Asia-Pacific Social Science Review 10:1 (2010), pp. 1-20

Gender, Fast Food, and Nutritional Perspectivesin Contemporary Philippines

Ty M atejo WS ky

University of Central Florida

tmatejow@mail.ucf.edu

Local health and foodways are exposed to new and problematic elements as corporate fast foodbecomes increasingly ubiquitous. A 2005 consumer survey completed by 160 college-age womenand men in provinces in the Philippines elucidates how fast food is conceptualized and its effectsmediated locally. Paying attention to intersections of gender and fast food amid ongoing rivalriesbetween global (McDonald's) and local (JoUibee) restaurant chains, this paper addresses the(dis)similarities underlying: (1) how fast food is regarded in terms of diet, nufrition, and hungersatisfaction; and (2) how prevailing consumption pattems manifest themselves within the genderedframework of local populations.

Keywords: fast food, globalization, obesity

The far-ranging influence of corporatefast food has emerged as one of the mostconspicuous, if not defining, feature of globalmodernity (Ritzer, 2000; Schlosser, 2001, 225-254). Few contemporary societies remainbeyond the transformative sway of thishighly adaptable and multifarious retail form.Over the past three decades McDonald'sand other transnational brands have madesignificant inroads in diverse market settingsaround the world (Houston, 2005, 124-125;Watson, 1997). So entrenched is the presenceof corporate fast food nowadays, in fact, thatmany aspects of global chain operations havebecome effectively indigenized at the locallevel. That is, they are largely removed fromtheir Western origins, sometimes bearing merelya superficial resemblance to their U.S. andEuropean counterparts in specific areas of fast

food production and consumption (Matej owsky,2007; Watson, 1997).

Sophisticated marketing campaigns, glossyaesthetics, and the development of select productsto better suit native palates have been at theforefi"ont of industry efforts to attract and maintainconsumer foUowings in countries outside of NorthAmerica and Europe. The spread of Western fastfood operators has both profoundly and subtlytransformed dietary, health, and consumptionpattems among local populations in towns andcities across Asia, Latin America, and elsewhere(Gill, 2006; Hawkes, 2002; Mydans, 2003;Pingali, 2007; Popkin, 2008; Rosenthal, 2008;Watson, 1997).

The influx of Western quick-service eateriesin developing markets has generated growingawareness of new styles of cuisine amonglocal populations (Hawkes, 2002). It has also

Copyright © 2010 De La Salle University, Philippines

ASIA-PACIFIC SOCIAL SCIENCE REVIEW VOL. 10 NO. 1

given rise to numerous homegrown chainsthat increasingly challenge the hegemony ofmultinational brands. Jamaica's Island Grill,Guatemala's Polio Campero, Brazil's Bob's, andthe Philippines' Jollibee represent some of today'smore recognizable and profitable indigenous fastfood outfits (Houston, 2005, pp. 124-125; Luxner,2002; Stein, 2007).

While these domestic restaurant chains resembletheir transnational competitors in fundamentalways, especially as nearly all follow the basicproduction and service techniques pioneered inthe U.S. years ago, they are much less similar withregard to the flavors and ingredients defining theirrespective bills of fare. Most native firms operatewith a keen understanding of the nuances thatinform traditional dining preferences and tastes.These insights have proven invaluable when itcomes to creating menu items that favorablyresonate with consumers. In this way, indigenousbrands usually hold the upper hand over theirhighly capitalized global rivals in attracting andretaining local clientele. Certainly, McDonald'sand other industry giants have struggled to realigntheir operations in overseas markets as theseenterprising domestic players assert more controlover local fast food scenes (Rai, 2005).

With competition between national andmultinational restaurant chains intensifyingglobally, new types of consumer practices andperceptions begin to emerge at the communitylevel (Matejowsky, 2007,2008,2009). Fast foodattitudes and experiences manifest themselveslocally in myriad ways, influenced directly andindirectly by various considerations. Among otherthings, they are shaped by immediate concernsinvolving matters of hunger, convenience, and/or disposable income. At a deeper level, theyare filtered through numerous mediating factorsincluding those related to age, diet, ethnicity,education, household composition, religion, andsocioeconomic status (Atkins & Bowler, 2001,255-271).

No less significant than these latter variables isthe role of gender. If anything, gender provides oneof the most viable frameworks for analyzing fast

food consumption and perceptions in non-Westernsettings, as few other demographic characteristicsare more concretely defined. Doubtless, thesubtleties of how consumers in developing milieusconceive of quick-service eateries, utilize theirproducts, and adhere to the contexts they createbecome more sharply delineated when consideredfrom a gendered perspective.

CONTEXT, OBJECTIVES,AND OVERVIEW

It goes without saying that women and menrelate to food differently (Counihan, 1999, 6-24). Cross-culturally, matters of male and femaleidentity are often inextricably linked to particularfoods and the rules governing their procurement,production, and consumption (Atkins & Bowler,2001, 311-320; Kahn, 1986; Meyers, 2001).Foodways provide an enduring context forunderstanding the complementary, if fi-equentlyhierarchical, relations that give shape to thelived experiences of women and men worldwide(Counihan & Kaplan, 1998, 1-10). Within thisframework, questions on how populations indeveloping societies approach and negotiate theincreasingly pervasive influence of corporate fastfood, raises some intriguing research possibilities,particularly for anthropologists and othersinterested in local intersections of food, gender,and health.

The food-centered activities of males andfemales are now exposed to new and potentiallyhomogenizing elements as indigenous and non-indigenous fast food chains become more globallyubiquitous. Overlapping domains of food andgender stand susceptible to transformation as aresult of aggressive industry marketing and thestandardized practices and formats emphasizedby this modem culinary approach (Counihan,1999, 57). Arguably, the underlying complexitiesthat define and differentiate established foodpractices and perceptions for men and womenin developing contexts are subject to varyingdegrees of reconfiguration as national and

GENDER, FAST FOOD AND NUTRITIONAL PERSPEOIVES MATEJOWSKY, TY

multinational restaurant chains exert greaterinfluence locally.

If knowledge of national and global fast food'sgrowing impact on the gendered dimensionsof indigenous foodways becomes more deeplyresonant when examined at the communitylevel, this work stands to offer some revealinginsights into an emerging area of food studiesand anthropological discourse on transnationalcultural politics. In particular, it opens up newlines of inquiry by considering how corporatefast food cuisine is now conceptualized, and itseffects, mediated by college-age women andmen within a specific developing locality. Withspecial attention to the conjunctures of genderand fast food amid longstanding global/localchain rivalries, this research addresses the(dis)similarities underlying: (1) how prevailingconsumption patterns and nutritional regimesmanifest themselves locally within the genderedframework of less affluent populations; and (2)how young adult males and females conceive ofnational and multinational fast food cuisine withregard to diet, nutrition, and hunger satisfaction.

While findings from this work are more data-driven than theoretical, specifically focusingon the experience of one particular community,these nevertheless help to enhance understandingof globalization's diverse outcomes withindeveloping milieus. In many ways, acceptednotions of the dominance of Western fast foodchains in overseas markets are challenged, toreveal the counter-hegemonic tendencies thatnow variously inform local perspectives on rivalnational and multinational brands (Matejowsky,2007). Moreover, these findings illuminatethe gendered dimensions of contemporaryfood practices and beliefs. This latter area ofcontribution has applied implications as researchfindings work to reveal those fast food perceptionsadversely influencing aspects of local women'sand men's health and health behavior.

Before describing the impact of corporatefast food on young men and women withina specific locality, I will first outline severalresearch questions integral to this work's overall

objectives. After that I will trace the rise of globaland local quick-service eateries countrywideand examine those chains which drive fast foodexpansion. Next, I will present findings drawnfrom ethnographic fieldwork that I carried outin a provincial urban community in 2005 and2006. Significantly, the data collected during thisresearch enhances the paper's empirical integrityby operationalizing local fast food attitudesand behaviors from a gendered perspective.Equally important, it helps sketch out some ofthe nutritional beliefs prevalent among college-age women and men in non-Western societies.Following this, I will summarize the study'smajor research findings and situate them withinthe shifting context of the nation's overall healthprofile. Lastly, I will offer some concludingremarks on the complexities emerging from theincreased interplay between corporate fast food,gender, and local health.

QUESTIONS AND ISSUES

Anumber of salient issues arise as corporate fastfood assumes greater influence over native customsand foodways. Particularly relevant to this paper'sresearch objectives is how consumption patternsand nutritional perceptions are expressed vis-à-vis gender in developing societies. Knowledgeof such matters not only highlights the intricaciesand contradictions of the transformative spreadof global consumer culture into what was oncecalled the Third World, it also reveals the subtleand not so subtle differences underlying howwomen and men presently conceptualize andnegotiate encroaching Western dietary habitsand nutritional regimes. Significantly, practicalinsights for those looking to combat the riseof non-infectious diseases at the local level,particularly those related to the accelerating globalobesity epidemic or "globesity" (IntemationaiObesity Task Force, 2008; Popkin, 2008; Stix,2007) become more apparent as (mis)conceptionsabout fast food's nutritional value are identifiedamong males and females.

ASIA-PACIFIC SOCIAL SCIENCE REVIEW VOL 10 NO. 1

What is known and not known about theimpact of corporate fast food on men and womenin developing milieus can be drawn into sharperfocus through a series of pertinent researchquestions. Among these are: How often do localmales and females consume fast food? Are theregender differences in perceptions of this styleof cuisine's substantiality'? In other words, domen and women generally consider fast foodas light fare analogous to snacks, or do theyview it as something more filling, like propermeals? How is fast food cuisine regarded bylocal males and females with respect to diet,nutrition, and other health matters? Whichfast food brands are more popular with maleand female patrons: transnational chains ordomestic ones? Similarly, are there any majordistinctions between women and men when itcomes to conceptualizing the nutritional valueand substantiality of multinational fast foodbrands vis-à-vis homegrown outfits?

Taken as a whole, these questions seek toestablish a basis for understanding the gendereddimensions of global/local interactions indeveloping societies. Increasingly exposedto the transformative sway of Western marketforces, local men and women often mediateglobal processes in distinct ways. Rationalesfor dealing with new and sometimes adverseinfluences are rooted in established patterns ofbelief and practice.

It is through these ingrained systems thatindividuals strive to make sense of unfamiliaraspects of advancing global modernity. Suchreasoning finds clear expression as localwomen and men begin to weigh the increasingappeal of national and multinational fastfood against its largely unrecognized healthconsequences. The aforementioned questionswork to capture relevant data from which canbe drawn several tentative conclusions on thegrowing impact of corporate fast food on thegendered foodways and health perceptions ofspecific communities within moderate and lowincome societies.

FAST FOOD IN THE PHILIPPINES(1981-2006)

To more fully explore the subtle and profounddimensions of corporate fast food and gender indeveloping contexts, this study focuses on recenttrends in the Philippines. With a commerciallandscape steadily transformed by processesof globalization and neo-liberalism over recentdecades, the country lends itself quite readily tothis type of research. Notable chatiges wroughtby this new market climate include the rise of alargely urbanized and brand-conscious middleclass. The pronounced influence of this segmentof Philippine society is perhaps most commonlyexpressed through its orientation towards capitalexpenditure and mass consumption. Middleclass Filipinos have helped drive growth indiverse retail sectors throughout the 1980sand beyond, including a now thriving fast food

The history of corporate fast food in thePhilippines dates back to the early 1980s whenMcDonald's first started operations in MetroManila. In compliance with laws barring majorityforeign ownership in local retailing, the GoldenArches teamed up with an indigenous firm,McGeorge Food Industries, to launch their brandlocally. Headed by Chinese-Filipino retailerGeorge Yang, the company secured the masterfranchise from McDonald's International in1981. This licensing arrangement granted Yangexclusive rights to operate McDonald's restaurantsnationwide {Economist, 2002).

Since then, various other transnational chains,including A&W, Burger King, Dunkin' Donuts,Domino's, KFC, Pizza Hut, Kenny Rogers'Roasters, and Wendy's, have followed theGolden Arches' lead by joining forces withlocal companies to launch outlets across thePhilippines. Notably, these Western restaurantshave provided many Filipinos with their firstfast food experience. The high-profile andinternational cachet of multinational chains likeMcDonald's has generated considerable affinityfor American-style fast food at the local level.

GENDER, FAST FOOD AND NUTRITIONAL PERSPEQIVES MATEJOWSICr, TY

Such fondness, however, has not always translatedinto sustained financial growth, especially afterdomestic companies such as Jollibee came intothe scene.^

McDonald's enjoyed top industry status in thePhilippines for approximately three years before itwas supplanted by rival homegrovm chain Jollibeein 1984. The Jollibee Food Corporation wasfounded by Chinese-Filipino entrepreneur TonyTan Caktiong and his brothers in the mid-1970s.At first, Jollibee operated as a neighborhood icecream parlor in Manila before shifting focus tohamburgers, French fries, and other fast foodstandbys when these non-dessert items provedmore popular with customers. Over the courseof three decades, the company has establishedhundreds of Jollibee restaurants across thePhilippines (Conde, 2005),

Given Jollibee's remarkable ascendancy, itis perhaps not surprising that Western chainssuch as McDonald's have experienced onlymixed success within the Philippines' flourishingfast food trade. The Golden Arches has madea number of missteps trying to build up itsconsumer base both within and beyond MetroManila. Indeed, the Philippines remains one ofthe few territories where McDonald's does notdominate fast food retailing {Economist, 2002).Despite its lead in most other foreign markets, thebrand's middling performance in the Philippinesrepresents a serious source of frustration forcompany officials (Conde, 2005). Indigenousoutfits like Chowking (Chinese fast food),Greenwich Pizza, Goldilocks (bakery goods andnative dishes) and, most notably, Jollibee havedemonstrated much more skill in attracting andretaining Filipino consumers, in contrast to mostWestern chains.

By the late 1980s, with the gap separatingnational and transnational fast food increasinglywidened, many global chains began revampingtheir operations to better reflect local tastesand customs. Besides retooled advertisingcampaigns with narratives relevant to mostordinary Filipinos, these efforts mainly entailedthe launch of new menu options that strove to

conform to traditional palates. While fast foodmainstays like hamburgers and French friesremained virtually unchanged from those sold attheir U.S. restaurants, the Philippine affiliates ofthe chains began incorporating new ingredientsand selections to their core menus. Thesechanges usually involved sweetening productflavorings or including steamed rice with selectentrées. Notably, McDonald's unveiled disheslike McSpaghetti (pasta noodles with sweettomato sauce and chopped frankfurter bits),Chicken McDo (fi-ied chicken, steamed rice, andgravy), and Mango Shakes to appeal specificallyto Filipino consumers and cut into Jollibee'scustomer base with varying success (Ritzer, 2000,173).

Ironically, as McDonald's and other Westernchains in the Philippines began orientingtheir operations to better emulate the winningpractices of Jollibee, it is important to recognizethat much of JoUibee's ongoing success comesfrom following the innovative standards andtechniques that McDonald's developed in theU.S. years ago. This copycat strategy, alongwith intensive marketing efforts and frequentlychanging menus, has been instrumental in drivingJoUibee's successñil quarter-century run as thePhilippines' most popular fast food brand.

As it currently stands, Jollibee controls over50 per cent of the Philippine fast food market.The firm posted upwards of P2.146 billion($45.5 million) in net income for 2006. Thesecorporate earnings surpass the previous year'shigh of PI.69 billion ($35.6 million). JoUibee'ssystemwide sales increased by 13.5 per centat this time, while net income as a per cent ofrevenue rose from 5.8 per cent in 2005 to 6.4 percent in 2006 (Cuevas, 2007). Such strong growthover the years has allowed Jollibee to shore upits dominant position with the recent acquisitionof rival homegrown chains Greenwich Pizzaand Chowking. Perhaps more notably, Jollibeeis now ranked as one of Southeast Asia's mostprofitable corporations, with dozens of overseasoutlets spread across the Asia-Pacific and beyond(Conde, 2005).

ASIA-PACIFIC SOCIAL SCIENCE REVIEW VOL 10 NO. 1

FAST FOOD SURVEY AND HISTORY- DAGUPAN CITY, PANGASINAN

The gendered dimensions of fast foodconsumption in the Philippines can be approachedthrough various research methodologies. Primaryfindings for this article are drawn from survey dataI collected using a comprehensive questionnairethat was completed by 160 college students inDagupan City, Pangasinan in July 2005. Menand women between the ages of 18 and 23,from predominately low to middle incomehouseholds, and enrolled at the city's three largestuniversities, all participated in this survey. Basedon student responses to a series of structuredand standardized survey questions about fastfood, McDonald's, and JoUibee, more firmlyestablished are new insights into the gendereddynamics of how young adult Filipinos living inthe provinces currently comprehend, consume,and adapt to manifestations of corporate fastfood.

Dagupan has long served as one of northemLuzon's most populous and important commercial,educational, and financial centers. Situated alongthe Lingayen Gulf and bisected by the PantalRiver some 210 kilometers north of Metro Manila,the city consists of around 130,000 residentsliving in approximately 25,000 households spreadacross 31 municipal precincts amid a patchworkof manmade fishponds and rice paddies. Overthe years numerous quick-service eateries haveemerged and prospered locally, thanks to anexpanding consumer base increasingly exposed tofast food marketing and products (Dannhaeuser,2004, 139-145).

Western-style fast food first appeared inDagupan in the early 1980s with the launch of a fewsmall transnational eateries, including Dunkin'Donuts and Shakey's Pizza. In subsequent yearsseveral other national and transnational chainsopened branches or franchises in downtownDagupan, most notably the city's first JoUibeerestaurant, which was propitiously located neara high traffic business intersection. Even someof the city's poorer and outlying districts became

subject to corporate fast food influences as small24-hour Big Mak, Burger Machine, and Frank'N Burger mobile kiosks began to dot variousneighborhoods (Dannhaeuser, 2004, 234).

The pace of local fast food growth waspunctuated unexpectedly by a major earthquakein 1990. Although initially devastating todowntown Dagupan and surrounding areas, thedisaster and its immediate aftermath precipitatedthe opening of three modem shopping malls in andaround the city proper in the mid-1990s. Theselarge-scale facilities featured popular corporaterestaurant chains such as Chowking, GreenwichPizza, JoUibee, KFC, and McDonald's. In2005, there were some three dozen quick-serviceeateries, representing 13 different nationaland transnational brands operating in greaterDagupan. Among these were two McDonald'sand four JoUibee restaurants, all located nearone of the city's three major universities: theUniversity of Pangasinan, the University ofLuzon, and the Colegio de Dagupan."

Students enrolled in these three institutionsof higher leaming comprise the primary pool ofinformants from which research data is drawn.Before examining their survey responsesin more detail, it should be noted that thefindings summarized in Tables 1-7 are notnecessarily representative of all Filipino fast foodconsumers. Rather, they reflect the beliefs andpractices of one particular segment of Philippinesociety; in this case, college students in theprovinces. By focusing on male and femaleundergraduates, a viable, albeit preliminaryaccount of the influence of corporate fast foodover contemporary Philippine lifeways, takesshape. In this way, knowledge on prevailingconsumption pattems, brand preferences, andperceptions of the substantiality and nutritionalvalue of fast food within developing contextsbecomes more fully delineated. At the very least,these survey findings may provide a generalbaseline against which the results of morecomprehensive studies on fast food consumptionin the Philippines and elsewhere can be criticallyevaluated.

GENDER, FAST FOOD AND NUTRITIONAL PERSPEaiVES MATEJOWSKY, TY

CONSUMPTION PATTERNS AND BRANDPREFERENCES: FAST FOOD, JOLLIBEE,AND MCDONALD'S

Consistent with other studies examiningsimilar practices in the Philippines today (ACNielsen, 2004), survey findings from Dagupansuggest that fast food has become fully integratedinto the everyday lives of male and female collegestudents in the provinces (see Table 1). Resultsfor both genders within Table 1 's "Fast Food"column reveal that nearly nine out often researchparticipants currently eat fast food at least once ortwice monthly. Almost half of all undergraduatesreport consuming it more often. That is, aroundthree or more times each month.

Such findings are somewhat less compellingwithin the individual "Jollibee" and "McDonald's"columns of Table 1. Data on those students who

consume fast food minimally three times permonth reveal slightly less robust numbers at therespective chains, compared to the more broadlydefined fast food category. Indeed, around one-third of all survey participants report eatingJollibee cuisine more than thrice monthly; whileonly one-quarter of these same diners consumeMcDonald's fare that many times. Perhapsnot surprisingly, given the choice between thetwo restaurant brands, Jollibee emerges as themore popular fast food eatery compared to theGolden Arches for all of those repeat patronssurveyed.

The most compelling data suggesting genderdifferences and fast food consumption is foundamong those survey respondents who consumethis type of food most frequently. Althoughsuch distinctions are statistically insignificant, itis worth noting that the number of males within

Table 1.Frequency of Fast Food Consumption amongst Males and Females- "How often do you eat fast food? "-Dagupan City, 2005. (N= 160)*

Never

3 or fewer times peryear

1-2 times per month

3-4 times per month

More than 4 timesper month

Totals

Fast FoodMales

0%(0)11.9(8)

40.3(27)26.9(18)20.9(14)100(67)

Females0

(0)8.9(8)

43.3(39)14.4(13)33.3(30)100(90)

N=157X' = 5.56p<.135

JollibeeMales

1.5(1)14.5(10)52.2(36)23.2(16)8.7(6)100(69)

Females0

(0)13.2(12)52.8(48)22

(20)12.1

(11)100(91)

N=160

X'=l-82p < .769

McDonald'sMales

3.2(2)

20.6(13)54

(34)12.7(8)9.5(6)100(63)

Females0

(0)32.2(28)39.1(34)14.9(13)10.3(9)100(87)

N=150

t = 3.73p < .443

•Marginal totals can be less than 160 due to missing values. "Fast Food" data define this style of cuisine in a broadsense. Data are not narrowly focused on any particular fast food genre/chain and apply to both national and multinationalbrands. Data featured in the "Jollibee" and "McDonald's" columns relate specifically to these respective chains.

ASIA-PACIFIC SOCIAL SCIENCE REVIEW VOL 10 NO. 1

that subset of research participants who reporteating fast food three to four times monthly is 12.5per cent higher than their female counterparts.Curiously however, the number of females withinthe next subset of undergraduate Dagupeños- those consuming fast food more than four timeseach month - is higher than their male equivalentsby almost the same margin; in this case, 12.4 percent. Simply put, women comprise a slightlylarger share of those research participants whoconsume corporate fast food more than once aweek. Perhaps if the overall sample size of thesurvey had been larger, the gender differencesamong these two subsets within the "Fast Food"column would have been more pronounced.

When attention shifts to student consumptionpattems at Jollibee exclusively, no significantgender variation arises. The same, however, cannot be said for survey data for dining frequenciesat McDonald's. Findings from the GoldenArches' more sporadic diners - those that eatat McDonald's three or fewer times annuallyand those that do so no more than twice eachmonth - reveal discemible, albeit statisticallyinsignificant (p < .443) gender differences.Again, what emerges is not a case of one gendernumerically exceeding the other in both columnsubsets. Rather, like the two groups of recurrentfast food consumers mentioned above, eithermales or females have higher numbers in oneMcDonald's subset but not the other.

Hence, the most infrequent McDonald's dinerstend to be female, nearly one-third of those womensurveyed. Only one-fifth of male participants canbe similarly classified. The fact that women in thisparticular subset are over twice as likely to chooseMcDonald's over Jollibee may indicate that theseirregular fast food diners assign some kind ofnovelty value to the brand, possibly related to itsenduring global appeal and myriad pop-cultureassociations, factors not presently identified withJollibee's more localized image. However, withinthat subset of students who consume McDonald'sfare only once or twice per month, it is men whooutnumber women. Specifically, more than half ofsurveyed males within the "McDonald's" column

in Table 1 corresponds to this category, with lessthan 40 per cent female undergraduates classifiedin the same way.

At this stage, it is unclear why such minorgender differences appear within the "FastFood" and "McDonald's" columns in Table 1.Information derived from further ethnographicwork in the Philippines, especially follow-upinterviews of undergraduate Dagupeños, wouldlikely clarify these underlying pattems. All thingsconsidered, what surely stands out as the mostunambiguous finding of Table 1 points to just howmany male and female college students regularlyconsume corporate fast food nowadays. Even asconditions of poverty remain prevalent throughoutthe provinces in the Philippines, quick serviceeateries continue to attract large numbers of youngadults from diverse socioeconomic backgrounds,and not just those with discretionary income tospend (AC Nielsen, 2004).

STATUS AND SUBSTANTIALITYOF FAST FOOD, JOLLIBEE,AND MCDONALD'S

Regarding differences in how female and maleundergraduate Dagupeños perceive the status andsubstantiality of corporate fast food,in general,and McDonald's and Jollibee, in particular,several notable findings emerge (see Table 2).Perhaps most striking is the fact that so fewresearch participants characterize fast food fromMcDonald's, Jollibee, and other quick-serviceeateries strictly within the context of a propermeal. More than eight out of ten students viewit as either snack food or as both a formal mealand snack. ̂

Indeed, Table 2 has scant data suggestingsignificant gender variation among surveyparticipants, aside from the "Fast Food" columnsubset that does not consider fast food a snack.With almost no female respondents viewing fastfood exclusively as a meal, it is not surprisingthat the gender difference in this subset emergesas statistically significant (p < .001). Tentatively,

GENDER, FAST FOOD AND NUTRITIONAL PERSPEQIVES MATEJOWSKY, TY

Table 2.Gendered Perceptions of Fast Food/Jollibee/McDonald's as Snack Food or Proper Meal- "Is fastfood/Jollibee/McDonald's food a snack or meal? " - Dagupan City, 2005. (N^ 160)*

Proper Meal

Snack

Both

Totals

Fast FoodMales19.1%(13)39.7(27)41.2(28)100(68)

Females2.2(2)

42.2(38)55.6(50)100(90)

N=158

X'= 13.33p < .001

JollibeeMales

10.8(7)

38.5(25)50.8(33)100(65)

Females4.5(4)

43.8(39)5L7(46)100(89)

N - 1 5 4

t ^ 2.34p<.311

McDonald'sMales

9.4(6)

42.2(27)48.4(31)100(64)

Females4.8(4)

43.4(36)51.8(43)100(83)

N=147

X'=1.20p<.55

* Marginal totals can be less than 160 due to missing values. "Fast Food" data define this style of cuisine in a broadsense. Data are not narrowly focused on any particular fast food genre/chain and apply to both national and multinationalbrands. Data featured in the "Jollibee" and "McDonald's" columns relate specifically to these respective chains.

such lopsided results suggest that men are muchmore likely than women to characterize thiskind of food as something more ample-sizedand filling. These findings might be consideredanomalous within the specific framework ofTable 2 since similar results are not replicated inthe corresponding subsets of its "Jollibee" and"McDonald's" columns. Yet, these results shouldnot be dismissed as entirely off base within thesurvey's wider context, as select data from Tables3 and 4 also seem to support this position.

Even with the seemingly atypical findings inTable 2, it should be reiterated that associationsbetween fast food and snack food remain strongthroughout the survey. Indeed, these perceptionsare quite evident in Table 3 when students areasked to record the time(s) and/or meal(s) whenthey customarily dine at Jollibee or McDonald's.Significantly, the most popular response is notbreakfast, lunch, or dinner but rather merienda,which roughly equates with a light pre-dirmermeal (see Table 3).

In the Philippines, merienda is comparableto traditional British tea time in that it refers toany snack eaten mid- to late afternoon. Besidescurbing in-between meal hunger, meriendaprovides opportunities for casual socializingamong friends, peers, and co-workers oversomething light, a few hours before dinnertime.As Table 3 demonstrates, both female and maleresearch participants are almost four timesmore likely to eat merienda at Jollibee insteadof breakfast or dinner. These same patternsare slightly more pronounced when related toMcDonald's. It stands to reason that studentstypically patronize McDonald's and Jollibeeduring merienda time since it takes placetowards the end of the school day, and all threeuniversities are located within close proximityto the restaurants. Beyond their extensive andrelatively inexpensive snack offerings, the cleansurroundings and modem amenities of the eateriesalso heighten their appeal for this daily socialgathering.

1 o ASIA-PACIFIC SOCIAL SCIENCE REVIEW VOL. 10 NO. 1

Table 3.Gendered Dining Time(s) atJollibee/McDonald's - "What time(s) do you eat at Jollibee/McDonald's? '-Dagupan City, 2005. *

Breakfast

Lunch

Merienda

Dinner

JollibeeMales23.4%(15)52.3(34)73.9(48)20

(13)

Females20.2(18)68.5(61)87.6(78)21.4(19)

Significance

p<.4126

p<.0588

p < .0250

p<.4618

McDonald'sMales16.9(11)46.2(30)72.3(47)16.9(11)

Females9.2(8)

58.6(51)89.7(78)13.8(12)

Significance

p<.3147

p<.1398

p < .0059

p<.4182

* Respondents can answer as many dining times that personally apply.

In terms of gender variation, two relevantfindings emerge from Table 3. First, there is astatistically significant difference (p < .0588) inhow often females lunch at Jollibee compared tomales. Second, and perhaps more noteworthy,are the statistically significant gender differencesrelated to merienda at both Jollibee (p < .0250)and McDonald's (p < .0059). These latterfindings suggest that women are more likely thanmen to utilize chain restaurants as a venue forthe traditional "fourth meal."* Overall, genderdifferences in Table 3 seem to support notionsthat co-eds are more inclined to in-between classsocializing with friends than male students; and/orthe tendency of some males is to view fast foodmore as a formal meal and less as a snack (seeTable 2).

Besides notions of fast food as proper mealsor light fare, how survey respondents view thistype of food in terms of fullness or substantialityreveals some notable, if slightly inconsistent,gender differences (see Table 4)^. As Table 4makes clear, males are more evenly divided thanfemales when it comes to feeling suitably full fromeating fast food, Jollibee, and McDonald's cuisine.About half of themen report that this foood leavesthem more than adequately sated, while roughlythe same number states that it is not substantial. In

contrast, only one-quarter of co-eds consider foodfrom Jollibee, McDonald's, or other quick-serviceeateries as sufficient in satisfying hunger.

Interestingly, differences between womenand men with respect to JoUibee's perceivedsubstantiality are slightly less apparent incomparison to findings from the other twocolumns of Table 4. In fact, gender differenceassociated with corporate fast food in general,and McDonald's in particular, is so pronouncedthat it emerges as statistically significant (p < .018and p < .005 respectively). One possibility as towhy there is less gender variation in perceptionsof JoUibee's substantiality compared to that ofother brands may have to do with the familiarityor comfort Filipinos derive from traditionalingredients and flavors favored by this homegrownchain. Such positive Jollibee associations mayhelp override other factors working to dividefast food perceptions along gender lines. Again,this is an aspect of survey findings that wouldbenefit from ftirther ethnographic consideration,particularly through the application of moredetailed interview questions.

Initially, it appears difficult to square selectdata from Table 4 with findings presented in othertables. Expectations of parallel results in Table 4are anticipated, based on information from Table 2.

GENDER, FAST FOOD AND NUTRITIONAL PERSPECTVES MATEJOWSKY, TY 11

Table 4.Gendered Perceptions of Fast Food Cuisine's Substantiality- "Does fast food make you feel full? "-Dagupan City, 2005. (N = 160)*

Full

Not Full

Totals

Fast FoodMales44.8%

(30)55.2(37)100(67)

Females26.4(23)73.6(64)100(87)

N=154

t = 5.64p<.018

JoUibee

Males37.3(25)62.7(42)100(67)

Females25

(21)75

(63)100(84)

N=151

t = 2.67p<.102

McDonald'sMales51.6%(33)48.4(31)100(64)

Females28.8(23)71.3(57)100(80)

N = 144

t = 7.786p < .005

* Marginal totals can be less than 160 due to missing values. "Fast Food" data define this style of cuisine in a broadsense. Data are not narrowly focused on any particular fast food genre/chain and apply to both national and multinationalbrands. Data featured in the "JoUibee" and "McDonald's" columns relate specifically to these respective chains.

For example, although few research participantsequate menu items from JoUibee, McDonald's,and other fast food outfits exclusively with propermeals (see Table 2), anywhere from one-quarter toone-half of those surveyed characterize selectionsfrom these chain eateries as sufficient or more thanadequately filling (see Table 4). At first glance,it seems that there should be more consistencybetween perceptions of substantiality (i.e., fillingor not filling) and characterizations of status (i.e.,snack or meal). However, perceived incongmitiesof this sort appear much less relevant when thesurvey options available to students in Table 2 areconsidered. The fact that so many respondentsclassify fast food broadly as both a snack and asa proper meal does much to clarify any apparentincompatibilities between Tables 2 and 4.

Suffice it to say, the overriding patternfrom Tables 2, 3, and 4 remains one wherebycorporate fast food cuisine is primarily viewedby undergraduate Dagupeños as light fare thatonly goes so far in assuaging everyday hunger.Within the context of gender, such findings aremore readily apparent among university co-eds,compared to male college students. That is, menu

offerings at JoUibee, McDonald's, and elsewhereare more likely to be considered substantial byyoung men in their late teens and early twenties,even as most male and female survey participantsdo not feel fast food sufficiently comprises aformal meal.

FAST FOOD AND NUTRITIONALPRECEPTIONS

Perhaps the most significant findings relatedto the stated research objectives of this articleare how female and male college students viewcorporate fast food's nutritional status. Whetherthis type of convenience food is considered"good for you," "bad for you," or "neither goodnor bad," it is essential that local perspectives onthis subject receive proper consideration, giventhat corporate fast food's influence over Filipinoeating habits appears now deeply entrenched atthe community level (AC Nielsen, 2004). Inthis way, a more complete understanding of theinterplay between local fast food consumption andmen's and women's health and health behavior

12 ASIA-PACIFIC SOCIAL SCIENCE REVIEW VOL 10 NO. 1

comes into focus. Such findings hold importantimplications as what intensifies is the need torealign components of the state's health apparatusin the face of new and rapidly emerging medicalconditions.

As Table 5 makes clear, no major genderdifferences arise in how local college studentsperceive corporate fast food's nutritional value (seeTable 5). Both female and male undergraduatesview its dietary benefits in essentially the sameway. Even with this consensus, it is notable thatfindings from both genders tend to run counterto prevailing beliefs in the U.S. and otherWestern nations. Surprisingly, when asked tocharacterize the nutritional value, of fast foodin terms of its overall wholesomeness, less thansix per cent of undergraduate Dagupeños viewit negatively. Many more, over 80 per cent ofresearch participants, consider it either positivelyor benignly in terms of its impact on physicalhealth.

Underlying reasons as to why so many youngadult males and females perceive fast food inthis manner would certainly gain clarity throughfurther ethnographic consideration. Until suchtime, it seems local notions about corporate fast

food's role, if not actively promoting individualhealth, then certainly not undermining it, would bedifficult to dislodge, especially with the industry'smodern image and standardized preparationscheme.

One possibility in explaining why so fewrespondents view corporate fast food cuisine asunhealthy may have to do with beliefs highlightedby Yan (1997) about the "scientific design" offast food vis-à-vis more traditional ctiisine amongurban Chinese in the 1980s (44-45).^ Anotherpossible explanation is the fact that Jollibee,McDonald's, and other leading chains do not reallyprioritize the dissemination of their products'nutrition information to restaurant patrons(Matejowsky, 2009). Unlike recent developmentsin the U.S. and Europe where various consumergroups, policymakers, and health advocates haveaggressively pushed for heightened scrutiny ofthe nutritional value of fast food and marketingpractices , no comparable efforts have emergedin the Philippines.' So, while not secretivelywithholding data on calories, fat content, anddaily recommended dietary allowances fi-om thegeneral public, industry players have received noreal external pressure to actively publicize this

Table 5.Gendered Perceptions of Fast Food and Nutrition - "In terms of nutrition, fast food is-" - DagupanCity, 2005. (N= 160)

Good for you

Bad for you

Neither good nor bad

Don't know

Totals

Males

42%(29)5.8(4)42

(29)10.1(7)100(69)

Females

35.6(32)5.6(5)

45.6(41)13.3(12)100(90)

Total

38.4(61)5.7(9)44

(70)12

(19)100

(159)yZ = 8732

p<.832

GENDER, FAST FOOD AND NUTRITIONAL PERSPEaiVES MATEJOWSKY, TY 13

kind of information. For Filipino consumers,this means that quick-service eateries typicallydo not provide in any conspicuous manner thenutrition tables, labels, or other relevant data thatare increasingly standard features of Westem fastfood operations.

BRAND NATIONALITYAND NUTRITIONAL PERCEPTIONS

Probing deeper into gender perceptionsof corporate fast food and nutrition amongundergraduate Dagupeños, research findingsalso suggest that a restaurant chain's nationalityinfluences local consumption pattems in significantways. Whether local operations are identified asFilipino or non-Filipino (i.e. American) seemsto hold some bearing on consumer practices andattitudes towards fast food. As Tables 6 and 7

demonstrate, out of six possible restaurant choices(three Filipino brands and three non-Filipinobrands), both male and female survey participantsgenerally rank Jollibee and other homegrownoutfits as not only more favorable with regardsto dining preference compared to their non-localcounterparts, they also categorize their menuitems as more nutritious.

Notably, certain gender differences appearin the "First" ranking of dining preference (seeTable 6) and nutritional value (see Table 7) amongFilipino brands. These findings suggest thatcollege age men are somewhat less likely thanyoung adult women to rank Filipino fast foodhigher in terms of dining choice and nutrition.In fact, gender differences in the "First" rankingsof nutritive value for native chains in Table 7 aresufficient to emerge as statistically significant (p< .0467). In much the same way, correspondinggender differences are also apparent when the

Table 6.Gendered Rankings of Preferred Filipino and American Fast Food Brands* - Dagupan City, 2005.(N=160)

First

Second

Third

Fourth

Fifth

Sixth

Filipino Fast Food BrandsMales55.1%(38)34.8(24)39.1(27)37.7(26)44.9(31)40.6(28)

Females65.9(60)50.5(46)50.5(46)53.8(49)36.3(33)29.7(27)

Significance

p<.1419

p<.1051

p<.1728

p < .0921

p<.2418

p<.1988

American Fast Food BrandsMales30.4(21)51

(35)46.4(32)46.4(32)42

(29)43.5(30)

Females30.8(28)47.3(43)47.3(43)40.7(37)57.1(52)62.6(57)

Significance

p < .4880

p < .3725

p < .4692

p<.3169

p<.0961

p < .0440

* Six fast food brands are individually ranked by students in terms of dining preference. Three are Filipino brands(Jollibee, Chowking, and Greenwich Pizza) and three are American brands (McDonald's, Shakey's Pizza, and KentuckyFried Chicken). "First" denotes what respondents view as the most preferred brands, while "Sixth" ranking indicates whatrespondents view as the least preferred brand.

14 ASIA-PACIFIC SOCIAL SCIENCE REVIEW VOL 10 NO. 1

Table 7.Gendered Rankings of Filipino and American Fast Food Brands' Nutritional Value* - Dagupan City2005. (N=160)

First

Second

Third

Fourth

Fifth

Sixth

Filipino Fast Food BrandsMales55.1%(38)55.1(38)42

(29)23.2(16)39.1(27)36.2(25)

Females71.4(65)52.7(48)49.5(45)44

(40)34.1(31)34.1(31)

Significance

p < .0467

p<.4123

p < .2639

p < .0738

p < .3465

p < .4350

American Fast Food BrandsMales33.3%(23)31.9(22)47.8(33)63.8(44)44.9(31)44.9(31)

Females24.2(22)44

(40)47.3(43)50.5(46)61.5(56)60.4(55)

Significance

p < .2503

p<.1758

p < .4827

p<.1013

p < .0678

p < .0828

* Six fast food brands are individually ranked by students in terms of nutritional value. Three are Filipino brands(Jollibee, Chowking, and Greenwich Pizza) and three are American brands (McDonald's, Shakey's Pizza, and KentuckyFried Chicken). "First" ranking denotes what respondents view as the most nutritious brand, while "Sixth" ranking indicateswhat respondents view as the least nutritious brand.

"Fifth" and "Sixth" rankings of dining preference(see Table 6) and nutritional value (see Table7) are taken into account among American fastfood brands.'" Suffice it to say, university co-edstend to view homegrown chains slightly morefavorably than male students.

Setting aside these gender differences for themoment, it is clear that the overall findings ofTables 6 and 7 are that provincial men and womenin their late teens and early twenties find Filipinorestaurant chains preferable and their cuisinemore wholesome. Again, this may not be thatsurprising, given that domestic outfits are moreadvantageously positioned than foreign brands inthe creation and promotion of products that appealto local sensibilities (Conde, 2005; Wilson, 2004).Rather than focusing on core menu conceptsdeveloped overseas to meet the established tastesof Western appetites, indigenous companies havesucceeded by formulating products specifically forFilipino consumers. This knack for effectively

integrating local preferences for sweet and juicyfare into their respective menus is effectivelygrounded in a more intimate understandingof traditional foodways. American fast foodoperators like McDonald's have experiencedonly mixed results in the production of dishesbetter suited for local tastes, compared to Jollibeeand other Filipino firms (ibid.). Although theGolden Arches has had some success withdistinctly localized products like Mango Shakesand McSpaghetti, their basic menu continues toemphasize the hamburgers and French fries thathave been served at their U.S. outlets for decades(Business Asia, 2000; Economist, 2002).

It is probably not a new insight , that thecuisine of Filipino fast food brands is consideredmore nutritious than its American counterparts(see Table 7). The familiarity that consumershave with the flavors and ingredients favoredby homegrown chains arguably does much toinfluence local perceptions of their menus' overall

GENDER, FAST FOOD AND NUTRITIONAL PERSPEOIVES MATEJOWSKY, TY 15

wholesomeness. No less important is the factthat steamed rice is more readily available atthe domestic quick-service eateries. Notably,Chowking, the Philippines' leading Chinese fastfood chain and Jollibee subsidiary, serves thisculinary staple with practically all of its non-dessert items. Reasonably speaking, it seemsthat students would perceive Filipino eateries,especially Chowking, as higher in nutritionalvalue compared to McDonald's and other U.S.chains, given the centrality of rice to traditionalfoodways and its secondary status among thesenon-local brands.

SUMMARY AND IMPLICATIONS

Several tentative conclusions can be drawnfrom the responses of undergraduate Dagupeñoson the gender dimensions of fast food practicesand perceptions in the Philippines today. First,fast food consumption appears as an inextricableaspect of everyday life for young adults living intowns and cities across the archipelago. Nearlyeight out often female and male respondents reportdining on this type of fare at least once or twiceper month, with Jollibee decidedly more popularthan McDonald's in most instances. Second,menu selections from McDonald's, Jollibee,and other quick-service eateries are typicallyconsidered more as snack food and less as propermeals. Third, brand nationality influences localperceptions of dining preference and nutritionamong area fast food patrons. Homegrownchains such as Jollibee and Chowking emergeas more highly ranked in these areas comparedto their American counterparts. Finally, andperhaps most significantly, few undergraduateDagupeños of either gender perceive corporatefast food cuisine as having adverse health effects.In marked contrast to prevailing views in the U.S.and Europe, only a small percentage of youngadult Filipinos in the provinces consider this typeof fare deleterious to their good health.

In light of these findings, it is useful toaddress other national trends currently altering

the contours of daily life for men and womenin the provinces. Such consideration not onlyestablishes a viable backdrop against which therelevance of local survey results can be criticallyevaluated, it also better situates the fast foodexperiences of research participants within abroader societal context.

Unfolding in parallel with corporate fastfood expansion in Dagupan and other Philippinetowns and cities is a significant, albeit lessconspicuous transformation in the nation'soverall health profile. Like populations in otherlow and moderate income countries undergoinga rapid nutrition transition (Popkin & Gordon-Larsen, 2004; Prentice, 2006), Filipinos are nowbeginning to confront the various medical issuesdirectly and indirectly associated with aggregateweight gains (Mydans, 2003). Since obesityand obesity-related conditions were once onlyconsidered symptomatic ofthe health regimes andprevailing lifestyles of industrialized societies,their emergence in the Philippines and across thedeveloping world has largely gone unrecognizeduntil recently (Popkin, 2008).

Overweight and obesity rates amongst Filipinoshave trended upwards in recent years, mirroringthe newfound economic prosperity that begantaking root locally in the 1990s (FAO, 2001, 15-18). The growing impact of these conditions exertsnew pressures on already stressed public healthsystems (Adair, 2004). Notably, the Philippines'shealthcare apparatus still appears orientedprimarily toward fighting those longstandingnutritional problems associated with hunger andundemutrition. With already undercapitalizedresources, it is unlikely that public and privatehealth agencies can sufficiently realign theiroperations to effectively address the medicalurgencies arising from what is fast becoming anobesity crisis (Sy, 2008).

These emerging health trends in the Philippinestake on added significance when consideredfrom a gendered perspective. ComparativeWorld Health Organization (WHO) projectionsfrom 2002 through 2015 paint a particularlytroubling portrait for local females (WHO, 2008).

16 ASIA-PACIFIC SOCIAL SCIENCE REVIEW VOL 10 NO.'I

Age-standardized estimates for overweight andobesity amongst males and females aged 15+years for 2002 suggest that the proportion ofFilipinos with body mass index (BMI) categoriesof overweight, classified as a BMI higher than25 (Gibson, 2005), is 25.4 per cent for femalesand 21.7 per cent for males. Three years later in2005 these figures notably rise to 28.5 per centfor females, while those for males increase onlyslightly to 21.9 per cent. By 2010, the anticipatedprevalence of overweight Filipinos stands at 33.6per cent for females and 22.2 per cent for males.Significantly, by 2015, the projected estimate foroverweight females is 38.8, a 13.4 per cent jumpfrom 2002, while the percentage of overweightmales is 22.5 per cent, reflecting only a 0.8 percent increase from 2002 (WHO, 2008).

When obesity, categorized as a BMI of over30 (Gibson, 2005), is taken into consideration, asimilar gendered trend emerges among Filipinos.For 2002, 2.8 per cent of females and 1.1 percent of males are classified as obese (WHO,2008). Estimates for the next 13 years show theprevalence of obese females increasing from 3.7per cent in 2005, to 5.5 per cent in 2010, and,finally to 7.8 per cent in 2015. Conversely, thereare almost no changes in obesity rates for males,increasing only to 1.2 per cent by 2015 {ibid.).While the causative relationship between risingcorporate fast food consumption and increasedweight gains among Filipinos, particularly forfemales, is not yet fully established, the abovefigures suggest that the Philippines' healthprofile is suffering various ill-effects brought onby the adoption of Westem-style dietary habitsand spreading "globesity" (Mydans, 2003; Stix,2007).

CONCLUSION

When considered all together, the collecteddata from Dagupan City offers new insights intogender perceptions of corporate fast food cuisineamong college-age adults within developingcontexts. Survey results suggest that Filipinos in

the provinces in their late teens and early twentiesare susceptible to the direct and indirect effectsof aggregate weight gains. Such findings areparticularly relevant given the aforementionedWHO projections for overweight and obesityrates in Philippines from 2002 to 2015 (WHO,2008). Young adult women, in particular,must now contend with new and not entirelyfamiliar health issues at the community level,as the availability and consumption of corporatefast food increases. Indeed, this vulnerabilityto obesity and obesity-related conditions isexacerbated by a consumer population that isstill largely misinformed about fast food's overallnutritional value and its deleterious effectson individual health. How much the failureof local fast food patrons to fully grasp thiscuisine's ill effects is related to the accessibilityof relevant nutritional information, remains opento question.

While Filipinos in the provinces haveincreasingly assimilated dietary practicesoriginating from the U.S. and other industrializednations into their everyday lives, it is apparentfrom survey responses that local conceptions offast food conceming diet, nutrition, and hungersatisfaction in many ways diverge significantlyfrom longstanding Westem views. Clearly, fastfood consumption is not the only dynamic drivingthe global spread of obesity and obesity-relatedconditions worldwide over recent years. Yetfew other factors can account for the increasedpopularization of Western nutritional regimesin advanced less developed countries like thePhilippines (Hawkes, 2002; Mydans, 2003;Pingali, 2007). The shared misconceptions ofmales and females about fast food's nutritionalvalue, present serious hurdles for govemmentsand health agencies learning to combat thegrowing implications of rising "globesity." Thefact that few public or private health services inthe Philippines have come to terms with the depthand scope of this shift in national health doesnot bode well for slowing, much less arresting,obesity rates any time in the foreseeable future(FAO, 2001).

GENDER, FAST FOOD AND NUTRITIONAL PERSPEQIVES MATEJOWSKV, TY 17

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The author wishes to thank Josie Gonzalez, MarioGranada, Martha Heine, Barbara Kinsey, Leslie SueLieberman, Lorena Matejowsky, Michael Newlin,and Andrew Todd for their valued contributions tothis work. Moreover, gratitude is extended to theUniversity of Central Florida (UCF)'s Department ofAnthropology, UCF's Office of Commercializationand Research, and the UCF Southern Region for theirsupport during this research endeavor.

NOTES

' For the purposes of this paper, the terms "substantiality"or "fullness" are meant to be understood as adequatelysatistying hunger (Counihan and Kaplan, 1998, p. 2).

^ By 2000, it was estimated that a consumer base ofsome 60 million regular fast food diners supported the2,000 or so quick-service eateries operating countrywide.Significantly, these patrons spent considerable amounts ofmoney on fast food even when they had little discretionaryincome {Business Asia, 2000). Moreover, a recent survey(AC Nielsen, 2004) reports that 99% of Filipinos are fastfood patrons and that the Philippines ranks behind onlyHong Kong and Malaysia as the top global market for fastfood consumption.

' Significantly, Jollibee and most other native restaurantchains offer local consumers similar on-site amenities astheir Western counterparts, including air conditioning,piped in music, modish décor, children's play areas, andclean restrooms. Moreover, the price differentials for menuitems at the respective eateries are fairly minimal. So muchso in fact, that cost typically does not figure into decisionsabout where to dine among national and multinational fastfood eateries.

" Both male and female students at these post-secondaryinstitutions are utilized as research participants. Thisis done for three primary reasons. First, coeducationaluniversity classroom settings expedite survey distributionand collection. Second, college students in Dagupan andelsewhere are highly exposed to fast food influences,given the close proximity of quick-service eateries to theirrespective campuses. Finally, few segments of Philippinesociety are more brand savvy and trend conscious than lateteens and young adults.

' Notions about fast food as snack food are probablybest explained by the fact that rice, the main staple item inthe Philippines, is not prominently featured on most fastfood, except in Chowking. This cereal grain has long servedas the centerpiece of agricultural and culinary practicesin the Philippines, as in other parts of East and Southeast

Asia, (Ohnuki-Tiemey, 1997, pp. 166-9). So essential isrice to local foodways in fact, that it is almost never absentÍTom breakfast, lunch, or dinner (Kittler & Soucher, 2007,p. 314). Arguably, it becomes difficult for Filipinos inthe provinces to visualize the essential components of aproper meal within the context of corporate fast food, whenMcDonald's, Jollibee, and other leading brands are mainlyoriented towards their versions of Western standbys likehamburgers and French fries, and rice appears only as aside item on select dishes.

' Such findings seem to conform to my ovm ethnographicobservations about the gendered composition of school daycrowds at various quick-service eateries in Dagupan.In an attempt to operationalize such observations, myresearch assistant and I conducted a weeklong male andfemale table count during peak business hours in July2006 at the Jollibee restaurants adjacent to the Universityof Pangasinan and the Colegio de Dagupan campuses.While far from definitive, the results of this tally revealthat women are over 1 Yi times more likely than men todine at fast food outfits during the busiest part of a weekday,tentatively suggesting that Dagupan's quick-service eateriesreflect a largely female clientele. Notably, similar genderdifferences have been documented by other fast foodresearchers conducting fieldwork in Asia (Bak, 1997, pp.146-150).

' Collected survey data show that there are virtually nodifferences between males and females regarding meal andconsumption patterns of fast food menu items.

* As foreign markets took off in East Asia andneighboring regions in the 1980s, it was quickly noted thatpart of the appeal of American style fast food for someoverseas consumers centered on its perceived nutritionalqualities. Rather than being viewed as unhealthy ornutritionally deleterious, this was often considered tobe, if not actively good for one's physical health, thencertainly not detrimental to one's general well-being. Suchassumptions were based primarily on the standardizedpreparation scheme that most national and multinationalchain restaurants follow (Yan, 2000, p. 211). The efficiencyand regimentation of this culinary approach reinforcesnotions that American-style fast food is generally superiorto indigenous cuisine since it is "scientifically designed."In other words, its menu items provide daily essentials suchas water, sugar, fat, protein, starch, and vitamins and meetrigorous industry standards for quality and hygiene (Yan,1997, pp. 44-5).

' The lack of public and corporate attention to this mattermay simply reflect the fact that until recently, problemsstemming from fast food consumption, particularlyovemutrition, were generally conceived to be tangential tothe nation's basic health needs. As a developing country, thePhilippines faces more urgent social, economic, and politicalissues that clearly have a more pressing impact on thelives of everyday citizens. With few Filipinos now visibly

18 ASIA-PACIFIC SOCIAL SCIENCE REVIEW VOL 10 NO. 1

suffering from obesity and obesity-related conditions, theneed to actively publicize nutrition information has notbeen inñised with any real sense of urgency. Just howmuch change local eating habits would undergo if fastfood nutrition information were more readily accessibleis still open to question. All things considered, it wouldprobably represent a step in the right direetion towardscreating a more educated consumer population amid thenow widespread popularity of corporate fast food cuisine(AC Nielsen, 2004).

'° For American fast food brands, gender differencesfor the "Fifth" and "Sixth" rankings of dining preferenceare significant at p < .0961 and p < .0440 respectively (seeTable 6). Gender differences for the "Fifth" and "Sixth"rankings of nutritional are significant at p < .0678 and p <.0828, respectively (see Table 7).

REFERENCES

A busy bee in the hamburger hive. (2002, March2). The Economist, 362,82.

AC Nielsen. (2004). Consumers in Asia-Pacific - our fast food/take Away 2nd half,2OO4.Retrieved September 18, 2008 fromhttp://www2.acnielsen.com/reports/index_confidence.shtm.

Adair, L.S. (2004). Dramatic rise in overweightand obesity in adult Filipino women and riskof hypertension. Obesity Research, 12 (8),1335-41.

Atkins, P., & Bowler, I. (2001). Food in society.Economy, culture, geography. London:Amold.

Bak, S. (1997). McDonald's in Seoul: food choices,identity, and nationalism. In J.L. Watson (Ed.),Golden Arches East: McDonald's in East Asia(pp. 136-160). Stanford: Stanford UniversityPress.

Cashed-up Filipinos feast on fast food. (2000,Febmary 11). Business Asia, Retrieved July 31,2009, from http://findarticles.eom/p/articles/mi_mOBJT/is2_8/ai 59729251/.

Conde, C.H. Jollibee stings McDonald's inPhilippines. (2005, May 31). InternationalHerald Tribune, Retrieved July 31, 2009,from http://www.nytimes.com/2005/05/30/business/worldbusiness/30iht-burger.html?_r=l.

Counihan, C. (1999). The anthropology of foodand body: gender, meaning and power. NewYork: Routledge.

Counihan, C, and Kaplan, S. L. Kaplan. (1998).Food and gender: Identity and power.Amsterdam, The Netherlands: HarwoodAcademic Publishers.

Cuevas, L.C. . JoUibee's 2006 eamings jumpon strong sales. (2007, Febmary 15). ManilaTimes International, p. Cl.

Dannhaeuser, N. (2004). Chinese traders ina Philippine town: from daily competitionto urban transformation. Quezon City,Philippines: Ateneo de Manila UniversityPress.

Food and Agriculture Organization of the UnitedNations. (2001, August). Nutrition countryprofiles - Philippines. FAO, Rome. RetrievedJuly 31,2009, from http://www.fao.org/ag/agn/nutrition/phi-e.stm.

Gibson, R.S. (2005). Principles of nutritionalassessment. Oxford: Oxford UniversityPress.

Gill, T. (2006). Epidemiology and healthimpact of obesity: An Asian perspective. AsiaPacific Journal of Clinical Nutrition, 15 (1),3-14.

Hawkes, C. (2002). Marketing Practices ofFast Food and Soft Drink Multinationals:A Review. In Globalization, Diets, andNoncommunicable Diseases, 19. Geneva,World Health Organization.

Houston, L.M. (2005). Food culture in theCarribbean. food culture around the world.Westport, Connecticut: Bergin and Garvey.

Intemationai Obesity Task Force. The developingworld's new burden: obesity. RetrievedSeptember 3, 2008, from http://www.iotforg/popout.asp?linkto=http://www.fao.org/FOCUS/E/obesity/obes 1 .htm.

Kahn, M. (1986). Always hungry, never greedy,food and the expression of gender in aMelanesian society. Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity Press.

Kittler, P.G., & Soucher, K. P. (2007). Food andculture. New York: Wadsworth Publishing.

GENDER, FAST FOOD AND NUTRITIONAL PERSPEQIVES MATEJOWSKY, TY 19

Luxner, L. (2002). Made to order: From humblebeginnings in Brazil, fast-food chain Bob'sis giving global giants such as McDonald'sa run for their money in Latin America'slargest consumer market - Strategies.Latin CEO: Executive Strategies for theAmericas. Retrieved July 31, 2009, fromhttp://findarticles.eom/p/articles/mimOOQC/is_l_3/ai_l 00439343/.

Matejowsky, T. (2007). SPAM and fast food"glocalization" in the Philippines. FoodCulture and Society, 10 (1), 23-41.

(2008). Jolly dogs andMcSpaghetti: anthropological reflectionson global/local fast food competition in thePhilippines. Journal of Asia-Pacific Business,9 (4), 311-328.

(2009). Fast food and nutritionalperceptions in the age of 'globesity:'perspectives from the provincial Philippines.Food and Foodways, 17 (1) 29-49.

Meyers, M. (2001). A bite off of mama's plate:Mothers 'and daughters 'connections throughfood. Westport, Connecticut: Bergin andGarvey.

Mydans, S. (2003, March 13). Clusteringin cities, Asians are becoming obese. NewYork Times, Retrieved July 31, 2009, fromhttp://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9C0CE2DF133EF930A25750C0A9659C8B63.

Nugent, R. (2005). Obesity creeping up on lessdeveloped countries. Population ReferenceBureau. Retrieved September 10, 2008, fromhttp://www.prb.org/Articles/2005/ObesityCreepingUponLessDevelopedCountries.aspx.

Ohnuki-Tiemey, E. (1997). McDonald's in Japan.Changing manners and etiquette. In J.L. Watson(Ed.), Golden Arches East: McDonald's inEast Asia (pp. 161-182). Stanford: StanfordUniversity Press.

Pingali, P. (2007). Westernization of Asian dietsand the transformation of food systems:implications for research and policy. FoodPolicy, 32 (3), 281-298.

Popkin, B.M. (2008). The world is fat: the fads,trends, policies, and products that are fatteningthe human race. New York: Avery.

Popkin, B.M., 8L Gordon-Larsen, P. (2004)The nutrition transition: worldwide obesitydynamics and their determinants. InternationalJournal of Obesity & Related MetabolicDisorders, 2% (W), ^1-9.

Prentice, A. M. (2006). The emerging epidemic ofobesity in developing countries. InternationalJournal of Epidemiology, 35(1), 93-99.

Rai, S. (2005, January 4). India's boom spreads tosmaller cities. New York Times, p. C3.

Ritzer, G. (2000). The McDonaldization of society.Thousand Oaks, CA: Pine Forge Press.

Rosenthal, E. Fast food hits the Mediterranean;a diet succumbs. New York Times, 2008,September24, pp.Al,A12.

Schlosser, E. (2001). Fast food nation: thedark side of the all-American meal. Boston:Houghton Mifflin Co.

Smith, A.F. (2006). Encyclopedia of junk food andfast food. Westport, CT. Greenwood Press.

Stein, J. (2007, April 9). The hungry American.Foreign fast food chains are moving into theU.S. and showing how the world really seesus. Time, p. 116.

Stix, G. (2007). A question of sustenance.Scientific American, 297 (3), 54-58.

Sy, R.A.G. (2008). Prevalence of obesity inmedical practice in the Philippines. RetrievedSeptember 17, 2008, from http://www.iotf.org/oonet/philippines.htm.

Watson, J.L. (1997). Golden Arches East:McDonald's in East Asia. Stanford: StanfordUniversity Press.

Yan, Y (1997). McDonald's in Beijing: Thelocalization of Americana. In J.L. Watson(Ed.), Golden Arches East: McDonald's in EastAsia (pp. 39-76). Stanford: Stanford UniversityPress.

Yan, Y (2000). Of hamburger and social space:Consuming McDonald's in Beijing. In D.S.Davis (Ed.), The consumer revolution in urbanChina (pp. 201-225) Berkeley: University ofCalifornia Press.

20 ASIA-PACIFIC SOCIAL SCIENCE REVIEW VOL. 10 NO. 1

Wilson, K. (2004, June 27). RP fast-food chain World Health Organization (2008). Obesity andbeats McDonald's at its own game. Philippine overweight. Retrieved September 3,2008, fromDaily Inquirer. Retrieved July 31, 2009, from http://www.who.int/mediacentre/factsheets/http://money.inquirer.net/breakingnews/view_ fs311/en/index.htmI.breakingnews.php?yyyy=2004&mon=06&dd=27&file=2.

Copyright of Asia-Pacific Social Science Review is the property of De La Salle University Manila and its

content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's

express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use.