still fresh for many Turks. Because of the AKP, these people now have access to things

like privatized health care, credit card use, and unprecedented infrastructure

development.

Most of these benefits are indeed crumbs for exampleyouth

unemploymentandhousehold debtsare rising at alarming rates and financed by

an ultimately untenable growth in speculative consumption. It is, however, more than

the Turkish masses have ever been given by their government since the neoliberal turn

began in 1980, and Erdogan is well aware of this.

It is true that he did not expect Occupy Gezi Park to attract so many people and

become a rallying cry against his government. He also did not expect the protesters to

be as brave and adamant as they have been in the face of extremelybrutal police

repression. But Erdogan knows that the protesters do not pose a real threat to his
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power, which is buttressed by the masses that have remained at home and firmly

believe his message of a better future for all Turks.

Like any power-hungry autocrat would do, Erdogan defiantly lashed out against the

peaceful protesters in a live TV address on June 1. His message, in short, was that he

would not budge on the demolition of Gezi Park.

Instead, he spoke of illegal organizations provoking naive protesters and said if they

can gather 100,000 we can call a million people onto the streets. Predictably, he also

referred to the failures of previous secular regimes, Have you forgotten how you didnt

have clean water in Istanbul? How garbage was left on the streets?

This rhetoric of Dont forget how bad everything was when theywere in power has a

kernel of truth to it and resonates strongly among his supporters.

For many Turks, anger against an arrogant, urban, secular oligarchy ormoncheris as

Erdogan likes tocall them that never considered the people of Anatolia to be real

human beings is very much alive.

Conclusion: No Turkish Spring

Erdogan is no Mubarak. The AKP is a populist party that was voted into power in free

and fair elections, and has been successful in appeasing and expanding its base.

The Gezi Park protests do not herald a Turkish Spring, at least not yet. Instead, the

protests and Erdogans violent defiance are likely to further divide an already extremely

polarized country.
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A mass popular uprising in Turkey will only occur when the bubble economy bursts,

which is bound to happen sooner or later. Perhaps, then, the Turkish Spring will be

upon us.

*Zihni zdil is a junior lecturer and PhD candidate at Erasmus University Rotterdam. He

teaches courses on the history of the Middle East and North Africa. His PhD research

focuses on the early secularization process in the Turkish Republic.

It all started as a peaceful sit-in to save one of the last remaining public parks in a city of

almost 14 millionpeople. The government has been adamant about razing the park to

rebuild the old Ottoman military barracks that once stood there and to then turn it into a

museum or a mall. It was a decision that was made too fast and without proper public

and media debate. Many people, who would opt for a public garden over a shopping

mall, felt their voices were not heard by the politicians. Of these, some have ended up

occupyingGezi Park. At the same time, the hashtag#occupygeziwas launched, calling

out for support and solidarity. As Koray aliskan, a political scientist from the Bosphorus

University, wrote in the daily Radikal newspaper, these early protesters came from

diverse ideological backgrounds, and among them were even people who had voted in

the past for the party in power, the Justice and Development party (AKP).

The harshness of the police treatment of those who occupied Gezi Park changed

everything. The protesters' tents were raided and set on fire. A university student

underwent surgery after receiving blows to his genitals. Sirri Sreyya nder, an MP

from the Kurdish Peace and Democracy party (BDP), was hospitalised after being

reportedly hit by a tear gas cartridge, and many others received head and body injuries.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Taksim_Gezi_Parkhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Taksim_Gezi_Parkhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Taksim_Gezi_Parkhttps://twitter.com/search?q=%23OccupyGezi&src=hashhttps://twitter.com/search?q=%23OccupyGezi&src=hashhttps://twitter.com/search?q=%23OccupyGezi&src=hashhttps://twitter.com/search?q=%23OccupyGezi&src=hashhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Taksim_Gezi_Park


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Images of armed police officers using pressurised water, pepper spray and tear gas

against unarmed youngsters sparked a widespread reaction, creating an unprecedented

backlash against the government and unleashing old resentments. Protests flared up in

60 cities, including the capital, Ankara. Rapidly, the Taksim demonstrations snowballed

into something beyond Istanbul, and bigger than the protection of a public park.

Three structural problems have contributed to the escalation of the tension. First,

Turkey lacks a solid, sophisticated opposition party. This remains a fundamental

deficiency, as people do not have alternative political venues to channel their views and

frustrations. That which cannot be expressed accumulates and seethes inside, only to

erupt where and when it can.

Second, while the main opposition party, the Republican People's party (CHP), has

been visibly melting, the government has been gaining too much power and authority.

Lack of meritocracy and transparency diminishes people's trust in the political regime.

Recent policies, such as the restriction of alcohol sales and an announcement on the

subway in Ankara warning passengers against kissing in public, have triggered fears

that the government is interfering in its citizens' lifestyles and trying to shape society

top-down.

Third, even though Erdogan's government has been effective in terms of restricting the

role of the army to purely military matters, and in this sense contributing to the progress

of democracy, it has been insufficient in protecting freedom of speech and press.

Writers and artists are still brought to trialbecause of their commentsand are

beingaccused of insulting the nation or religious values. The media has been losing its
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diversity and numerous critical voices have been pushed to the margins, while self-

censorship is not unusual.

Another source of contention has been the name of a new bridge to be built in Istanbul.

The government has chosen to name thethird Bosphorus bridgeafter Yavuz Sultan

Selim, the Ottoman sultan, nicknamed Selim the Grim, famous for his massacres of the

Alevi minority as part of his war against Shia Iran in the early 16th century. This choice

has deepened the dissatisfaction of the Alevi minority, who already suspect they are

being systematically discriminated against. It has also created disappointment among

democrats and liberals, who would rather have a neutral name for the new bridge.Mario

Levi, the Jewish-Turkish novelist, tweeted: "Why not Rumi Bridge or Yunus Emre

Bridge?" Both Yunus Emre and Rumi are well-respected historical figures and mystics

famous for their humanitarian and peaceful outlook. Other people made different

suggestions. Yet the name of the bridge, like other things, was chosen without much

debate, widening the gap between the rulers and the ruled.

Erdogan is a successful politician, but compromise is not what he does best. The AKP

has been better at winning the hearts of the Turkish people than any other party in

Turkey's political history. However, there have been shifts in the party's discourse that

have left many liberal intellectuals, who initially supported the progressive steps taken

by the government, feeling deceived and abandoned. After the general election in June

2011, Erdogan gave a beautiful speech, saying he would be the prime minister of those

who had voted for and against him, equally.That speech is embedded in the collective

memory as "the balcony speech". Today, from their own balconies, people are banging
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pots and pans toprotestagainst him. Among them are those who had applauded the

balcony speech for being so embracing and constructive.

The prevailing mood among Turkey's discontents is that Erdogan now cares for

primarily, if not solely, those who voted for him. The rest of society 50% of the

population feel alienated, distanced and, at times, belittled. Turkey's politics remains

polarised, contentious and stubbornly male-dominated. The sad fact that women are

under-represented in both local and national politics does not help. Furthermore, even

though nobody talks about this, we are an emotional people. Politics is too often shaped

by emotions and reactions, rather than rational choices.

Save for a few newspapers, the mainstream media has been astonishingly reluctant to

cover the protests. NTV, one of the most respected TV channels, was booed after

failing to cover the events. Interestingly, NTV aired live broadcasts of the protests

against itself.

In the absence of good and fair coverage, social media thrived. Research by New York

University revealed that in just eight hours, 2m tweets were shared about Gezi Park.

The number of internet users in Turkey exceeds 35 million, and Facebook and Twitter

are incredibly popular. Nevertheless, social media is open to misinformation, baseless

rumours, hate speech and conspiracy theories. In a society where few people trust

either the politicians or the media, this can be dangerous. Yet Twitter has proven itself

to be the main platform in sharing ideas, images and uncensored information. "Thank

Allah for twitter" was one of the messages I have read. The same tweeter was

described as a "menace" by Erdogan on a live TV interview on Sunday.
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A month ago, the mood in the country was utterly different. With the much-awaited

Turkish-Kurdish peace under way, there was optimism everywhere. Erdogan was seen

as a determined leader who had finally brought to an end a conflict that had killed more

than 40,000 people over the past 30 years. There was a lot of talk about Turkey, with its

overwhelmingly Muslim population and secular democracy, being a role model for the

rest of the Muslim world. That spirit of optimism deteriorated dramatically. However, it

can be revived once again if the government learns from its mistakes.

Calling the recent events a "Turkish spring" or a "Turkish summer", as some

commentators were quick to do, is not the right approach. It is true that Turkey has lots

of things in common with many countries in the Middle East, but it is also very different.

With its long tradition of modernity, pluralism, secularism and democracy however

flawed and immature it might be Turkey has the inner mechanisms to balance its own

excesses of power. If this cannot be achieved, however, there is concern that the

demonstrations could be hijacked by extremist groups and turn violent. The same

concern has been voiced by the country's president, Abdullah Gl, who gave a

constructive statement saying the people had given the politicians a clear message, and

the politicians should take these well-intentioned messages into account.

Now, after days of upheaval, it is raining gently on the burning tyres and graffiti, and the

voice of the young father who wrote the open letter to the prime minister represents the

feelings of many people on the streets and in their houses: "You called us 'unlawful', my


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dear Prime Minister. If you only got to know us, you would see that we are anything

but."


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Turkey is a second wave democracy and has a relatively long history of democracy;

however, still it is not solid, advanced, or a fully consolidated democracy. 1 (Ozbudun,

2000) Currently, Turkey is in a new and radical transitional period. The question is

whether this transition is for the purpose of reaching a consolidated democracy or to

transition the country from a secular republic to a semi-autocratic Islamist republic. This

latter question is important but it will not be analyzed in this paper.

First we will look at Turkeys position in democratization using consolidated

democracy criteria, human rights and democracy related reports. The definition of the

consolidate is to make something stronger, solid, more effective and coherent.

(Dictionary, 2013) From this definition we can say that the consolidation of democracy

makes the democracy stronger and coherent; however, some studies discuss that

1 Details of the waves of democracy can be found in(Huntington, 1991) However, some academics

argue that Turkey is both a second and a third wave democracy.


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consolidated democracies are not protected from breakdown. Indeed, even mature

democracies can be destabilized by violence, urban riots, terrorism and separatist

activities. (Valenzuela, 1990) Whereas, politically stabilized, economically successful,

fast growing and powerful countries may not necessarily be democratic. Thus, based on

the previous statements the Turkish governments economic performance and

increasing international influence is not assurance of democratic consolidation.

There is no solid consensus in the definition of democracy, democratic

consolidation and democratic waves2. As such this research paper will not diverge into

theoretical arguments regarding the definitions of democracy, democratization,

minimalist or maximalist conceptions, rather it will use the most common and accepted

criteria and internationally recognized institutes reports to determine Turkeys position

in democratization.

Analysis of Turkish Democracy by ODonnell and Schmitter(O'Donnell, 1992) and

Dahls (Dahl, 1998) and Linz and Stepans (Linz,Stepan, 1998) models;

Good Standing areas:

Regular free elections with universal adult suffrage, secret balloting

Associational recognition and access, freedom to form and join organizations

2For instance Przeworski et al. employ a dichotomous definition of democracy based on whether or

not the executive and members of the legislature obtained once via at least semi-competitive multi-

party elections. This definition is substantially more or less strict than that used by Huntington, and

Przeworski et al. code more countries as democratic than does Huntington. By the same token, the bar

for maintaining democratic status is much lower according to the Przeworski et al. definition than to

Huntington's (H. Strand, H.Hegre,S.Gates, M.Dahl, 2012)


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Right of political leaders to compete for support

Control of the military and police by elected officials

A modern market economy and society

Poor Standing and reasons :

Executive accountability: Executive accountability is not valid in practice because the

parliament is under absolute control of the Prime Minister.

Freedom of expression: According to the U.S. Department of States 2012 Human

Rights Report, (State, 2013) Many students, and thousands of persons were detained

by authorities during legal demonstrations and many were charged under anti-terror

laws, significantly limiting freedom of assembly. Journalists, academics, and authors

practicing self-censorship was common because individuals in many cases were afraid

that criticizing the state or government publicly could result in civil or criminal lawsuits or

investigations.

Academics and event arrangers stated that they practiced self-censorship on

delicate issues. Student associations and human rights organizations condemn

restrictions placed on universities by law and by the Higher Education Board (YOK).

Autonomy of universities in staffing, teaching, and research policies and practises are

limited. (State, 2013)

Eligibility for public office and unfair partisan competition: Government hires

primarily ideological followers for public office. Government uses government funds to

influence voters by delivering free coal, food etc. to poor neighbourhoods prior to

elections.


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Alternative sources of information: Currently approximately 15,000 websites in

Turkey have been blocked, (mostly pornographic sites but some carry separatist or

political content). According to 2012 Human Rights Watch report the government

planned on imposing obligatory internet filtering however due to much opposition both

domestic and international, they then offered optional filtering packages but the

implementation was delayed. This raises concerns about freedom of expression and

access to information. (Human Rights Report - Turkey Country Summary , 2012)

Weak subcultural pluralism: Minorities such as Kurds, Arabs, Caferis and Alevis are

not allowed to exercise their ethnic cultural, linguistic or religious rights3. They are also

under threat to assimilate. (State, 2013)

Democratic Behaviour: Some political actors, such as the Kurdish separatist armed

rebels (PKK) are launching attacks on Turkish security forces and civilians although

currently there is a cease fire. These actors could threaten national security and the

stability of democracy in Turkey. The Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) is

sympathetic to the PKK terrorist organisation.

The ultra-nationalist National Action Party (MHP) supporters have a history of

violence from before the Military Coup in 1980 and could potentially resort to political

violence once again.

3More detail can be found inhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Minorities_in_Turkey#Religious_minorities

about Alevis, Caferis and other ethnic and religious minorities in Turkey
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Minorities_in_Turkey#Religious_minoritieshttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Minorities_in_Turkey#Religious_minoritieshttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Minorities_in_Turkey#Religious_minoritieshttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Minorities_in_Turkey#Religious_minorities


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Turkish democracy does not completely satisfy the behavioral criterion for a

consolidated democracy as defined by Linz and Stepan. (Yesilada, 2007)

Attitudinal dimension: The Turkish Government Party (Justice and Development

Party) has its roots in the anti-secular Islamic fundamentalist Welfare Party which had

an Islamist fundamentalist agenda. This is one of the main concerns for the secularists.

Another reason for concern is Prime Minister Erdoans past comments such as:

''Democracy is like a streetcar, when you reach your destination, you get off'' (Erdogan,

2007) This causes concern because the comment has been interpreted to mean that

democracy is being used as a vehicle to reach hidden fundamentalist agenda. As long

as there is a political party with an Islamic fundamentalist agenda, Turkey cannot meet

the attitudinal dimension of consolidated democracy. (Yesilada, 2007)

Constitution: The Republic of Turkey is a constitutional country. In practise however,

the Prime Minister has absolute control of both the executive and legislative authorities.

The constitutional amendments in 2010 also gave the Prime Minister the power of

influence on the the judicial system. This politization in the judicial system was

mentioned in the U.S. Human Rights Report on Turkey. (State, 2013)

Using the democratization criteria and the supporting information in the international

reports, it is clear that Turkey still has a lot to do to consolidate its democracy.

Before wrapping up the analysis on Turkeys democratization, we should touch upon

some other issues which directly or indirectly may help to see the bigger picture of

Turkeys democratic position.


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o According to The Global Gender Gap Index 2012 rankings Turkey is in last place

in Europe and among 135countries is in the 124 th place. ( Hausmann, Tayson,

Zahidi, 2012),

o Turkey tops Europe in the number of incidences of violence against women,

according to a report by UN Women released in early July (U.N. Progress of The

World Women in Pursuit of Justice, 2012)

o According to independent watchdog organization Freedom in The Worlds annual

report Turkey is a partly free country4, and currently there is doubt about its

democratic credentials.5 (Puddington, 2013)

4Freedom in the Worldapplies one of three broad category designations to each of the countries and

territories included in the index: Free, Partly Free, and Not Free. A Free country is one where there is

open political competition, a climate of respect for civil liberties, significant independent civic life, and

independent media. A Partly Free country is one in which there is limited respect for political rights and

civil liberties. Partly Free states frequently suffer from an environment of corruption, weak rule of law,ethnic and religious strife, and a political landscape in which a single party enjoys dominance despite a

certain degree of pluralism. A Not Free country is one where basic political rights are absent, and basic

civil liberties are widely and systematically denied. (Puddington, 2013)

5Danger Signs for New Democracies: Until recently, Ukraine, Hungary, South Africa, and Turkey were

regarded as important success stories for democratic development. Now, increasingly, the democratic

credentials of each is coming under question Developments in Turkey are also worrying, given thecountrys role as a model for democracy in Muslim-majority countries and its aspirations to regional

leadership. While the government of Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoan has instituted important

reforms since coming to power, stepped-up arrests of advocates for Kurdish rights and the continued

pursuit of the wide-ranging and politically fraught Ergenekon conspiracy case, which has led to lengthy

detentions without charge, are both causes for concern. (Puddington, 2013)


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o Turkey is the first place out of forty six countries for human rights violations by

European Human Rights Court (First place out of 46 countries) (Rights, 2012)

o Turkey leads all countries with the most jailed journalists 49 out of 232

worldwide.6 (Committee to Protect Journalist, 2012)

In conclusion, although Turkey is booming economically and some democratization

steps have been taken such as the civilian control over the military and increased

minority rights. Still, it has much work to do to reach an advanced democracy. This

begs the question. Is Turkey genuinely trying to reach an advanced democracy or?

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Committee to Protect Journalist. (2012, 04 17). Retrieved from http://cpj.org/:

http://cpj.org/imprisoned/2012.php

(2012).Human Rights Report - Turkey Country Summary . Human Rights Watch.

(2012). U.N. Progress of The World Women in Pursuit of Justice. United Nations.

Dahl, R. A. (1998). On Democracy. New Haven: Yale Univ.

Dictionary, O. (2013, 04 15). Oxford Dictionary. Retrieved from http://oxforddictionaries.com/:

http://oxforddictionaries.com/definition/english/consolidate?q=consolidation#consolidate__12

Erdogan, T. (2007). Retrieved from You Tube:

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GdBAUNQ5b2w

6 JAILED JORNALISTS 2012 Worldwide 232, Turkey 49, Iran 45, China 32, Eritrea 28, Vietnam 14,

Azerbaijan 9, Saudi Arabia and Uzbekistan 4, Israel, Congo, India and Rwanda 3, Morocco 2, Bahrain,

Burkina Faso, Burundi, Cambodia, Cuba, Gambia, Italy, Kyrgyzstan, Somalia, Thailand and Yemen 1.


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H. Strand, H.Hegre,S.Gates, M.Dahl. (2012). Democratic Waves? Global Patterns of

Democratization. 1816 - 2008. 3rd International Conference on Democracy as Idea and

Practice, (p. 3). Oslo.

Huntington, S. P. (1991). The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late twentieth Century.

Norman, OK: University Oklahoma Press.

Juan J.Linz, Alfred Stepan. (1998). Toward Consolidated Democracies.Journal of Democracy.

O'Donnell, G. (1992).Issues in Democratic Consolidation: The New South AmericanDemocracies in Comparative Perspective. (S. G. Mainwaring, Ed.) Notre Dame:

University of Notre Dame Press.

Ozbudun, E. (2000). Contemporary Turkish Politics: Challenges to Democratic Consolidation.Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner.

Puddington, A. (2013, 04 15).Freedom House. Retrieved from www.freedomhouse.org

R. Hausmann, L. D. Tayson, S. Zahidi. (2012). The Global Gender Gap Report. Geneva: World

Economic Forum.

Rights, E. C. (2012). Overview 1959 - 2011. Strasbourg: European Court of Human Rights,.

State, U. D. (2013). Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2012. Washington: U.S.

Deparment of State, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor .

Valenzuela, J. (1990, December). Democratic Consolidation in Post-Transitional Settings:Notions, Process, and Facilitating Conditions. Working Paper #150. Notre Dame, IN:

University of Notre Dame Press.

Yesilada, B. (2007). Benefits of Turkey's EU Membership.European Union Studies Conference

(p. 12). Montreal: Portland State University.

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