Gettysburg Coconstruction

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COCONSTRUCTING HERITAGE

AT THE GETTYSBURG STORYSCAPE

Athinodoros Chronis

California State University, Stanislaus, USA

Abstract: Cultural production has been integral to the study of tourism. Employing the Get-tysburg storyscape, the present study illustrates the way in which a text is coconstructed by bothmarketers and consumers through negotiation and embodied performance. Within a cocon-struction model of culture, rather than merely appropriating existing meanings of the past, atext is informed by and depends upon the contingencies of the present. It is also shown how alandscape is being symbolically transformed and used by service providers and tourists alike tonegotiate, define, and strengthen social values of patriotism and national unity, in times whenthese values are most needed.Keywords:coconstruction of culture, performance, storyscapes,Gettysburg, imagined communities. 2005 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Resume: La co-construction de lheritage dans lespace narratif de Gettysburg. La produc-tion culturelle fait partie ntegrante de letude du tourisme. En employant lespace narratifde Gettysburg, la presente etude illustre la facon dont un texte culturel est co-construit par

ces commerciaux et des consommateurs a travers la negociation et le spectacle concretise.Dans le cas dun modele co-construit de la culture, un texte culturel est informe par et depen-dant des contingences du present plutot que de sapproprier tout simplement les significa-tions existantes du passe. On montre comment un paysage touristique peut etre transformesymboliquement et utilise par des prestataires de services ainsi que par des touristes pour nego-cier, definir et renforcer les valeurs sociales du patriotisme et de lunite nationale a une epo-que ou on a le plus besoin de ces valeurs. Mots-cles:co-construction de la culture, spectacle,espaces narratifs, Gettysburg, communautes imaginees, mythes dorigine. 2005 ElsevierLtd. All rights reserved.

INTRODUCTION

The American Civil War (18611865) is one of the most disturbingchapters in the history of the United States, for the country was dividedby hatred and blood. The 620,000 people who died during the warfrom both sides is by far the most devastating loss of human lives inUS history and it almost equals the number of deaths during all theother wars the country has fought combined (McPherson 1990). Whatis even more horrifying is that the American Civil War was literallyfought among brothers.

In the process of inflicting such a big toll on the country, the CivilWar also transformed it. Before 1861 the United States designation

Athinodoros Chronisis Assistant Professor of marketing in the Management, Operations,and Marketing Department at California State University, Stanislaus (Turlock CA 95382, USA.Email ). His research interests embrace the experiential aspects ofconsumption, including the intersection of tourism and history. He has studied extensivelythe active role of consumers and their participation at multiple heritage sites both in theUnited States and Europe.

Annals of Tourism Research, Vol. 32, No. 2, pp. 386406, 20052005 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Printed in Great Britain0160-7383/$30.00

doi:10.1016/j.annals.2004.07.009www.elsevier.com/locate/atoures

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was a plural noun. After 1865 it became singular (McPherson 1990).Today, the Civil War narrative is deeply inscribed in American memoryas one of the most defining moments in its history (Allred 1996;Hall1994). But through what process did a war among brothers become

a celebration of national unity? Where does this transformative powerof the Civil War come from? Why do certain events of the past becomedefining moments of national importance and how is it that thesetransformative processes generate such a rich legacy of cultural expres-sions, including books, periodicals, round table discussions, historycourses, artifact collections, re-enactments, living history festivals, pres-ervation societies,films, documentaries, and a lucrative tourism indus-try of millions of people who visit Civil War battlefields?

Tourism has been seen as integral to the understanding of transfor-mative cultural processes (Urry 1996) and deserves to be studied from

this perspective. Studies, however, heavily concentrate around twopoles. On the production side, service providers and marketers areseen as producers who build, embellish, and promote the tourismproduct in the market. On the consumption side, many scholars havebeen concerned with issues of demand, motivation, and ways of expe-riencing spaces. Examining tourism through a mutually constructiveprocess between producers and consumers has been, to a large extent,under-investigated.

Theoretically, relationships between cultural production and con-sumption can be explored through Johnsons (1986) circuit of cul-ture (Figure 1). Texts are initially formed by producers and thenbecome part of differential interpretations by readers who assign tothem their own meanings. Transformed meanings of the text enterthe existing cultural reservoir of discourses and the new transforma-tions of meaning become raw material for fresh production. Produc-ers, their product (text), their readers, and lived cultures are all seenas part of the circuit of culture, which undergoes perpetual change.Adopting the circuit of culture as a theoretical framework, Squire(1994) shows how literary texts are transformed through readings

and interpretations, and how they subsequently become part of a widersymbolic system.According to the above view, the surface of the tourism text is already

inscribed by producers who provide the material on which touristsoperate. Within this context,meanings are encoded by the producersof attractions and decoded by tourists (Herbert 2001:316). Theirinvolvement into the transformation of culture is restricted to a meresymbolic appropriation of meanings from a given text and their usein present contexts (Squire 1994). While highly informative, the cir-cuit of culture is deficient in addressing the transformation of an

abhorrent fratricide into a narrative of national unity. For one thing,what the Civil War left behind was a ruined economy, a fragmented so-cial landscape, and a huge number of graves. Therefore a nationalpatriotic ideology, is far from being produced by a single authorof a cultural text, as the circuit of culture suggests.

An alternative account views cultural texts as narratives that are con-structed in the present. The construction falls within the domain of the

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narrative paradigm (Bruner 1986, 1987; Fisher 1984), according towhichlife comes to us in the form of stories(Gubrium and Holstein1998:163). Narratives are notnaturalphenomena, but human inven-tions (Cronon 1992;Ewick and Silbey 1995). Their construction can beseen as composing a text (Gubrium and Holstein 1998). Thus, peopleacting as story-builders do not simply record the world, but rather createit (Olson 1990). Consequently, for any story there are multiple narrativetexts that can be constructed, and the public is often faced with the chal-lenge of multiple competing narratives (Cronon 1992).

As a construction, storytelling is notthe act of an autonomous andindependent actor(Gergen and Gergen 1988:40). The narrator is anagent who relates the story in a particular medium (Bal 1997); this actis not a repetition of a fixed story, but is a personalized expression ofthe storytellers own idiosyncratic reading and poetic aptitude. This isespecially true when stories refer to real life events or historical ac-counts where an individual writer cannot be identified. However,narratives are conversations and the active role of the listener should

be also considered (Robinson 1981). At a minimum, a listener partic-ipates in storytelling by assigning his or her own meaning. But the lis-teners involvement extends beyond mere interpretation. According toBraid, significant meaning is generated in the ongoing, active processof following a narrative during which the listener repeatedly tries tointegrate the unfolding narrative and the dynamics of performanceinto a coherent and meaningful interpretation of what happened

PUBLIC

REPRESENTATIONS

Conditions

PRIVATE

LIVES

2Texts

3

Readings

1

Production

4

Lived

cultures

Social

relations

Forms

Conditions

ABSTRACT

UNIVERSAL

CONCRETE

PARTICULAR

Figure 1. The Circuit of Culture (Johnson 1986:284)

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(1996:6). During the experience of following, listeners constantlyfillnarrative gaps, re-contextualize the narrative events in terms of theirown experiences, and actively engage their imagination.

Similar to the circuit-of-culture analytical framework, the narrative par-

adigm does not assume unchanged and stable cultural texts. But in con-trast, it does not view cultural texts as unilaterally created by producers insome past time and then made available to the public for further trans-formations. Rather, a text is coconstructed in the present by the simulta-neous participation of both narrative agents and active readers. Withinthis context, the construction of the Civil War is a product of the present.As a tourism product, an event of the past is not a fixed text, but rather isfluid and created through performance (Coleman and Crang 2002a);and this is where one should look for cultural transformations.

The purpose of the present study is to illustrate the way in which

both marketers and tourists coconstruct the cultural text through per-formance. Using historic sites as a form of cultural expression, it is ar-gued that consumption meanings are created and shaped duringmoments of interaction where intermediaries and consumers ofthe historical past are mutually involved in shaping the narrative text.It is also argued that within a coconstruction model of culture, ratherthan merely appropriating existing meanings of the past, a text is in-formed by and depends upon the contingencies of the present. In thisrespect, it is shown how a touristic landscape is being symbolicallytransformed and used by service providers and tourists alike to negoti-ate, define, and strengthen social values of patriotism and nationalunity, in times when these values are most needed.

THE COCONSTRUCTION OF HERITAGE AT STORYSCAPES

Places with storiesreal,fictitious, or mythicalattract people whowant to see with their own eyes where Abraham Lincoln has lived (Bru-ner 1994), to step on the ground of Thermopylae where Leonidas withhis Spartans stood against thousands of Persians (Bradford 2004), and

to understand the lives of the courageous and pioneering forebears ina Western ghost town (DeLyser 1999) or in a Viking heritage museum(Halewood and Hannam 2001). Increased visitation is also recorded inplaces whose story is associated with death, war, and destruction (Dannand Seaton 2001;Lennon and Foley 2000;Seaton 2000;Slade 2003).An illustrative and commercially successful example of such places isGettysburg. Like many destinations, this is a place with a story, or a sto-ryscape. Storyscapes are commercial environments where narratives arenegotiated, shaped, and transformed through the interaction of pro-ducers and consumers.

Ethnography at Gettysburg

Consumer-oriented ethnography (Arnould 1998) was conducted atGettysburg, a small town in south-central Pennsylvania, where one ofthe bloodiest battles of the American Civil War took place from July



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13, 1863. It is estimated that Gettysburg attracts two million touristsannually (Chronis 2003), placing it on the top of all battlefields inthe United States in terms of this flow (Hanink and Stutts 2002).

During the summer of 2002, fieldwork was conducted with the per-

mission of and in cooperation with the Gettysburg Convention and Vis-itors Bureau. Depth interviews with tourists, guides, and businessmanagers were supplemented with observations, both participant andnonparticipant (Angrosino and Mays de Perez 2000; DeWalt et al1998), and photo-elicitation, where tourists were presented with anumber of photographs and were instructed to comment on them(Arnould 1998;Collier and Collier 1986;Heisley and Levy 1991).

Overall, fieldwork resulted in a total of 75 interviews, 238 photo-graphs, and hundreds of hours of observation. The sample56% ofthe participants men and 43% womenrepresented all age groups,

with the largest one being that between the ages of 35 and 54(30.6%). Tourists in the 2534 age group comprised 20.7% and those5564, 23.1%. Overall, thesefigures do not differ from what has beenreported in other cases of heritage tourism (Herbert 2001), except forthe relatively large representation of individuals over the age of 64(18.2%), possibly indicating the increasing interest of an aging popu-lation for leisure activities relating to reminiscence (Urry 1996). Withfew exceptions, almost all of the informants were US citizens, visitingfrom all over the country.

Staging Gettysburg

As a tourism environment, Gettysburg is communicatively staged (Ar-nould et al 1998), primarily through stories. Most of them narrate spe-cific battle incidents like the defense of Little Round Top by JoshuaChamberlain, the bloody engagement on the Wheat Field, PickettsCharge, and hundreds of human interest stories. Presentations arehighly heterogeneous and are offered by multiple narrative agentsthrough different media. The Civil War Wax Museum, Battle Theatre,Electric Map, Cyclorama, guided battlefield tours, and guided ghosttours are only some of the different forms in which the Gettysburgstory is presented. By far, the most popular offer is a guided battlefieldtour. The service offered by guides at Gettysburg is considered to bethe oldest in the United States, dating back to the 1890s (Patterson1989). There are over a hundred guides today and their licensing bythe National Park Service (NPS) ensures they have detailed knowledgeof the historical events, are familiar with the landscape, and have theability to interact with tourists.

Notwithstanding their common licensing by the NPS, guidesnarra-tives are highly diverse. To a large extent, this is attributable to their per-sonal style and the emphasis placed on historical knowledge, humansuffering, or entertainment. Furthermore, the narrations of guides de-pend on their expertise. They are specialized according to what occurredon the day of a battle, by such incidents as Picketts Charge or by suchlocations as Wheat Field. Many are active researchers, continuously



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enriching their knowledge on particular incidents, regimental facts, eth-nic groups, and specific individuals.

Contrary to what might have been expected, even the stories refer-ring to specific historical events are highly diverse. This can be ex-

plained by the difference between a series of historical facts andhistory. While the first instance refers to annals, or to a mere chrono-logical arrangement of historical events (White 1981), history is betterunderstood as anarrative discourse, or a creation of a story in the presentthat is based on events of the past structured around a central plot(Polkinghorne 1988). AsWhite (1981)points out, historical narrativescan best be understood as the constructed stories about reality ratherthan direct representations of it. Their constructed nature at Gettys-burg is in part a result of the storytellerspoetic license, since they haveto adapt to a highly diversified audience. Thus, the tours offered by the

same guide are never the same. In fact, one of the major concerns of alltour guides is the selection of the material around which to structuretheir narratives. During a battlefield tour, each presentation becomesa balancing act that struggles to adjust to multiple audiences: Youhave to be responsible to your audience. You try to gauge the educa-tion and knowledge level of the party; try to determine what they wantand adjust your tour accordingly one guide said. In order to adjustand tailor their presentation, they follow certain strategies, such assimplification, also known as KIS (for Keep It Simple). A similarstrategy, referred to as dumbing down your presentation, is thelow level one, where the narrative includes a minimum of details.Another involves learning more about the participants on a tourand adapting the presentation. According to a guide, I have certainquestions myself to kind of gauge how much they know. I can tell fromtheir answer what level tour [to offer].

Because of its multifaceted nature, the tourist experience needs to belegitimized and authenticated. In the most basic sense, Gettysburg ispresented as an original: the actual site where the great Civil War battletook place, thus possessing locational authenticity (Miles 2002). No sto-

ryteller neglects to mention that this is the actual site of the famous bat-tle. Specific locations throughout the military park are properly markedso that nobody will miss Little Round Top, The Angle, or SeminaryRidge. For tourists, the actual site is phenomenal and what is veryimportant is the actual spot that somebody fought on. Originalityis also reinforced through objective authenticity in the form of artifacts,like a number of cannons on the battlefield. Original houses that werepresent during the battle are verified with a plaque that reads Civil WarBuilding July 1863. Thousands of artifacts, including guns, bullets,and uniforms are reverently kept behind display cases in museums.

These tangible objects embody the world of the past and comprisethe props that recreate the past as a lived context(Turner 1990:125).Gettysburg can also be seen as a complete and immaculate simula-

tion(Bruner 1994:399). This sense of constructive authenticity is man-ifested by many businesses that offer authentic Civil War clothes.Some of the old buildings in the town and especially those standing onbattleground have been restored in a very authentic way. To achieve this,



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professionals rely on historical scholarship, archeological findings, sol-diersdiaries and letters, newspaper accounts, and veteransmemories.

Perceived authenticity is also established through the authority of thefederal government. In this sense, Gettysburg is duly authorized, cer-

tified, or legally valid (Bruner 1994:400). Through the NPS, the gov-ernment takes responsibility for the preservation of the surroundingnature. Its employees safeguard environmental authenticity throughthe preservation of the landscape and the restoration of buildingsand wooden fences. The NPS is also responsible for the historical accu-racy of the battles interpretation. This authoritative role is achievedthrough the presentation of history at the interpretive center andthrough the licensing of tour guides who have to take rigorous writtenexams based on an extensive bibliography provided by the NPS. In thisway, the NPS warranties factual authenticity that is duly appreciated by

tourists who realize that site managerstry to get the full story of whatactually happened. Historical accuracy is also strengthened throughpersonage authenticity that, according to a tourist, is witnessed as theactual people who actually fought here. These are known and un-known heroes of the Civil War and the protagonists of the innumerablestories told by guides, museum presentations, books, and historians.

Contested Spaces

Notwithstanding the multiple ways in which Gettysburg is authenti-cated, what is staged by professionals is not taken for granted by tour-ists and their interaction produces conflict. Largely, this divergencearises from the perceived gap between tourists pre-established narra-tive familiarity and new encounters during their visit. Ronald MaxwellsmovieGettysburg, Ken BurnsdocumentaryThe Civil War, Shelby FootesbookStars in Their Courses, and Michael Shaaras novelThe Killer Angelsare only some of the popular narrative texts that introduce tourists tothe Gettysburg story. Thus,tourists embark on their journeys with al-ready formed images, largely the product of popular cultural represen-

tations and of touristic discourse (Galani-Moutafi 1999:211). Thelevel of tourists familiarity will form the basis for the contestation ofthe historical narratives provided by agents. While in broad terms theNPS, licensed guides, and various private commercial establishmentsare seen by tourists as experts, in certain instances contestation pro-duces friction between narrative agents and tourists, especially whenhistorical accuracy is at stake:

And Ill have people who will say, I have just read the Killer Angelsnovel twice to get ready for this trip. So, Im all fresh,you know. Andsome people just wont accept things that we say, even though weretotally sure were right (Guide).

Yet certainty of being historically accurate is hard to establish sinceno historical account is free from biases. The history of Gettysburgcan be traced back to the highly fragmented and disparate early ac-counts of participants in the battle, their diaries and letters. Later,



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some of the veterans recorded the events in written texts based on theirreconstructed memory. Much of the present history developed fromthese early accounts. For Desjardin this foundation of the story is veryprecarious and its strength lies in our belief in the truthfulness of

these early accounts (2003:xix). Partial, fragmented, and contradic-tory accounts founded on recollections of hundreds of battle partici-pants, generated more than 50,000 books on the Civil War (Allred1996), and formed the basis for the authoritative knowledge of Gettys-burg professionals. As already asserted, history isinvariably subjective,biased both by its narrator and by its audience(Lowenthal 1985:216)and it would beimpossible to make a historic reproduction accuratein every regard (Bruner 1994:404). Therefore for some commenta-tors, instead of justhistory, we should better refer to Gettysburg asa collection of legends and folklore or simply as a national mythology

(Desjardin 2003).However, even objective authenticity is contested, as when tourists

observe the year 1864 marked on a cannon barrel. Those of themwho know that the battle took place in 1863 usually comment nega-tively on the originality of the artifact. Similarly, personage authenticitywas contested by one tourist during his visit to a museum when he real-ized that the figure of Robert E. Leethe legendary General leadingthe confederate armies and one of the most admirable militaryfigurein the US historydid not match his preconception of Lees image. Ina more general sense, a whole narrative presentation may be contestedon the grounds of authenticity. According to another tourist, while theCivil War Wax Museum and the NPS visitor center are both enjoyed,one is a show while the other is history.

Narrative contestation can result from regionally based identifica-tion, as when individuals from either northern or southern states be-come over-supportive of the Union or the Confederate side. Suchcontestation may be expressed through the employment of historicalevents in heated dialogues between tourists and guides:

Guide: And then when the orders come, [the southern army will]

advance up and over and out over the ground.Tourist:Terrible. But Sherman burned the South down.Guide:Well, actually, you know who burned Columbia, dont you? It

was Wade Hampton. Confederates burned their own city there. Theytorched the city so the Yankees wouldnt get it and then the fire gotout of hand is what happened.Tourist:Ill have to read about it.

As this exchange illustrates, notwithstanding the historical accuracyof the accounts, contested spaces may have an ideological basis. Thesecontestations are also expressed in the form ofrepresentational ade-

quacy.The owner of a private business reported that some individualsfrom Southern States complained when a Confederate flag was re-moved from the front of the building in order to be replaced with anew one. For a small number of tourists from Southern States, repre-sentation of the Confederate army is insufficient, despite the effortto the contrary by the federal government since 1895 (Patterson 1989).



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Thus, culture at Gettysburg is not afixed entity embedded within anuncontested narrative. Commercial establishments provide a plethoraof narrative texts and no two of them are identical. Historical authen-ticity is not given in the culture, but is negotiated (Salamone 1997). On

the one hand, perceived authenticity is staged (Handler and Gable1997; MacCannell 1973, 1999) and management at Gettysburg wearsacredibility armor(Gable and Handler 1996) through original arti-facts (Evans-Pritchard 1987), arrested decay (DeLyser 1999), andclaims to academic expertise (Halewood and Hannam 2001). On theother hand, tourists bring their own historical background, images,preconceptions, and interpretational aptitude. If conflicts arise fre-quently between the storytellers and the listeners and contestation iscommon, how is it that Gettysburg has become such a strong andenduring symbol of national unity? The present paper argues that

this symbolic transformation is accomplished through narrativeperformance.

Performing at the Storyscape

Cultural narratives are constructed through performance at a sitewhere meanings are facilitated for tourists (Bruner 1994; Colemanand Crang 2002a;Edensor 2000, 2001). As tourists move through thetown, visit museums, participate in ghost tours, interact with the

guides, and negotiate historical authenticity, they are performingnumerous individual stories that form the narrative of the Battle ofGettysburg, which, in turn, replicates the master narrative of the CivilWar.

This story is performed during the interaction of agents with tourists(Tucker 1997). As already discussed, one way this is accomplished isthrough the negotiation of narrative texts and their authenticity. Nar-ratives are also performed during a dynamic process of narrative com-pletion. Overall, tourists struggle to follow the Gettysburg narrative byforming causal links among events and their consequences and by putt-

ing pieces together (Braid 1996). In this sense, the Civil War story be-comes a puzzle that consumers try to put together, as opposed to anexisting cultural text that is given in a complete form by a producer.This process is manifested in numerous interviews and is properly artic-ulated by the following tourist:

You try to kind of piece it together and as time went on I had a better,even better understanding than from just reading a book. You sayWow! . . .Where did they come from? How come they didnt comefrom that end? You usually ask such questions.

Performing the Civil War in this sense gives another dimension to na-tional memory. Remembering, asConnerton stresses, is not a recollec-tion of isolated events; rather, it is to become capable of formingmeaningful narrative sequences (1989:26).At Gettysburg, therefore,fragmented pieces of historical information already known and thosethat are newly acquired are put together in an effort to reconstruct amaster narrative of the Civil War.



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Performing a storyscape is not just restricted to a cognitive process.Neither is it solely a visual experience. In addition, many narrativeexperiences at storyscapes are embodied (Coleman and Crang2002b;Filipucci 2002). In fact, throughout their visit, tourists are sur-

rounded by embodied evidence of the past in the form of monuments,cannons, caissons, markers, and museum artifacts. These tangibleelements provoke tourists senses for bodily explorations. Indeed, anurge for tactile exploration of the storyscape, like touching a cannonon the battlefield, is a praxis that is frequently encountered amongtourists.

Tourists also get in touch with the past through acoustic experiences,like those facilitated by an auto tour through a tape that can be boughtin numerous tourist shops throughout the town. In addition to the nar-rators voice, these recordings include songs from the period of the

Civil War:I was impressed by the tape I was listening to. You know, you can hearDixie with the band or orchestra, or Elvis, or whatever, but this is withthe guitar and the banjo. Thats what they would have on the battle-field; playing the banjo and singing Dixie and Sweet Home Alabama(Tourist).

Sensual, tactile, aesthetic, and material aspects of performance per-suade the experiencing body of tourists about the relevance and imme-diacy of the past.

Embodied experiences are also facilitated through reenactments.Some licensed guides often engage tourists in reenacting military for-mations and specific incidents. During such days, interpreters dressedin period clothes exhibit Civil War artifacts, explain military tactics byusing guns, involve tourists in using them, and evenfire the cannons,filling the air with smoke. In this way, touristsinteraction with reenac-tors is an embodied, multisensory experience involving visual, acoustic,tactile, and olfactory dimensions, supporting the argument that tour-ism is a total experience, lived, felt, and remembered through all thesenses (Crouch 2002).

Embodiment at storyscapes extends beyond that directly perceivedthrough the senses and encompasses the imaginary. Touristsimagina-tion at historic places has been characterized asthe latch that must beunhooked to open the door to the past (Craig 1989:107). However,according toJoy and Sherry, bothperception and imagination coexistand are thoroughly embodied (2003:278). Such imagination is ex-pressed through virtual body enactments and is coconstructed throughthe interaction of service providers and tourists. Most tour guides, forexample, agree that part of their jobis to stimulate [tourists] imagina-tion(Guide). What guides try to create through tours is a lively narra-

tive of the past: So picture them fighting back and forth for thecannons . . . picture about 12,000 Confederate soldiers merging overto your right forming a line about a mile . . .Now picture these Confed-erate soldiers coming from your right, starting to tear down some ofthose fences (Guide). In this sense, embodied imagination involvesan effort to construct a realistic space through the inclusion of cannons,



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fences, and soldiers. In contrast to the idea of mental imagery as a staticpicture advanced by cognitive psychologists, embodied imaginationtakes a dynamic, narrative form that develops through time. Similarto an embodied experience through the senses, embodied imagination

too is multidimensional. Descriptions of both guides and touristsrefer to multisensory engagements, involving seeing, hearing, andsmelling:

You can just see those rifles blazing out; hear the crack of those gunsor the cannons, the smell of sulfur fumes filling the air, shells crash-ing through the smoke exploding among the ranks. Arms, legs, andbodiesflying through the air. Regimentalflags, battle flags going tothe ground (Guide).

Embodied imagination is similarly manifested by the use of wax fig-

ures in the Civil War Wax Museum, the elaborate descriptions of ghostsduring ghost tours, and both agents and tourists accounts of thestrange visual and acoustic sensory indicators manifesting the presenceof a ghost.

Connection with the Past

Performing the Gettysburg story connects the past with the present.In its most elementary form, connection with the past involves personal

links with family or regions (state), since a large number of touristshave ancestors who participated in the battle. Pennsylvanians, forexample, can find these names written at the Pennsylvania Memorial.These associations are triggered by guides during tour performances:

Anyone from Louisiana? Heres Louisiana Memorial to your left. Veryimpressive. The Catholic patron saint of artillery men isfigured there.

Any Mississippians? Heres the Mississippi State Memorial (Guide).

But human connection at Gettysburg supercedes family and regionaldefinitions by acquiring an emotional element. Stories of known and un-

known individuals who fought in the battle establish an imaginary linkthrough empathy (Escalas and Stern 2003). Stories of human sufferingabound in museum presentations, ghost and battlefield tours. As oneinformant stated,Here, you can feel, you can feel the people,whilefor someone else, Its just the emotion there. As the BattlefieldToursmanager verified, tourists become frequently emotional duringa tour. A very touching moment for tourists is frequently witnessed at thePeace Memorial when they are told about the 1938 reunion, when 2000veterans at the average age of 94 from the North and the South gatheredto shake hands and celebrate their shared experience.

Thus, the story of Gettysburg has a linking property and performingit at the site transforms isolated accounts of death and destruction intoa community story: a story that belongs to a group rather than to aperson (Johnston 1990:119). Family ties, state identification, andemotional connection with those who participated in the battle mani-fest an imagined community (Anderson 1991), where a feeling ofcommunitasis shared among all participants. As opposed to spontane-



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ous communitas that is based on short-term feelings of affiliationamong participants in the same activity (Arnould and Price 1993),communitas formed at Gettysburg resembles whatTurner (1974)callsideological or normative communitas according to which individu-

als are linked to an imagined community. The development of thiscamaraderie is expressed by a tourist as a distillation of the Ameri-can spirit:

Ever watched how a puddle of water, when it dissolves, at the bottomyoure left with a residue of what was in the original puddle. It distills.Gettysburg is exactly the same way. Youll find a distillation of the

American spirit here . . . [Gettysburg] brings people together. Andthey talk less about their own states and theyll talk more about beingan American.

It has been argued that, while in personal narratives there is an iden-tifiable beginning and an end, in case of a nation there is no clearlyidentifiable birth (Anderson 1991). This argument does not hold inthe case of Gettysburgand the American Civil War in generalsincethefive-year confrontations are generally accepted as events that gavebirth to the American nation and they consequently support a mythof origins (Smith 1996):

As far as what brings people to Gettysburg, great deeds, somethingstays, bodies disappear [but] spirits linger, they consecrate theground . . . our country is formed here; by this battle; what happened

here (Guide).According toSmith, myths of originsform the groundwork of every

nationalist mythology(1996:121)and they are largely based on histor-ical references to direct communal destiny by telling us who we are,whence we came from and why we are unique(1996:121). Gettysburgprovides an ideal example as a point of origin and birthplace of theAmerican nation. While the traditional view wantsnationsto be nat-ural and perennial, such a view is clearly untenable at Gettysburg. In-stead, it shows that nations can be formed, and human will and

effort play an important part in this process (Smith 1996:109). It isargued that nationhood and heritage are constructed notions (Mitch-ell 2001). To a large extent, the myth of origins of the American nationis built upon and permeated by death, heroes, and values.

References to the dead, which have been referred to as a founda-tional component of the birth of nations (Anderson 1991), form thebackbone of the Gettysburg experience. One of the most popularand highly visited places is the National Cemetery, where thousandsof Union soldiers are buried. As guides often witness, some peopleare very moved by going in there (Guide). Highly descriptive death-

related stories are common among the narrations:There were so many men killed in this valley here, the soldiers calledit the Valley of Death. A little stream parallels the road. These soldiersknew it would be days before they got any medical help. Theyd crawldown to that stream and wash their hands. Theyd pass out and fallinto it and drown. Blood would continue to flow. They called it theBloody Run (Guide).



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Those who died at Gettysburg are not distant and forgotten, but, un-like other dead, they are still around, as it is argued in numerous micr-onarratives. As recently as 1996, the body of a Confederate soldier wasuncovered on the battlefield. It is also estimated that today as many as a

thousand Southern dead are still on the battlefield in long-lost, forgot-ten graves. Battlefield tour guides direct touristsattention to show re-spect and reverence when walking on the battlefield. The symbolicpresence of the dead is also strengthened during ghost tours. Participa-tion in a ghost tour is tantamount to visiting the world of the deadwhich is not located in the remote past. Rather, ghosts and their worldoverlap with the present reality as it is manifested by the high degree ofbelievability of ghost stories, and their emotional impact on tourists.The same spiritual quality can also be identified in a large numberof books sold in the towns bookstores with titles like Civil War Ghosts,

Haunted Gettysburg, The Battlefield Dead,and The Spirit World of Gettysburgand Other Haunts.

The symbolic value and national contribution of the dead is markedby the 1400 monuments and memorials that, similar to cenotaphs andtombs of unknown soldiers, are an arresting emblem of the modern na-tion. While they are void of any mortal remains, these emblems arenevertheless saturated with ghostly national imaginings (Anderson1991:9). What is equally important for this battlein fact, for all CivilWar battlesis that the national sacrifice becomes a tragedy of fratri-cide. According toAnderson, fratricide and the unceasing remindingof tragedies that one shouldhave already forgotten(1991:201)pro-vides a reassurance for the formation of modern nationalism. Thus,fratricide turns out to be a characteristic device in the later construc-tion of national genealogies(Anderson 1991:201). References at Get-tysburg toa war among brothersabound in historical books, novels,museums, and guided tours.

The proliferation of memorials and other narrative references todeath have important implications for nationalism, since those whohave died are not a random assemblage of forgotten, anonymous

dead(Anderson 1991:201). Death acquires a significant meaning be-cause it is inextricably linked with sacrifice through which those whowere killed during the battle are transformed into heroicfigures. Toa large extent, the significance of the ground at Gettysburg is attrib-uted to their sacrifice, as it was pointed out by Abraham Lincoln(1863)in his Gettysburg Address: The brave men, living and dead,who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power toadd or detract.

Through family, region, and emotional connections with Americanheroes, Gettysburg becomes a conduit between past and present.

The past permeates the present, and it is often admired for its accom-plishments. Tourists readily recognize human sacrifice and the fightfor a purpose. In this sense, the past provides guidance for the presentgeneration and enriches the present with its values (Lowenthal 1985).As tourists admit,You need to understand where weve been to knowwhere were going. Thus, if such a stupendous fratricide was a mis-take,you have to learn from your past, from your mistakes(Tourist).



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However, the relationship between past and present is nonrecur-sive. It is not only that the past influences contemporary life but,reciprocally, the present takes responsibility for the reconstruction ofthe past. In this respect, tourists use the battles during Roman times,

the American Revolution, the Somme, and others in Europe and theMiddle East in order to imbue certain meanings to the battle of Gettys-burg. The destructive and fierce nature of Picketts Charge is put intoperspective by calling on modern wars that are fought from airplanesand over large distances. Similarly, for a tourist, the excellent shotsof the sharpshooters (particularly their accuracy over long distances)are admired only after a direct juxtaposition with his own personalexperience as a sharpshooter. The same informant is also comparingfighting in long lines exposed to enemyfire during the battle of Get-tysburg with todays practice offighting and taking cover behind the

trees. By referring to modern military tactics, tourists reconstruct a pastthat is meaningful to them, since it relates to their own personal expe-riences (Bruner 1994). Thus, it is the present that is employed in theprocess of reconstructing the past.

Interestingly enough, the reconstruction of the past in the presentinvolves the use of contemporary values and ideologies as well as a col-lective wish for their preservation and strengthening, especially whenthese values are endangered. According to some commentators, todaythe United Statesfaces terrible challenges, a shadowy war, increasinginequality among its people, and a society with knife-sharp divisions(Cuomo 2004:cover jacket). In a climate of continuous change, it be-comes increasingly appropriate to use cultural narratives for the con-struction and reinforcement of social cohesion (Harrison 2001).Tourists project contemporary anxieties and highly held cultural valuesto the past. According to one tourist, Gettysburg bolsters your faithand the strength of the nation; especially in the current political cli-mate that were facing at this point.Similarly, after a battlefield tour,another informant claims to havean appreciation for everything thathappened back then,especially today(emphasis added). Thus, a value-

loaded past becomes significant due to the contingencies in the pres-ent. As one tourist said, Im just glad we did [visit] because I thinktoday, you know, with everything thats going on in the world, its kindof neat to look back 150 years and see what preserved the nation.

Touristsexperience at historic sites parallels contemporary nostalgiain that, rather than simply being a longing for the past, it is a responseto conditions in the present (Davis 1979;Hall 1994). During the sum-mer of 2002, whenfieldwork was conducted, memories of the Septem-ber 11 events were still fresh in the American memory and theperceived threat facing the country was real. Tourists recognized that

Gettysburg made themthink of September 11. By visiting the townduring the anniversary of September 11you recall all of those thingsand it makes it more respectful (Tourist). On this day nation-hood was vibrantly celebrated at the town square, with a parade,music and tourists holding American flags and displaying them onhats, T-shirts, purses, car stickers, and Gettysburg memorabilia. Duringthis commemoration, the two events were cast together under a com-



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mon national ideology: United We Stand. The model Gettysburgoffers proves very relevant in times whennationhoodbecomes criti-cal. As one tourist put it, September 11 of 2001 is a relative of Gettys-burg. It is during these moments of commemoration when

enduring values are reinvented in the present and projected intothe past (Hobsbawm and Ranger 1992), so that an ever-presentnational ideology enhances a collective consciousness of kind(Turner 1986:40) and strengthens the unity of the nation.

CONCLUSION

Tourism is central to the study of cultural production and transfor-mative cultural processes. In this study,Johnsons (1986)circuit of cul-

ture has been applied to show that a cultural text is produced andsubsequently transformed through diverse interpretations by readers.While a social interaction is implicitly adopted in this framework(Squire 1994), the initial text is created by a cultural producer. In atourism context, afirst stage of cultural production involves managersand a second stage includes tourists who appropriate and reinterpretintended messages (Herbert 2001).

However, cultural production is not simply an act of managerial apti-tude. As it is shown in this paper, the narrative of the Civil War is not aresult of an individual producer who introduces its meaning into

society. The Gettysburg storyscape illustrates the interactive processthrough which a Civil War battle becomes a meaningful story throughperformance at a tourism space. As an event of the past, the battle ofGettysburg is a historical fact. Yet, as a cultural product, Gettysburg isa fluid narrative text staged by marketers and presented in multiple,heterogeneous forms. The resulting narratives are contested by touristsand become subject to negotiation. During the performance of thestory, tourists are not passive readers of the text. Rather, they are ac-tively engaged by using their prior background, negotiating, fillinggaps, and imagining. Hence, service providers do not simply teach his-tory and tourists do not only learn about the past. Rather, throughtheir interaction, marketers and tourists perform history by means ofnegotiation, narrative completion, and embodiment.

Through an embodied performance, the story of 1863 is authenti-cated in the eyes of the tourists, who are able to see beyond the arti-facts, the landscape, and the commercial staging. By engaging withthe notion of authenticity, tourists confirm the idea of unity, commem-orate America as a nation, strengthen values of patriotism and free-dom, and celebrate Gettysburg as the birthplace of a united nation,

which is what marketers sell at the storyscape. Thus, authenticity is nei-ther a result of modern anxiety and alienation (MacCannell 1999), noran end result of the visit (DeLyser 1999). Rather, it is a means throughwhich the narrative of the Civil War becomes a vehicle for nationalunity and integration. The concept of authenticity has value at Gettys-burg as long as it strengthens a common heritage and a myth of ori-gins. This is what is coconstructed at Civil War sites and is



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subsequently funneled into the lived American reality. In theoreticalterms, the process of coconstruction is presented inFigure 2.

Through differential readings of mere happenings, culture bearersprovide their own interpretation and assign their own meanings to

what might otherwise appear as a chaotic environment. Meaningful sto-ries are only possible through construction. The wider the social impli-cations of historical happenings, the more urgent becomes the needfor the construction of a meaningful story and the more collectivethe character of this story will be.

Since different actors are involved in reading and interpreting theraw material, a collective cultural text will result from negotiationand performance. During market-mediated interactions, commercialagents will provide multiple versions of a cultural text, while consumerswill bring to bear their own preconceptions, interpretations, and mean-

ings. During this interactive performance, raw material is transformedinto a meaningful cultural text. The coconstructed text circulateswithin the lived culture, is read by its members, and is further trans-formed through constant re-interpretations and changing socialcontext.

As in the case of the circuit of culture, a coconstruction model of cul-ture involves multiple members. However, while the first approach as-sumes an initial production by a single producer, the second modelargues for a simultaneous interaction of producers and consumers atthe marketplace, resulting in the coconstruction of a cultural textthrough commonly understood embodied performances.

As with the circuit-of-culture approach, a coconstruction model ispremised on continuous transformations of the text. In contrast tothe circuit of culture though, according to which cultural objectsare initially imbued with meaning by producers in the past, coconstruc-tion of a text is based on meanings of the present. As a creation of thepresent, the story of Gettysburg is not based on a fixed past. Rather,

Lived

cultures

Agents ConsumersText

Reading Reading

Performance

Figure 2. A Coconstruction Model of Culture



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within this cultural framework, the present is drawn upon to create thepast in such a way as to become meaningful to contemporary society. A21st century experience influences the whole conception of the 1863battle. In other words, it is the contemporary views of Gettysburg that

shape the Gettysburg of 1863 and it is the present that builds the storyof the past. Similar to the concept of tradition, stories of the past arenarratives of the present about the past. These narratives express whatpeople look for in the past(Deltsou 1996:765), rather than what thepast delivers to the present.

The present paper argues that Gettysburg carries with it symbolic va-lue that is shaped by both marketers and consumers. Production andconsumption at the storyscape are interwoven. The interaction of pro-ducers and consumers at historic sites is a praxis of poesis throughwhich cultural meaning is created. In this sense, consumption of cul-

ture become its production and it is achieved through performance.AsSeremetakis states, the act of performance is a poesis, the makingof something out of which was previously experientially and culturallyunmarked or even null and void (1994:7). As this paper argues, it isthe poetic performance of the Gettysburg story that is highly responsi-ble for the transformation of a bloody fratricide into a national narra-tive of unity; it is because of its coconstructed nature that Gettysburg isestablished as the birthplace of the American nation and its narrativebecomes a myth of origins.

AcknowledgmentsThe author thanks Panayiotis Doutis, Timothy Kiessling, and Nancy Tanig-uchi for their helpful comments on a previous draft. He is also grateful to the administrationof the Gettysburg Convention and Visitors Bureau, the Gettysburg Tour Center, and the Na-tional Civil War Wax Museum for their support and assistance during fieldwork. Particularthanks are due to the licensed tour guides for their valuable comments during a busy touristperiod.

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Submitted 27 January 2004. Resubmitted 01 April 2004. Resubmitted 30 June 2004.Accepted 9 July 2004. Final version 11 August 2004. Refereed anonymously. CoordinatingEditor: Vasiliki Galani


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