From Thieves to Nation-builders; the Nexus of Banditry ...
Transcript of From Thieves to Nation-builders; the Nexus of Banditry ...
Anderson 1
From Thieves to Nation-builders; the Nexus of Banditry, Insurgency and State-Building in the
Balkans, 1804-2007
by Bobby Anderson
‘All over the world in liberation and resistance movements, patriotic ‘criminals’ have taken to the
front lines and made a great contribution such as only they, in such conditions, could make.’
– Djordje ‘Giška’ Božović1
1 Božović was a colleague of the late Serbian warlord-cum-politician Arkan. In 1983 he murdered Stjepan Djureković, former director of the Croat Oil Company INA; this murder was apparently carried out on behalf of the Yugoslav government. Božović was shot dead in Gospić, Croatia in 1991, apparently by a fellow Serb. There were no arrests. See Judah 1997:256; also Petrović, Dragoljub. Target of Unknown Assassins, in Naša Borba, Beograd, April 20 1997.
Anderson 2
Introduction
"A bloody phenomenon cannot be explained by a bloodless theory."
- Horowitz 1985:140
Vračar, a grey, drab, working class neighborhood in Belgrade, Serbia, was showing
its age in the summer of 1993. As elsewhere in Serbia, the formal economy no longer
existed. In its place stood a regional combat economy, though no one in Vračar would
have articulated it as such. The neighborhood’s unemployed young men—boys,
really—spent that summer posturing, strutting, tattooing one another, and
occasionally firing Kalashnikovs from rooftops. Their younger brothers carried tear
gas pistols and flare guns; such children developed apocalyptic visions of the future
which their parents did not try to refute, because there existed, in Vračar, no contrary
evidence. Accompanying this was a moral degradation; it might have existed before
in Vračar, but I had no frame of reference for any normal time there. All I knew was
what I saw. Anything was to be had, and done; gunshots seemed as common as car
horns, and murders occurred over nothing, glances at the wrong girl, misinterpreted
words, arguments over the bill in a café. Hand grenades, available for 20 Marks, were
thrown onto nightclub dancefloors. Radio-Television Serbia announced that it was
legal to murder someone if you caught them attempting to steal your car; meanwhile,
the city police sold registrations for any car, without proof of ownership, for 50
Deutschmarks. The young and hungry profited while the old and hungry waited on
breadlines. Sanctions made boys richer than their incredulous parents could
comprehend. Heroin was cheap and plentiful, but for those not in the sanctions racket,
boiling the heads of locally-grown poppies and drinking the foul liquid sufficed.
Anderson 3
Oglasnik advertised weekend trips to the then-static Croat front line, where
Beograders could take potshots at Papists. It was a long, hot summer, the year I
graduated from high school, and I lived in Vračar. My friends there believed that
they, personally, were at war, but their articulation was stale. And it was there,
through them, that I realised that the wars which were happening nearby—Srebrenica
was roughly 70 miles away from where I slept that summer, near-oblivious to that
overcrowded, desperate enclave—were hardly contained there. The conflagration was
close enough that local men who’d gone to Bosnia to fight could return home for the
weekends. They brought goods with them, loot which they would sell from the backs
of pickup trucks. They leaked. And the depredations and profits inherent in those
‘reasonless’ places nearby which were coming apart leaked also. Such a leak spread
far beyond Bosnia- even beyond Yugoslavia. It did not seem like the ripples in the
water from the splash of a stone; rather, to my uninitiated and overwhelmed eye, it
seemed like a violent industrial accident which began somewhere in the rural interior
of that imploded state and carried out in all directions, belching black smoke,
spraying refugees, guns, metal, blood, drugs and graves from Tirana to Munich and
further afield, all manner of pain and profit. And for a number of people in Vračar-
the men with the BMWs and the duty free stores and the drugs and the weapons and
stolen goods for sale, the men who were watched in awe as they sipped Turkish
coffee in cafes with sponsor girls and thinly disguised pistols in the waistbands of
their garish tracksuits—war was a good thing. Normalcy would have left them as
purse snatchers, petty thieves, back-alley pimps. To children, they were gods. What
they wanted, they simply took. It was their time.
Anderson 4
The varied chapters of the 1991-1999 Balkan wars were less about ethnicity than they
were about economic redistribution and coercive accumulation—thinly veiled
organised criminal activities with the sheltering veneer of primitivism, further
concealed by the intentional encouragement of war’s view through a myopic prism of
race, religion, and blood. This prism allowed western elites to distance themselves
from the war by acknowledging what Serb and Croat leaders had, from the earliest
stages, repeated like commercial jingles which became lodged in the heads of
diplomats and journalists- that ancient ethnic hatreds were, indeed, the sole factor at
play.
Widely-understood economic rationales and cynical political calculations may be
used to explain all manner of things, but not a war in Europe. To understand the war’s
causes would have made the intervention question unavoidable in 1992. To go to war
for fiscal reasons or simple political maneuvers would be too craven a reason for the
West to ignore. But people being killed by virtue of their last names? Whether they
say Izvinite or Oprostite, Mleko or Mlijeko2? Here was something the politicians of
the day could puzzle over3.
2 Izvinite and Oprostite- excuse me- can supposedly define a speaker as either a Serb, or a Croat. Mlijeko is the Croat pronunciation of Serbian Mleko- milk. These linguistic markers are, however, reflective of regional, and not ethnic, dialectical differences. For more information, please see Greenberg (2004). 3 And avoid, except when the notable massacres—mortars lobbed into breadlines and markets in Sarajevo, for example—spurned editorials and demands to ‘do something.’ It was Srebrenica, in the summer of 1995, that ultimately caused NATO to intervene, and show the Bosnian Serb Army as it was—not the descendents of partisans who had kept six German divisions pinned down throughout WWII, but rather, opportunists more interested in stealing than fighting. They melted away.
Anderson 5
To those who subscribe to the rationales underlying ethnic conflict, and the
classification of such war as representative of breakdown and irrationality, the
question can be posed: would there have been a war if there were nothing to steal? No
aspiration for the betterment of one’s lot, through capital accumulation and
redistribution?
Due to the former Yugoslavia’s current status as peripheral to the EU, but one day a
part of it, international focus now falls upon reforming and strengthening the
judiciary, customs and immigration, and the rule of law; they now seek to undo the
systematic damage resulting from nearly two decades of war and state erosion.
This paper seeks to outline what reformers are up against. It will shine a light on the
regional tradition of banditry from the early modern era onwards; indeed, it will show
that the initial founders of such states were generally bandits whose deeds were re-
cast in the context of national liberation. This paper will demonstrate that the wars in
Bosnia and Kosovo were, in part, motivated by economic redistribution; at the top,
such operations were run by varied criminal enterprises whose trades benefited from
the ‘ethnic conflict’ label which concealed base motivations4, while at the bottom,
such activities were the coping mechanisms of a desperate population. Further, this
paper will delineate the history, forms and dynamics underpinning organised crime in
the region. The organised criminal structures which proliferated during the war are
4 For the purposes of this paper, crime is simply defined as a violation of the public good, which affects the community as a whole. Organised crime is defined as a conspiracy of three or more persons in an extra-legal act for monetary or other gain. And despite the Robin Hood imagery ascribed to some of the persons mentioned in this paper, all references herein to banditry and organised crime refer to crimes committed for private, rather than public, ends.
Anderson 6
now entrenched in the region’s politico-economic topography; criminals are
legitimizing. And some are having their histories re-written.
The Balkan wars were a crime wave. The region contains no classical resources; no
black gold, no blood diamonds. In Bosnia, ‘nothing grows except rocks and snakes’;
eastern Bosnia and Northern Montenegro are known as the Vuk Jebina5, while
Kosovo’s primary export may be economic migrants. Serb actions in Croatia, Bosnia
and Kosovo were not waged to control any significant and extractable commodity:
certain low-value resources such as soft coal and timber were up for grabs;
cooperatives were ripe for asset-stripping, and humanitarian aid was found to be
taxable in cash, kind or both. The regional combat economy that encompassed
southeastern Europe served as an ongoing Serbian election campaign and assertion of
power by dominant elites in Belgrade, led by Slobodan Milošević . Their discourse
became the national discourse6.
By simply shaking one’s head in the sad acknowledgement that such a war (or wars)
occurred in Europe, we allow for another mistake. In the midst of numerous other
differences, state development in the Balkans shares more similarities to Sierra Leone
than to France: just as Sierra Leone was colonised by (British-supported) indigenous
elites in Freetown, the Ottomans colonised this corner of Europe and exploited the
mines of Srebrenica and Novo Brdo in a manner reminiscent of Kono and Tongo
5 ‘The land where the wolves fornicate.’ 6 It became unquestioned common sense that Serbs were protecting Europe from Mujahideen, Croats were Ustasha, Kosovo was Serbia’s Jerusalem, and Serbs there- the salt of the Srpski Narod- were subject to the depredations of tribal Albanians, recent and ungrateful new arrivals.
Anderson 7
field. Elites emerged that utilised patronage networks to check rivals and generate
profit. Both regions were marked by cultures of corruption and post-WWII
governments which would not have survived in their Cold War form without
superpower support, through preferential trading status and cheap loans. In both
regions post-Cold War governments, who lost legitimacy a decade before, then lost
the ability to award loyalty through economic or political incentives; they were
altered by internal wars that radically reshaped or eradicated earlier systems. Both
areas have emerged from a decade’s worth of intermittent war after armed
international intervention. Both are scarred by conflict and infected by crime. Both
remain corrupt; both have growing organised criminal structures and international
organised criminal involvement. Both have dominant informal economies. And both
areas have two realities: that voiced by local politicians and international officials,
and the reality not mentioned, but known to all on the ground. Both are constituted of
ethnic affiliations and clannishness; in governments and businesses, loyalty and
dependence have more value than accountability and transparency.
The modern state in southeastern Europe is a relatively new phenomenon. To build it,
nations constructed states while either crushing, or integrating with, social bandit
elements in a central authority to use the popularity7 of those bandits whilst
mitigating their unruly behavior. Some became inlaws; some outlaws. The state only
became stronger than the nation in the decades after WWII—when it achieved
legitimacy, provided opportunity and offered the possibility of economic betterment
in the decades following WWII. The Balkans are again afflicted by the seeming
7 Which legitimised the government in the eyes of its citizenry (Xenakis 2001:15).
Anderson 8
contradiction of strong nations and weak states; ethnicity conveniently emerged from
the economic morass of the late 1980’s as a primary marker of identity; the self’s
earlier interaction with a class-based society ended with that society. New interactions
occurred with the fragmented sections of that earlier society whereby the notion of a
Yugoslav was extinct. In its place sat the ethnic marker8, hammered on the forge of
apparatchik ambitions and shaped into a politico-economic tool which lent itself to
both asset and population transfer.
While not discounting ethnic grievances—they were there to be misused, and the idea
of victimization utilised by elites to manipulate their constituencies fell on receptive
ears—the Yugoslav wars were motivated by political expediency and economic gain.
They were the subject of massive international attention9 which focused on bridging
the ethnic divide while discounting the political and economic rationales of those who
sought to profit, and those who engaged in the illicit and informal only to cope, on all
‘sides’, be they ethnic or otherwise.
The Balkans are exactly that—mountains10, hungry and hardscrabble, a frontier
region where the law shrivels in relation to poverty; when people have a choice
between stealing and starving, they steal; where lean years are the norm, activities
8 This paper does not claim, as others have, that Yugoslavia was not a fragmented society. The traumatic elimination of the Yugoslav identity affected active communists, city-dwellers, and other bourgeoisie. But in the countryside, especially in Herzegovina and rural Kosovo, such ethnic divisions never faded in place of the Yugoslav identity. 9 Between 1991 and 2000 the United States spent $15 billion on military intervention in the Balkans (Mallaby 2002). 10 The very name Balkans—Turkish for mountains, the region taking its name from a chain of them in Bulgaria that the Turks first encountered when the Byzantines were short-sighted enough to grant them passage across the Dardanelles in the mid-fourteenth century—reflects how outsiders regarded it.
Anderson 9
initially driven by desperation become vocations, and war, disrupting to most, offers
market opportunities to others. While banditry was the modus operandi of many
paramilitaries and soldiers in the 1990’s, in Serbia, the state became the biggest
bandit of all. Zoran Djindjic’s attempt to break apart the pervasive organised criminal
structures which took root under Milošević were answered by his death. Most
shocking to the perpetrators (namely the Zemun clan- an organised crime ‘family’
which essentially became an arm of the Serbian state during the 1990s, and was
closely integrated with state security bodies), it hastened their fall—but Serbia still
retains elements of the bandit state, and those bandits within it under Milošević
remain under the current leadership. In Kosovo banditry resurfaced during the 1996-
1999 Kosovo Liberation Army rebellion, the 1999 NATO war and its conclusion.
There, masked men erect roadblocks in the borderlands and assert their own
authority, as they have always done. The same is true in areas of Montenegro,
Southern Serbia, and Macedonia. Albania slipped into anarchy in 1997: the North
remains under its own law. And both internal and external organised criminal groups
utilise the region to both traffic drugs, arms, stolen goods and people, as well as
launder earnings.
Historical Background
‘There is no reason to suppose that the ‘brotherhoods’ of robbers called Bilejić and Tuvačević which attacked Ragusan caravans near Novo Brdo and Kaçanik in the early sixteenth century, for instance, had anything to do with a national liberation struggle… similarly, modern Albanian historians make much of the ‘revolt’ of 1560 in the Peć area by Pjetër Bogdani; but all we know of his revolt is that he robbed a caravan, killed some traders, and was captured and executed’ (Rizaj 1978:208; Rizaj 1982:481-2; Malcolm 1999:119).
Anderson 10
National identity in southeastern Europe was a tool developed by peripheral elites in
relation to the other- primarily Turks, and secondly Muslims. Such markers of
identity can be imposed upon others: Bosnian Serbs became more Serb when they
were lynched en masse after Archduke Franz Ferdinand’s assassination; Bosnian
Muslims embraced their neglected, esoteric Islam in the 1990s as soon as it became
apparent that they could die by association.
Yugoslavia and Albania were foreign constructions. From the medieval era until the
end of the First World War, the eastern Balkans was a series of Ottoman Vilayets,
while the west was run by Venetians, Hungarians and Habsburgs11. The Ottoman
Empire, from its peak under Süleyman I the Magnificent, declined under its own
corruption and soon retracted in the face of European state expansion12. It foundered
under its devsirme, its decadent Janissaries, its corrupt Phanariots, and its degraded
military. In its borderlands, the Turkish writ became open to question.
In the Balkans, laws imposed from afar were semi-enforceable in the lowlands, but
mountains, like oceans, evade centralised control (McCoy 1999:157). In pastoral
societies occupying rugged terrain, outside laws competed with another cultural code-
the blood feud (Malcolm 1999:19), which governed Bosnia-Herzegovina,
Montenegro (Durham 1909:20), Macedonia, southern Serbia, Kosovo and Albania13,
11 The occasional independent city-state emerged, of which Ragusa was the most successful. 12 This decline began after the 1699 Peace of Karlowitz (La Jonquière 1881:345). Beginning as early as the late seventeenth century, ‘the economy of the Ottoman Empire became more closely articulated to the burgeoning Eurocentric world system as part of the periphery’ (Gallant 1999:32). 13 As well as Corsica, Sicily, Sardinia, Scotland the Caucasus, the Horn of Africa, and Nang Pashtun and Baluch areas of Central Asia. Misha Glenny suggests that the Sicilian blood feud was an Albanian import from the late medieval period; Albanian refugees fleeing the 15th Century Turkish invasions
Anderson 11
where it is codified in the Kanun14. It is important as well to consider that such codes
often apply only to those in one’s immediate kinship network or clan; those outside
the society governed by Besa were, and are, often prey to the negative elements of it;
they do not follow its rules, and its rules do not therefore extend to them. Most of all
they are not known, and the possibility of retribution as encoded in the Kanun is
theoretical at best.
The Ottoman Empire sustained itself by tribute extracted from its subjugated peoples;
taxes were set according to the Millet system, and Christians paid more. Exorbitant
rents and claims on livestock15 made by the Turks generated banditry; Hajduks16
formed bands to rob caravans. These bands were later called Cheta, their members
Chetniks- the name adopted by the Serb royalist General Mihajlović’s WWII rebels,
and now appropriated by extreme (and often, extremely drunk) Serbian nationalists.
settled in Sicily (in the area around Piana degli Albanesi, where their language still exists and their descendants still live). Besa, or honor, may have been an idea passed on (in a violent way, no doubt) from these adherents of Lek Dukagjini to the Sicilians. Gellner’s (2000) ideas on social order in pastoral societies, and the prevalence of the blood-feud and honor concept in mountainous areas, is a more likely reason for the existence of the blood feud in Sicily. Glenny, Misha. Criminal gangs running the Balkans. BBC April 28, 2001: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/programmes/from_our_own_correspondent/1300684.stm. 14 In the Albanian case, Malcolm notes, the Kanun is based firstly on one’s honor; secondly, on the equality of persons; thirdly, one’s freedom to act in accordance with one’s honor, within the limits of the Kanun, and not being subject to another’s command. Lastly is a man’s word of honor, the Besa, which is inviolable (Malcolm 1999:18). The Kanun has a distinct message: there are those you may take advantage of, but in the interests of peace among us, there are those you may not. Feuds made Albania look lawless, but the opposite was true: ‘there is perhaps no other people in Europe so much under the tyranny of laws’ (Durham 1909:28). In these highlands, feuds, banditry and blood vengeance surface in conjunction with one another (Gallant 1999:52). 15 These taxes are precisely the reason why pork is the meat of choice in all Christian areas colonised by the Ottomans. The Turks would not requisition unclean pigs, but they would claim chickens, cows and goats. Pork, it is said, is Serbian beef. 16 The name Hajduk comes from the Magyar word for ‘cattle-drover.’ They first appear in the fifteenth century, perhaps in Bosnia-Herzegovina. In Bulgaria a ‘Haidot’ chieftain is recorded as early as 1454 (Hobsbawm 2000:78). Montenegro, the most Hajduk-associated of all the Christian lands, was never formally conquered by the Turks. The Hajduk phenomenon appears in other areas, including Anatolia, where there were no thoughts of ‘national liberation’ (Malcolm 1999:119).
Anderson 12
Such men were and are thieves with vaguely expressed ideologies, fleeing from
armed groups and attacking unarmed civilians. The forces led by the Serbian militia
leaders Vojislav Šešelj, Arkan and Captain Dragan are heirs to this tradition of theft
in the guise of defending the nation—as was the Bosnian Serb Army, which never
distinguished itself against an armed force on equal terms. It excelled at shelling
undefended cities and killing civilians17. In Albanian areas, Hajduks were called
Kaçaks—the name given to the rebels who fought the Serbs after World War I, the
bands who burned Serb villages after the 1941 invasion of Yugoslavia, and the anti-
Partisan rebels who rose in the Drenica in 1946. Elements of the KLA and its
offshoots are descendants of such men; out for personal profit and articulating
grievance and redress.
Kaçaks and Hajduks were not usually rich. Banditry was often a subsistence trade,
‘for how much was there to rob on the byroads of Macedonia or Herzegovina at the
best of times?’ (Hobsbawm 2000:86). In the military frontier which separated
Habsburgs from Ottomans, Serbs who had fled Turkish lands settled there to practice
the complementary vocations of fighting (for the Habsburgs) and robbing (for
themselves- Glenny 1996:5). In other areas of the Balkans, the Ottomans deputised
17 BSA troops and paramilitaries sported the ‘Rambo look’- a rifle, a pistol, a machine pistol and a collection of knives. This look harkens back to the turn-of-the-century Hajduks and their black-and-white poses, replete with sword, dagger, rifle and smoking-pipe. Regarding the BSA, Rieff relates the following: ‘such gear was for killing civilians, not enemy soldiers. If… the Serbs had believed they were going to face people who could effectively shoot back, they would have carried more ammunition and fewer weapons, and have fired in the short bursts necessary to hit a particular target, rather than in the wild, clip-emptying salvos of fighters who neither knew nor cared much about where their bullets would finally land’ (Rieff 1995:157).
Anderson 13
those they could not control18, including Montenegrin and Albanian bandits, who
continued to satisfy their own plundering natures19. In Ottoman Greece, many
Klephts became Armatoloi- now inlaws, incidentally tasked with battling Klephts
(Glenny 2000:30-31). Kosovo’s Rugovo Gorge—historically the most passable route
from western Kosovo into Montenegro—was infested with brigands, as was Kaçanik,
named for the Albanian Kaçaks who preyed upon travelers there. Such groups
historically taxed caravans and peasants, and demanded a percentage of crops and
livestock. They behaved like states; they were later thought of as the liberators of
nations- and with accumulated start-up capital, they reinvented themselves as
respectable traders and merchants20, albeit with wealth of unknown origin. It was not
necessary to launder21 money then; the origins of pre-state wealth tended to be
illegitimate as a matter of course.
The state-builders of southeastern Europe were considered bandits and terrorists by
the elites they rebelled against; such criminals contained the ‘nuclei of potential
liberators’ (Hobsbawm 2000:89) in the national independence movements of Greece,
Serbia, Croatia, Bosnia, Macedonia, Albania and Bulgaria. It began with Servia,
where the reformist Ottoman ruler Selim III granted those subjects limited autonomy
18 Most tellingly, in some areas where the Ottoman Empire could not enforce the law, they simply ignored the problem, striking bandit villages from the record. In Rumelia such villages became Agrapha, or unwritten (Glenny 2000:25). 19 According to a 1614 report, one raid extended as far as modern-day Bulgaria (Lenormant 1866: 312-315). 20 Regarding the Uskoks of Senj, ‘these valorous warriors have become avaricious merchants of stolen goods, devoting themselves to nothing else than the sale of their plunder in Croatia, in Carniola, in Styria, in Hungary, even across the sea in Apulia and the Marches, and even in Venice itself, so that having abandoned the military arts they are applying themselves to one that is sweeter, that is, to profit’ (Bracewell 1992:111). 21 The term money laundering was first used in prohibition-era Chicago.
Anderson 14
within the empire; later restrictions on this autonomy were imposed by corrupt
indigenous janissaries22 who exploited their Serb tax base to no end (Stoianovitch
1980:262-3; Tilly 1990:24). Such Belgrade Dahi23 were creatures of Reno’s Warlord
politics; men who paid for the privilege of appointments to Belgrade, and then sought
to re-coup their investment through predatory, rent-seeking activities. And the
rebellion against them, in 1804, was led by the Hajduk Kara Djordje24; his insurgency
initially appealed for help from the Ottoman ruler—the rebels were actually rebelling
against the leaders of a Vilayet, not the Empire itself—until it dawned upon the
insurgent lot that they may have achieved the momentum to excise a section of the
empire. And they succeeded; Serbia was independent for 8 years, and was re-
conquered in 1812; Kara Djordje fled into Habsburg lands. The Serb Miloš
Obrenović led another revolt in 1815. Russia pressured Turkey into accepting
Obrenović’s autonomy; in a reconciliatory gesture Obrenović captured Kara Djordje
and presented Selim III with his head. In Bosnia the robber Pero Tunguz ambushed
an Ottoman caravan and, perhaps unintentionally, touched off the 1875 Nevesinje
rebellion (Glenny 2000:103-104) which, like the 1804 Serb revolt, was articulated in
a language of redress and self-determination subsequently utilised in this century by
the Hrvatska Vojska Organizacija (the Croatian Defense Council- hereafter HVO),
the Arkanici, Šešelj’s Chetniks, the Kosovo Liberation Army, the (Albanian) National
Liberation Army (in Macedonia), and the Albanian National Army (region-wide).
Soon after Tunguz’s opportunistic uprising, the Christian Macedonian insurgent Kota
22 Janissaries were initially the Ottoman Empire’s elite troops- they were taken as children from southeastern Europe and relocated to Constantinople, and their loyalty was to none but the Caliph. They eventually became elites in their own right. 23 An Ottoman honorific term for the leader of a Vilayet, or administrative area. 24 Which suitably translates into ‘Black George’.
Anderson 15
Christov began killing Albanian landlords25; in 1904 Gotse Delchev’s Internal
Macedonian Revolutionary Organization26 began its insurgency, leading to ‘two
hundred and forty-five bands in the mountains. Serbian and Bulgarian Comitadjis,
Greek Andartes, Albanians and Vlachs… all waging a terrorist war’ (Sciaky 2003).
The political considerations of peripheral elites in this corner of the Ottoman empire
was articulated in the new language of ethnicity, and such bandits were hirelings of
such elites in Belgrade, Sofia, Salonika and Athens (Hobsbawm 2000:24). The IMRO
uprising ultimately led to the dispatching of international peacekeepers to the Balkans
roughly 90 years before Dayton; and the IMRO, in need of support funds, ran opium27
to buy guns. North of the IMRO uprising, Kaçaks developed politics in response to
Serb irredentist claims on Kosovo (then known simply as ‘Old Serbia’); they began to
kill Serbs28, who responded by forming their own foreign-funded self-defense Chetas
(Malcolm 1999:236). Kosovo was ultimately seized by the Serbs during the first
Balkan war29, along with much of Macedonia. And the Chetniks, who, like the BSA,
distinguished themselves by looting and murder in place of actual combat, entered the
whitewashed hagiography of national liberation30.
25 Strangely, he became a later hero to the Albanians, who composed a song for him (Hobsbawm 2000:54). 26 The IMRO sought to create a Macedonian state; the land was equally contested by Bulgarians, Serbs, and Greeks. At the time, the ‘Macedonian Question’ was one of the most significant political problems of the era. 27 Between 1878 and 1912, Macedonia and Thrace were significant producers of opium (Palairet 1997:343). 28 The Serb consul to Pristina, Miroslav Spalajkovic, reported in June 1905, ‘there was not a day that one or two murders of Serbs were committed’ in Kosovo, adding that ‘nothing was done to stop Albanian banditry.’ 29 So pervasive had the ethnic marker become in Serbia that the seizure of Kosovo was met with the same jubilation many Israelis felt when Jerusalem fell to the IDF in 1967. 30 ‘Among them were intellectuals, men of ideas, nationalist zealots, but these were isolated individuals. The rest were just thugs, robbers, who had joined the army for the sake of loot’ (Malcolm 1999:255).
Anderson 16
The entity which ultimately became Yugoslavia only took authoritative and coercive
shape after the treaty of Versailles, ruled by the bandit Kara Djordje’s descendants.
The Albanians sporadically revolted until the mid-1920’s; they were mercilessly put
down31. Ethnicity remained as a discourse, especially among Croat politicians. After
WWII, Tito’s Yugoslavia, strengthened by a state-wide partisan identity, initially
prospered as a paradoxical and convenient ‘independent’ communist country.
Yugoslavia was flooded with foreign aid and loans given at extremely favorable rates,
which supported the façade of a successful centrally-planned economy. Yugoslav
communism’s economic ‘Third Way’—Worker’s Self-Management—was diligently
studied by foreign economists who remained unaware that the economic boom was
not a result of internal policies, but rather, external funds.
Yugoslavia’s criminal class began to take cohesive shape and establish minor
cooperative relationships with external criminal elements when Yugoslavia’s role in
organised crime was as a minor transshipment point for heroin bound for the West32;
then Iran banned opium in the 1950’s (McAllister 2000:198), and Yugoslavia’s
location became paramount. This local criminal underclass grew in stature and
strength. They would ultimately evolve into the criminal militias of the 1990s wars.
In the 1970s foreign aid declined, as part of a worldwide economic slowdown; for
Yugoslavia, this downturn would ultimately unleash the conditions—‘unregulated
31 The Kaçaks at this time operated from the frontier zone between Albania and Kosovo, like the KLA later would, along with the Liberation Army of Presevo, Medved, and Bujanovac (in the Presevo Valley exclusion zone) in 1999-2001. 32 Drug use correspondingly increased in 1950’s Yugoslavia, Bulgaria and Romania (Stares 1996:43).
Anderson 17
self-help, predation, and the untrammeled exploitation of resources and markets’
(Pugh & Cooper 2004:146)—which would fuel the wars of the 1990’s. The state
recognised that painful economic reforms were needed. It took out commercial loans
(at much less favorable rates than those secured during the 1950s and 1960s) to
postpone the process (Verdery 1996) and debt grew (Duffield 1998:75). As western
economies slowed, so, concurrently, did Yugoslav remittances from abroad—a major
part of the economy, especially in Kosovo, Bosnia & Macedonia33. Wealthier
constituent republics (namely Slovenia and Croatia), acutely aware that their
economies were supporting underperforming regions, sought to prevent capital
redistribution of their wealth through Belgrade by asserting their autonomy. As in
other centrally-planned states in economic decline, the republics began to compete for
resources- a process usually linked to the broader criminalization of the economy as it
moves away from formal, regulated channels. This competition generated illicit
transborder activity in an attempt, by the republics, to circumvent Belgrade and link
directly with international markets; unofficial customs controls emerged between the
republics which ultimately contributed to Yugoslavia’s collapse (Schierup 1992;
Duffield 2000:77). Parallel trade dominated the earlier, formal state trade networks
(Duffield 2001:157), assisted by Yugoslavia’s integration into western markets,
which exposed the state to the shocks of market transition (Kaldor 1999:85) unknown
by other Eastern Bloc nations.
The republics separated before the people did. Nationalism became a political
strategy to further solidify the separation of the republics. As state coherence
33 By 1987, Montenegro, Macedonia and Kosovo were bankrupt (Pugh & Cooper 2004:153).
Anderson 18
weakened and ethnic grievances were repeated ad nauseum by republic media outlets,
the economy continued to worsen. No answers were offered for this downward spiral;
the problem was externalised and increasingly discussed in the language of ethno-
historical wrongs, rather than economic ones. Inflation reached 2500 percent in
December of 1989 (Kaldor 1999:37). By 1989-1990, the state existed in name only.
Ethnicity was the dominant discourse, and the elites who had achieved power in the
constituent republics had no vested interest in Yugoslavia; quite the opposite. The
central government’s monopoly of violence was ultimately lost to the republics and
their militias before the war began.
The 1990s Wars- Croatia, Bosnia, Serbia, Montenegro
In 1986, the formerly loyal Titoist Slobodan Milošević moved from the shadow of
his mentor, Ivan Stamboulić34, and staked his political future on the grievances of
Kosovar Serbs. He emphasised Serb grievances and the historical other; Croat,
Slovene, and Albanian nationalism (and previously peripheral leaders such as
Tudjmann) emerged as a counterweight. After 1990, internal stability in Serbia
became dependent on the presence of continuous external threats. Far from any clash
of civilizations, a clash of personalities in the rubble of a fallen economy ended the
state. Ethnicity was the language in which this failure was articulated35; it was
34 He ultimately had Stamboulić murdered in the summer of 2000. The paramilitary Red Berets- integrated with the Zemun Clan, an organised criminal group- carried out the hit. 35 Glenny relates a 1991 meeting in the Krajina: ‘The discussion around the table was inarticulate, but it none the less revealed how these simple Serb peasants have been traumatised by unscrupulous politicians wishing to realise their politics of nationalist fantasy. A confused tale of real and perceived discrimination emerged. It was largely but not exclusively based on hearsay’ (Glenny 1996:11).
Anderson 19
accepted by both (former) Yugoslavs and outside observers. However, ethnicity has
never sufficed to answer questions inherently underpinning the why of this war.
The 1991-1995 Croatian and Bosnian wars saw rump Yugoslavia36 take over organise
crime within its borders and use it as a policy tool. Ultimately it became a criminal
state. These wars, distinguished by the political machinations of former communists
who quickly moved away from the Titoist ideal of brotherhood and unity once it
became devalued, were characterised by accumulation and economic redistribution
throughout. The social pyramid was inverted as former bourgeoisie were ruined by
the war; but ‘simple boys from the countryside and tough kids from the towns found
that their guns made them the ones who could start amassing the Deutschmarks and
the privileges, sexual and otherwise’ (Rieff 1995:130).
Yugoslavia’s death knell occurred, not in June 1991, but in December of 1990, when
the Milošević government executed one of the biggest bank frauds in history. The
balance sheets of Serbian banks were fraudulently increased (with the foreknowledge
and collusion of Milošević ’s political party, the SPS) to a total of 2.6 billion
Deutschmarks; this was distributed as credit to large Serb companies, who in turn
purchased hard currency37. This effectively bankrupted the federation, and made
Yugoslavia’s physical demise inevitable (Judah 1997:260).
36 Rump Yugoslavia, also FRY, was generally used to describe the Yugoslavia which was composed of the Vojvodina, Serbia, Montenegro and Kosovo. 37 The Serb government concurrently began printing off as many Dinars as it required (Dinkić 1995:63).
Anderson 20
Enter Željko Raznatovic- Arkan38. This most colorful monster was arrested in the
Krajina one month before by local police with a carload of guns39. The guns were
destined for ethnic Serb militias in the Krajina; Arkan was sent there as part of an
operation created and executed by Jovica Stanišić 40, head of the SDB (Serbian Secret
Police), with the assistance of the Ministarstvo Unutrasnjih Poslova (Interior
Ministry)’s Frano (‘Frenki’) Simatović41 and Radovan (‘Badza’) Stojičić42. This
operation was coordinated on the ground in Knin, Croatia, by Yugoslav army General
Ratko Mladić—then purportedly ‘Yugoslav’ in outlook and running the Knin
garrison. A number of underworld figures were involved in this operation as well, and
some actually led their own militias, including the Srpska Garda, founded by the
Belgrade mobster Branislav ‘Beli’ Matić43. The state and its former nemeses were
finding common ground. These militias fit into Belgrade’s strategy in the initial
stages of the Croat-Serb war; Serb militias would seize towns and villages and the
Yugoslav army- moving in to ‘separate’ the opposing sides- would essentially
consolidate militia gains.
Arkan was illustrative of the criminality and ideological elusiveness of the Yugoslav
wars; he served the interests of the state as well as himself, and ultimately he would
attempt to reinvent himself as a politician. In previous incarnations he was a purse-
38 Arkan would soon build his own militia from Red Star football supporters; he coordinated their training, and arming, with the SDB (through Simatović, Stojičić, and Radmilo Bogdanović), and established a training camp in Erdut, Eastern Slavonia. In 1992 Arkan became a parliamentarian representing Kosovo’s Pristina oblast. The Albanians boycotted the vote. 39 He was tried and convicted in a Croat court- which then released him, pending appeal. 40 Stanišić was arrested following Djindjić’s assassination, and is currently in Gaol in Den Haag. 41 Simatović was arrested in the underworld sweep following Djindjić’s assassination, and is in Gaol in Den Haag. 42 Stojičić, who once announced that organised crime did not exist in Serbia, was murdered in a Belgrade pizzeria in April of 1997. There were no arrests. 43 Matić was murdered at his Belgrade home in August 1991. There were no arrests.
Anderson 21
snatcher, an assassin for the Yugoslav Federal Secretariat for Internal Affairs (SSUP),
and a sometime bank-robber44. He also bears the distinction of orchestrating the
attack on the Muslim civilian population of Bijeljina in April 1992; this attack is now
noted as the official beginning of the Bosnian phase of the war.
The modus operandi of the Bosnian chapter of the war demonstrated commonality
with the others; violence was used to control populations rather than simply capture
territory. Much of the war was subcontracted out by states to proxy militias in the
interior, whereby loot (and other forms of privilege) constituted payment for services
rendered. Protection and smuggling rackets abounded; taxes were levied on aid;
redistributive mechanisms cropped up in cleansed, or soon-to-be cleansed, towns45;
asset transfer occurred en masse between non-Serbs and Serbs46; the control of trade
routes and markets was of paramount importance, so much so that the location of
trade routes would dictate the nature of sieges and offensives—or the lack of them.
Vareš, Bihać and other examples of this will be considered below, and will show how
interests of trade dictated interests of war. Through this war, all manner of economic
considerations—everything from the redistribution and seizure of both the routes
propelling and the mechanisms defining trade, to petty theft—were simply not seen
44 One of his colleagues, Goran Vuković, reminisced: ‘Of all of us Arkan robbed the most banks. He walked into them almost like they were self-service stores. No one can quarrel with that fact about him. I don’t know about politics, but as far as robbery is concerned, he was really unsurpassed.’ (UN Commission of Experts 1994:207). Vuković later speculated that the government was operating death squads to target its supposed confidantes. He survived six assassination attempts before he was finally murdered in Belgrade on Dec. 12, 1994. There were no arrests. 45 Peter Maas recounts ‘farmers atop tractors and horse-carts weighed down by rugs, sofas, and kitchen pots stolen from ransacked homes’ (Maas 1996:77). 46 In Prijedor the expropriated assets of 50,000 cleansed non-Serbs came to several billion DM. Serbs there robbed their own industry and agriculture, stripping equipment from the Ljubija mine and other Prijedor enterprises (Judah 1997:255).
Anderson 22
by external actors. The prism in which they viewed the conflict was one of ethnicity
and redress47, and it had no room for simpler economic rationales. Such a myopic
view effectively spayed peacebuilding efforts for much of the war.
Towns remained under Bosnian Federal control; Serbs and Croats controlled the
countryside. Price differentials arose due to sieges; in Croat areas, the prices were 75
per cent less than Sarajevo (Glenny 1996:219)48. External to the pressurised cities,
Serb and Croat OC, in conjunction with armed groups, including the BSA, supplied
BSA-besieged federal towns with necessary foodstuffs and provisions (including
pharmaceuticals and weaponry) at usurious mark-ups, while internally, the economies
of federally-controlled cities were conquered by those same Bosnian-Muslim
criminals who initially defended the cities49. In the war’s beginning, when the
Bosnian government had no army to speak of, notable criminals manned the
barricades; they saved Sarajevo in April of 1992 and eliminated the last vestiges of
the Yugoslav army from the city (Rieff 1995:131-132). When the situation grew
static enough for cooperative trade to begin between organised crime groups, such
Sarajevo gangsters often purchased guns from Kiseljak Croats and BSA troops with
47 The war’s beginning was also marked by the biggest organized car theft in history. The Vogošća Volkswagen plant was looted of 5,000 cars, not to mention parts and strippable assets. To this day no one has been so much as accused of this crime, although state-OC involvement is implied due to the sheer level of logistical coordination needed to steal 5,000 cars. Some claim the robbery was divided between the Serbian and Sarajevo mafias. Others claim that the VW Golfs were sold in Serbia, then stolen from their new owners and re-sold in Bulgaria and Belarus (Judah 1997:254; also Dulović, Jovan, Uros Komlenović and Dragoslav Grujić. Turning a Blind Eye, in Vreme No. 131, March 28, 1994. 48 In Sarajevo during the siege, one egg cost 2.50 DM. 49 Glenny notes that many Bosnian criminals operating in Frankfurt, Zurich and Stockholm returned to Sarajevo to raise militias (Glenny 1996:217-218).
Anderson 23
their smuggling profits (Glenny 1996:217-218; Kaldor 1999:53)50. The role of such
weaponry was primarily to both occasionally defend against untrustworthy business
partners and to control a restive and exploited customer base.
Serb cigarettes entered Sarajevo via Croat HVO checkpoints; Serbs paid Muslims and
Croats to escape from Sarajevo on this same overland route51. The nexus of profit and
non-accountability was a breeding ground of hybrid units of uncertain and shifting
allegiances52; Caco and Čelo, Sarajevo legends, commanded their own armies53.
Caco’s men murdered an as-yet undetermined number of Sarajevo’s remaining
Serbs54. The political gains sought by Zagreb and Belgrade through combat advances
were nullified by the trade concerns and illicit activities of the ethnic brethren—
namely the HVO, BSA, and numerous local militias—they had subcontracted this
war to, in the interests of plausible deniability. War remained the concern of those
without access to markets55. Once such access was gained, the motivation to risk
death significantly lessened.
50 It should be noted that in the areas which the Serbs were determined to take, including Srebrenica and the northern corridor, such armaments deals were not made. 51 Elsewhere in Bosnia, Serbs charged 1,000 Marks to Muslims and Croats to exit the Bosanska Krajina (Rieff 1995:89). A tunnel running under the Sarajevo airport runway brought goods in and refugees out; young men had to purchase draft exemptions and then pay an ‘entrance fee’ to the tunnel (personal conversations with men who utilised this route and others, Sarajevo, August 1996, September 2000) 52 By 1994 the UN identified eighty-three paramilitary groups in Bosnia and Croatia; fifty-six Serb, thirteen Croat and fourteen Muslim (UN Commission of Experts 1994 Annex III, A:11). The motivation of paramilitary groups remained economic (Kaldor 1999:53). According to Vasić, 80 percent of the paramilitaries were common criminals and 20 percent were fanatical nationalists. The nationalists did not last long: fanaticism, he noted, is bad for business (Vasić 1996). 53 Caco—Musan Topalović—was a club musician. Čelo—Ramiz Delalić—had recently served eight years for rape. Other groups included the Wolves, Green Berets, Black Swans, Yellow Ants, Mecet’s Babies, Mosque Pigeons, Knights, Serbian Falcons, etc. (Kaldor 1999:49). 54 Komlenović, Uros. Serbs in Sarajevo: the Fate of Dr. Malić, in Vreme News Digest, No. 250, July 20, 1996. 55 The Muslim paramilitaries on Mount Igman (which the Serbs would use to shell Sarajevo, killing thousands, and obliterating the national archives, among other outrages) were willing to sell their
Anderson 24
Bosnia’s gangster militias were not incorporated into federally-controlled units until
Prime Minister Haris Silajdzić did so, in the fall of 1993; while some became inlaws,
other remained outlaws which the Bosnian military then destroyed. Čelo was jailed,
and later pardoned56. Caco was eliminated57; Sarajevo Muslim Jusuf ‘Juka’ Prazina
resented government intrusion so much that he joined the HVO and fought his own
ethnic brethren in Mostar58, under a Croat flag (Glenny 1996:218). Such ambiguities
and a sharp difference between what is done, and what is preached, led to resignation
and disillusionment among ordinary troops of all ethnicities in every significant
contested area. Such disillusionment was particularly striking in Serb groups, the
Krajina militias and the BSA in particular. In September of 1993 Serb soldiers in
Banja Luka revolted and demanded the arrest of local Serb ‘war profiteers’ (Bougarel
1996B). Some BSA troops had, indeed, joined from patriotic fervor and an ill-defined
sense of obligation. What they found was hardly the defense of a nation. Profiteering
surrounded them—a business they were excluded from on the front lines, and one that
was officially treasonous59. The patriotic environment, where nationalist folk songs
were once composed about the Serbian northern corridor (Silber & Little 1995:337),
withered, consumed by the pervasive criminality that such ethnic sentiments once
masked.
positions to the BSA—so long as they could retain control of the black-market routes into the city (Kaldor 1999:51). 56 Celo was arrested on August 29th, 2004, on outstanding warrants. See Ramiz Delalić Celo Arrested in Ilidza last night. Oslobodjenje (Sarajevo), August 30, 2004. 57 But not before he took an entire apartment building hostage, kidnapped several policemen, and murdered them. 58 Prazina’s body was found in the trunk of a car on a roadside in Belgium on January 1, 1994. There were no arrests. 59 ‘Saving the nation was not allowed to interfere with personal and party gain’ (Pugh & Cooper 2004:156).
Anderson 25
Vareš
Vareš epitomised a rule of thumb in the Yugoslav wars; commerce often trumps
warfare. The town became an ethnic meeting point where interrelated and
overlapping distribution and trade networks functioned irrespective of ethnicity;
indeed, profits were heightened because of ‘ethnic conflict’ and the inhibitions it
placed on external competition.
Vareš was a Croat town, on the main road to Tuzla, a predominantly Muslim city.
Tuzla and Vareš both additionally maintained trade relations with Ilijas, a Serb
hamlet; Ilijas dispatched weekly shipments of sugar, flour, oil and tobacco to Vareš60,
whose traders often re-sold the goods to nearby Muslim areas after the Muslim-Croat
civil war began61. The terms of trade between Ilijas and Vareš were ultimately agreed
upon by the Bosnian Serb leadership in Pale (ICTY 1998:15,142). The Vareš HVO
opened their own shops (ICTY 1998:15,074); they also sold goods to their ethnic
brethren in the Tuzla HVO, who resold such commodities to the Muslim population
of Tuzla (ibid). The Tuzla HVO, incidentally, never modified their friendly relations
with Tuzla’s Muslims during the Muslim-Croat civil war: Tuzla managed to preserve
a multiethnic character for the war’s duration (US Department of State 1995). This
character, however, was fairly unique. Muslim militias south of Vareš cleansed
20,000 Croats from Visoko, Breza, Kakanj and Zenica, all of whom fled to Vareš
60 The Serb commander of Ilijas also sold artillery pieces to a nearby Muslim village before he retired—to Serbia. 61 During the Muslim-Croat civil war, Croats rented tanks from Serb forces for 1000 DM per day; Croat forces had to pay to cross Serb territory to fight Muslims. In Mostar, Muslims paid the Serbs to shell Croats (Kaldor 1999:51); the Serbs would shell Croats after warning them, so to not jeopardise trade relations (Judah 1997:250).
Anderson 26
(which was understood by all sides to have a protected status), leading the Croat
leadership to strike a transport deal with the Serbs to escort these refugees across
1000 kilometers of ‘enemy’ territory and into the Croat Herceg-Bosna statelet (ICTY
2000:22,105). Those trucks returned to Vareš with guns which were sold to Tuzla’s
Muslims. Such trade relations ended when a radical HVO unit arrived from Kiseljak,
jailed the Croat mayor, and expelled Vareš’s Muslims from the city (Silber & Little
1995:300). Ironically the Kiseljak Croats—especially the Kiseljak HVO—profited
hugely from the Sarajevo trade; they bought and sold weapons irrespective of
ethnicity, and worked closely with the BSA and some Muslim militias. Upon taking
Vareš, the Kiseljak HVO planned an emergency evacuation route for the town’s
Croats that was only blocked by one unknown variable; Stupni Do, a small Muslim
village. The HVO massacred the village in an early morning attack. Muslim troops
soon entered an empty Vareš.
Bihać
In September of 1993 local Muslim politician Fikret Abdić declared Bihać and its
environs an Autonomous Province of Western Bosnia, with himself as president.
Bihać was surrounded by ‘hostile’ forces: trade continued. ‘Too many people were
making too much money out of (Bihać) to want it snuffed out’ (Judah 1997:243).
Goods convoys crossed Krajina Serb Territory to Croatia via Bihać: a bus line was
established. Abdić bought oil from the Croats, and his ‘state’ was given a duty-free
area in the Croat port of Rijeka62: meanwhile their enemies, the Krajina Serbs, sent
food to Bihać, to be processed by Abdić’s company, Agrokomerc (Judah 1997:244-
62 Daly, Emma. Is Life Really Worth Living Under King Babo? The Independent (UK), July 30, 1994.
Anderson 27
5). Abdić ultimately traded large amounts of Croat oil for electricity imported from
the Krajina63.
In Bihać in August of 1994 the Bosnian 5th Corps—which remained loyal to the
Sarajevo government—revolted against Abdić, who fled the short-lived republic with
30,000 ‘loyal’ Muslims64. In October the 5th Corps broke out of the Bihać pocket,
overrunning Serb positions with the same weapons the Serbs had earlier sold them.
Abdić’s ‘army’ relocated to the Krajina: it, and the Serbian militias, both collapsed
when the Croats overran the Krajina in the summer of 1995 (Judah 1997:244-247),
rapidly expelling 200,000 Serbs in the greatest European population transfer since the
expulsion of the Sudeten Deutsche from Czechoslovakia after 1945. Former Krajina
information minister Dusan Ecimović flatly stated to Belgrade’s Nasa Borba that
corruption had undermined the Krajina’s defenses65. The Croat offensive disrupted
the oil-smuggling operation which connected Serb Krajina Army Corps Commander
Lazo Babić with Muslim businessman Aca Dragicević. Fikret Abdić and Krajina
President Milan Martić received significant kickbacks from the trade66.
The undermining of the ethnic discourse and the disillusionment which was bound to
follow was not restricted to the Krajina and western BiH. In the Republika Srpska, by
1995 Radovan Karadzić’s son, Aleksandar, controlled much of the Pale black market;
like Marko Milošević , he was both scorned and feared. Corruption was invasive in
63 Mekina, Igor. Bosnia in the West. Vreme No. 146, July 11, 1994. 64 Huic, Davor. Bosnian Troops Take Rebel Stronghold. The Guardian (UK), August 22, 1994. 65 Naša Borba, Cited in VIP, Belgrade, May 10, 1995. 66 Naša Borba, Cited in VIP, Belgrade, May 10, 1995.
Anderson 28
that statelet; most notably, former RS Prime Minister Vladan Lukić was accused by
the Bosnian Serb Parliament of involvement in the theft of 3.5 million DM which was
earmarked for illegal oil purchases from Bulgaria, and former deputy Prime Minister
Branko Ostojić allegedly helped steal 5.5 million DM intended for illicit Romanian
oil purchases (Judah 1997:254).
Disillusioned Serb front-line soldiers claimed they had been betrayed by their leaders,
who bought property in Serbia proper and made millions (Judah 1997:255). For such
troops, grievance was a false promissory note they were encouraged to invest in.
They believed in the ethnic conflict label, just as the West did. The grievance which
remained was the grievance against one’s own.
What was left, in the end, were those once-illusory ethnic hatreds, grown through
repetition and ultimately made true through war. Those who believed that such ethnic
conflict truly existed, irregardless of economic or political concerns, and cleansed
accordingly, were the fathers of such a war. And the label ethnic conflict must remain
as a psychological defense mechanism. It is hugely important to its practitioners that
they were not fooled or lied to, and that those people they expelled, hurt or killed
deserved it. The violence done onto them was pre-emptive and defensive. It had to be.
Ethnic cleansing must always be justified by its practitioners as the irrevocable them
or us—a repetitive psychological curse which extends the ethnic discourse, and
continues the grounds on which grievance and redress can be articulated, for another
few generations. A regional war in a few decade’s time will be justified by the
Anderson 29
violence done from 1991 to 1995, and such excuses as the shedding of past blood will
have a ready audience of naïve and hungry men.
Beograd Agrapha: the Economy and the Organised Crime—State Nexus
Violent modes of enterprise give a comparative advantage to sociopaths.
- Reno 2000A:54
Serbia was once the political, economic, and agricultural heartland of southeastern
Europe. In 1993 its economy collapsed67. The state had other interests to attend to. It
debased its own currency by printing off the Dinars it required; this was a calculated
short-term move, and the government knew what the results would be. But, being a
criminal state68, Belgrade had different priorities. By August of 1993 inflation
climbed to 1880 percent; at an annualised rate, this totals 363 quadrillion percent.
The next month, in the interests of space, six zeroes were removed from the
banknotes. November’s monthly inflation was 20,190 per cent. December’s inflation
equaled 313,563,558 percent (Judah 1997:268). In that month, 500 Billion Dinar
notes were printed69.
67 With the exception of Slovenia, Yugoslavia’s successors emerged from their wars economically ruined. Bosnia’s GDP fell from US$2,719 per head in early 1992 to US$250 in 1995. Serbia & Montenegro’s GDP fell to 49 percent of 1989 levels (Bojićić 1997). Yugoslavia calculates not GNP but Gross Material Product (GMP); in 1989 GMP was US$24.6 billion. By 1993 this dropped to US$9.5 billion. Serbia & Montenegro’s growth rates were -8.2 percent in 1991, -26.1 percent in 1992, and -27.7 percent in 1993. By early 1993 (and hyperinflation), industrial production was 30 percent of 1990 levels. Croatia’s GDP fell to 65 percent; Macedonia’s GDP fell to 55 percent. Serbia would not stop this plunge until 1996. Albania’s GDP fell to 81 percent. (Bojićić 1997). 68 Radio B92 stated that ‘Belgrade epitomised the Chicago of the twenties, the economic crisis of the Berlin of the thirties, the intelligence intrigues of the Casablanca of the forties and the cataclysmic hedonism of the Vietnam of the sixties’ (Knezević 1995:3). 69 In this hyperinflation, monthly pensions were worth approximately 3 pounds sterling. Some elderly Beograders committed suicide. To prevent a total collapse, the government forced businesses to accept
Anderson 30
I was in Belgrade that December. I was blissfully unaware of economics. But I did
note that, in bars, the prices of drinks would change between rounds.
Serbia experienced the Bosnia spillover- it became awash with drugs and guns. But in
the Serbia of the time, this spillover was politically beneficial. And economically,
they created opportunities to fill state coffers through sanctions-busting. The same
circumstances which damaged the livelihoods of ordinary citizens became rackets to
give out to loyalists; elements of the state would profit obscenely from its own
censure and possible collapse. Sanctions and UN security council resolutions became
the bogey men which allowed the government in Belgrade to effectively externalise
‘the enemy’ to its citizens.
Organised crime was used by the state to channel funds and weapons to ethnic
militias in the hinterlands; those non-state armed groups, and those third parties,
allowed for plausible deniability on the part of Belgrade. When sanctions became
imminent, organised crime was ultimately co-opted by FRY as a business venture to
fund the Yugoslav army, the interior ministry, and other institutions (Yannis
2003:177) necessary for the state’s survival. This was on top of the extralegal income
and kickbacks it produced for connected elites including the Milošević family itself.
Milošević ’s survival instincts overruled classical economic concerns. Serbia
checks, thus passing the economic damage on to them. Businesses retaliated by removing goods from their stores.
Anderson 31
generated hard currency through black-marketeering, extortion, bank fraud70,
kickbacks and drug-running. The state was an intermediary for money-laundering
operations; it imported cigarettes as duty free and then re-exported to the West
(Williams 2001:110). Belgrade University Law School Professor Dejan Popović
described this as the Columbia Syndrome: ‘a merging of top political leadership with
different forms of the underworld and mafia.’71 Interior ministry police (Ministarstvo
Unutrasnjih Poslova, hereafter MUP) became the regime’s Praetorian Guard,
alongside the Red Berets, who served as the assassins of Ivan Stamboulić and Zoran
Djindjić, and the failed assassins of then-opposition leader (and current Foreign
Minister) Vuk Drusković. The Red Berets were connected to the Zemun Clan, an
organised crime collective which planned the Djindjić murder. Economic benefits
kept MUP loyal: the army was left to the side (Keen 2000:34)72. MUP’s loyalty was
also party assured by the integration of a large number of Croatian- and Bosnian-Serb
refugees in that body. Such men had no legal status, and their ability to provide for
their families was determined by loyalty and job performance. For both politicians
and organised criminal elements—increasingly inseparable—continuing conflict was
desirable in regard to both continued earnings and the possibility of legal
repercussions from some future peacetime government (Kaldor 1999:55). The lure of
profit and threat of incarceration tied the Milošević family (especially Slobodan’s
70 Including pyramid banking schemes headed by Jezdimir Vasiljević and Dafina Milanović. Vasiljević created his own bank in 1991; he invested in a Montenegrin cigarette factory which manufactured counterfeit Marlboros. In autumn 1992 he sponsored a chess match between Spassky and Bobby Fischer. Milanović started her own bank—Dafiment—in October 1991. The state ‘borrowed’ heavily from both banks, effectively robbing its own citizens (Dinkic 1995:198). 71 Harden, Blaine. Fast Life, Flashy End for Belgrade Mobster; Gangs Rise to Prominence in Serbia, in the Washington Post, November 21, 1992. 72 This was especially apparent in Kosovo, where the Yugoslav army acted as rear-guards and shepherds to MUP actions against the Kosovo Albanian population.
Anderson 32
son, Marko, who controlled the cigarette trade in Serbia) and hundreds of high-
ranking government officials to such criminals as Arkan, Milorad Todorović, Vlada
‘Tref’ Kovačević, Dušan Spasojević, Milorad Luković and thousands more of the
violent, young, and hungry low-level service providers who answered to them.
UNSCR 757 banned all imports to, and exports from, Serbia & Montenegro, allowing
only for the importation of medical supplies and foodstuffs. Financial transactions
were prohibited: air and sea traffic was suspended. The economy that emerged under
sanctions allowed for the further legitimation of criminality within the state.
Sanctions necessitated further links between organised crime and the government,
and allowed for organised crime to become a patriotic endeavor; the international
community became the other, a dangerous ethnic group in its own right. Organised
criminal groups soon took over trade in imports and hard currency (Malcolm
1999:351). Sanctions also allowed for a further tightening of markets and
monopolization of the flow of key goods, allowing for the creation of artificial
shortages which led to steep price increases; the state and organised crime could
maximise profits while blaming sanctions.
The criminalization of the Serbian state was reflected in government-organised crime
connections in Bosnia, Macedonia and other states (Yannis 2003:175; Naylor
1999:337), while the Krajina and the Republika Srpska became a ‘patchwork of mafia
fiefs’ (Judah 1997:255). Across the region organised criminal groups opened cafes,
bars, bureaux de change and boutiques to launder cash. Gas stations proliferated—as
they would in Kosovo after the 1999 war. Macedonia became a key country for
Anderson 33
sanctions-busting; the government took a large commission (ICG 2001:208). Skopje
became a centre for Serbian front companies. The Macedonian government became
semi-criminalised from this trade (Ibid.); given Greece’s illegal economic embargo, it
had little choice73.
Serbia’s indigenous organised crime of the 1990s was vastly different from the
organised criminal groups and activities which emerged during the Cold War. Both
flourished under different market conditions (Volkov 2000; Xenakis 2001:2). Earlier
renditions of organised crime were cooperative in nature; the emerging organised
criminal patterns of the 1990s was marked by extreme youth and extreme violence74.
Knele, a legend of the Belgrade mob scene, was only 21 when he was finally
murdered75.
The most violent section of the shadow economy involved petroleum. At its lowest
and safest level, private citizens drove into Hungary, filled up their tanks, drove back
and extracted the gas to sell. At the highest level, the state and OC interacted as one.
Arkan took over small oilfields in Eastern Slavonia. Jetties and rowboats crisscrossed
the Danube with jerrycans full of gas; Romanian and Hungarian border villages grew
73 This criminalisation, in part, remains; UN and other NGO reports on the networks of human trafficking, drugs-, weapons-, and people-smuggling in Macedonia all indicate government involvement (ICG 2001:208). And bombings in Kumanovo, Stip and other eastern cities are connected to disputes over smuggling profits. 74 De Luce, Dan. Serbia’s Cocky Young Gangsters Remove Serbian Old Guard. Reuters, Dec. 12, 1993; Komlenović, Uros, & Jovan Dulović. Dangerous Children, in Vreme News Digest No. 162, October 31, 1994. 75 Knele was the protégé of the murdered—and quoted, at the beginning of this paper—gangster Djordje ‘Giška’ Božović. See Petrović, Dragoljub. Target of Unknown Assassins, in Naša Borba, Beograd, April 20 1997; Harden, Blaine. Fast Life, Flashy End for Belgrade Mobster; Gangs Rise to Prominence in Serbia, in the Washington Post, November 21, 1992.
Anderson 34
rich. Albania and Bulgaria illegally exported so much gasoline that they created
internal shortages76.
The Dayton Accords ended the Bosnian war; they de facto legitimised the Republika
Srpska- a mafia statelet, founded on genocide. The Bosnian Federal Government was
two parts- a semi-criminal Bosnian federal state, and a semi-criminal Croat Herceg-
Bosna where the Kuna was currency and the citizens carried Croat passports. Serbia
itself remained criminal: Milošević emerged as a re-legitimised power-broker whom
diplomats could continue to turn to. The plausible deniability he continued to proffer
was accepted as a lesser evil that the alternatives- a continued diplomatic and
economic war against the Yugoslav husk. Sanctions were lifted. The State-OC
structure remained intact, and the ground was leveled for the next stage of the
conflict.
The 1990s- Albania, Macedonia, Kosovo, S. Serbia, Montenegro
The Kosovo conflict ‘could be all too easily caricatured as a struggle between drug
traffickers on one hand and cigarette smugglers on the other’ (Williams 2001:110).
Such a claim might, if mistakenly taken at face value, seem to discount the very real
ethnically-motivated violence that has been committed in the province, as well as the
human cost. In the Slavic-Albanian linguistic frontier, hatred—real, palpable hatred—
abounds, much more so than in Bosnia. But Williams’ aside contains harsh and
uncomfortable truths that partially defined both the reasons underlying the conflict
76 The examples offered here are from my own experience, in the Vojvodina (1993), Lake Scutari, Montenegro (1994) as well as border villages in Romania/ Bulgaria (1994).
Anderson 35
and the province’s post-1999 (or better, post-Serbian) entity. That war served to
sustain Milošević ’s control over both the state and its informal economy, and allow
for the profit of his inner circle (Yannis 2003:177). The Albanians themselves may
have been incidental.
From its absorption into Serbia in 1912 until the present, Kosovo was marked by
underdevelopment. The industries it possessed were inefficient and insufficient; its
institutions, whether Serb or Albanian, were highly corrupted (Yannis 2003:173).
Direct investment in Kosovo was limited to a few select industries, namely those
involving resource extraction (Trepća, Belaćevac, etc). Such resources were then
exported to other Yugoslav republics at state-subsidised prices. Belgrade did, in better
economic climates, invest in education, creating the University of Pristina77, which
served as a temporary unemployment safety valve (Magnusson 1981:6-7, 11-16, 40-
52; Malcolm 1999:336). Kosovo’s unemployment rates were the highest in
Yugoslavia; many young men were thereby given an extra four years at university in-
between secondary school and the un- or under-employment directly linked to lack of
investment and concurrent overpopulation78.
In 1987 Milošević re-invented himself on the grievances of Kosovo’s Serbs and the
historical relevance of the province to Serbia itself. Albanian residents of the province
77 Instead of delicately considering whether to utilise the Serbian or Albanian spelling of this city, I have opted instead to simply use Pristina, as most internationals in the province do. 78 Kosovo has the greatest population density in southeastern Europe, and the highest birthrate in Europe (Serbia, inversely, has more abortions than live births). For more information on the apparent connection between demography and conflict, especially in regard to high populations of young males, please refer to Urdal (2004).
Anderson 36
were demonised by politicians and subservient media outlets; urban Serbs who had
never visited the province, and tended to look down upon Kosovo Serbs, were subtly
‘socialised’ to Serb suffering and a cultural ‘genocide’ which, it was alleged,
Albanians were committing there. Belgrade revoked Kosovo’s autonomous status and
instituted direct rule in 1989; ethnic Albanians were systematically rooted out of
Kosovo’s administration and fired from their jobs for refusing to, among other things,
sign “loyalty oaths” to the new regime. Serbs (and the occasional Roma) replaced
them; Kosovo’s Albanians found themselves under a Serb-dominated system which
exposed them to constant harassment up to and including arbitrary arrests, beatings,
and the occasional extrajudicial execution. An Albanian ‘parallel state’ was born, to
support a nonviolent resistance movement; alternate schools and medical facilities
were established, and a voluntary tax system (3 percent of income) was created.
Kosovo’s Albanians mistakenly believed that this system would bring international
attention to their cause.
UNSCR 757, which blanketed sanctions across rump Yugoslavia, delivered a
crippling economic blow to Kosovo; it resulted in the closure of Kosovo’s
international land borders, and cut major trade routes from Kosovo to Albania and
Macedonia which served as then economic lifelines to the province. Before 1989,
Kosovo was the poorest region in Yugoslavia; but between 1989 and 1994, the
province’s GDP fell by an additional 50 percent, to under US$400 per capita by 1995
(World Bank 2001:2). The informal economy became dominant. Many Kosovo
Albanians fled abroad: under sanctions, the remittances they earned became
Anderson 37
increasingly difficult to send home. When sanctions were lifted, these remittances
moved from income supplements to standalone incomes; by 1998 such remittances
accounted for half of the province’s GDP. Nearly all Kosovo Albanian families had at
least one male member working abroad79.
In May 1992, when UNSCR 757 took effect, Shkodër, Albania became a smuggling
haven80. Albanians transported petroleum products across Lake Skutari81 to
Montenegro, where the Albanians received payment from Serb and Montenegrin
smugglers in cash and, occasionally, weapons. Roughly a year after SCR 757, the
Kosovo Liberation Army (Ushtria Çlirimtare ë Kosovës, hereafter KLA) was formed
by several extended rural families in the Drenica; its fulcrum was the Jashari Clan of
Prekaz82. Those same guns the Serbs traded for gasoline on Lake Skutari would be
sold to KLA middlemen in Tirane (Adem Jashari, Patriarch of the Jashari clan and
one of the founders of the KLA, was a frequent visitor) and transported into Kosovo,
for eventual use against Serbs there (Sullivan 2004:111). The KLA’s message of
violence would be received with keener ears after the 1995 Dayton Accords, which
failed to even mention the status of Kosovo. Many Kosovo Albanians grew
79 This tradition continues today, albeit with more difficulty; Western governments now consider Kosovo Albanians to be economic refugees rather than political ones. This generalization is based on the 2.5 years I spent in the province. 80 Incidentally, Albania’s mid-1990s instability partly resulted from the developing OC-state nexus involved in sanctions-busting to Serbia & Montenegro and arms trafficking to Bosnia (Kaldor 1999:109). 81 200 boats crossed Skutari per day in 1993-1994, and the trade was valued at roughly US$1 million a day. Jung (2003:142-150) cited in Pugh and Cooper 2004:154. 82 According to postwar statistics, KLA members were, on average, 20-40 years old, with a 50 percent chance of having 6-12 dependents. 75 percent had high school educations; 30 percent were unemployed before the war (Özerdem 2003:85). Frustrated and disillusioned young men, often unemployed, now treated by the west as economic (not political) migrants, flocked to the cause.
Anderson 38
disillusioned; the parallel system served only to hand out unaccredited diplomas83; the
non-violence it preached appeared hollow. And less than a year after Dayton, the
KLA began to kill.
The group’s first attack on Serb civilians occurred at the Cakor Café in Decani84 on
April 22, 199685. Small-scale attacks on isolated police outposts soon became their
modus operandi. KLA attacks, and popularity, grew with the influx of cheap small
arms which accompanied the Albanian government’s 1997 collapse, when
government-sanctioned pyramid schemes collapsed (Kaldor 1999:109) and took the
savings of 1/3rd of the country with them. Albania’s armed forces weapons depots
were thoroughly looted in the chaos which swept the country afterward86; this
temporary eruption of mass violence led to the arming of Kosovo in general. As the
KLA expand, training camps were established in Albania by the group and their
rivals, the LDK-affiliated Armed Forces of the Republic of Kosova (FERK). FERK
was soon destroyed in what could be characterised as a Kosovo Albanian civil war,
waged in Albania proper—a precursor to the real fight.
KLA-heroin connections are bandied about with much fanfare. If the KLA were a
coherent group with a centralised command structure, then the charge would possibly
stick. But the KLA was more a mass movement of men (and occasionally, women)
83 Comments made by a Kosovo Albanian friend in Pristina, March 2004. 84 Again, I am opting for the internationalised spelling rather than the Serb or Albanian. 85 Three died, including a Croatian Serb refugee; three more attacks occurred in the next hour, killing a policeman and a female prisoner en route to a cell in Pristina (Glenny 2000:652-653). 86 656,000 guns, 3.5 million hand grenades, half a million land mines and 1.5 million rounds of ammunition went missing (ICG 2001:215).
Anderson 39
who, whether left- or right-wing, could agree on one thing; that Serb rule in Kosovo
must end. While the KLA did have a military commander (current interim Prime
Minister Agim Çeku) as well as a political leader (Hasim Thaçi), both of which did
coordinate some actions (the former diplomatic, the latter military), they did not have
command of an entire structure which was comprised of differing factions with
opposing regional and political allegiances. Some of the actions most likely made by
a centralised command structure within the some aspects of the umbrella are
negatives- including the assassination of LDK and FERK officials. In 1998 the KLA
was still regarded (but not classified) by the US State Department as a terrorist
organization (Özerdem 2003:80). KLA ‘leaders’ conspired against one another; an
illustrative example were the political maneuverings of Hasim Thaçi and Adem
Demaçi during the Rambouillet accords. Each epitomised the differences between the
umbrella’s right- and left-wing87. Regarding the common perception of the group
within Kosovo, Malcolm puts it most aptly:
Albanian villagers thought (the KLA) was a local resistance movement, aimed in theory at ‘national
liberation’ and in practice at protecting their villages against Serb attacks; and because enough of
them came to think so, that is what it turned into (Malcolm 1999: xi).
And so: elements of the KLA acquired funding from drugs and prostitution in Europe.
Reports by Interpol, Europol, U.S. and European governments, the Observatoire
87 The left centred around the LPK- Lëvizja Popullore e Kosovës, or Popular Movement of Kosovo, an extreme Marxist group once affiliated with Enver Hoxa- and Adem Demaci. The right were loose groups historically affiliated with the Skanderbeg SS, Kacaks and Balli Kombertar guerillas. Many in the LDK became KLA, fought for the duration of the war, and then returned to the LDK. FERK members and KLA members killed one another until the organizations merged; after the war, FERK members were targeted again.
Anderson 40
Geopolitique des Drogues, and journalist’s accounts detail links between KLA
members and Albanian organised crime, and claim that some KLA weapons were
bought with heroin profits, laundered through European banks (Yannis 2003:176).
This implicates members of the KLA, but the KLA itself remained was a loose group
of men with guns. Some shot soldiers; some shot civilians, and some ran heroin. A
caveat must be leveled; just as there are Albanian drug traffickers, they are different
from Kosovar Albanian drug traffickers, and members of the KLA who traffic drugs
(Williams 2001:108). Often the groups are viewed as indistinguishable from one
another, but differences and affiliations are marked. One distinction remains for the
umbrella as a whole; it killed more Albanians than it did Serbs88.
In March 1998, MUP eliminated the Jashari family in a three-day gun battle in the
Drenica. This violent siege predicated a MUP campaign in the Drenica which sent
30,000 Albanians fleeing from the region as Serb forces cut electricity89, blocked
roads and subjected villages to artillery and mortar barrages (Sullivan 2004:196)90.
The still-contested Raçak massacre91 occurred in January of 1999. The NATO war
began after the Rambouillet accords failed; it lasted 78 days. Close to a million
Kosovo Albanians were expelled by MUP, Yugoslav Army, local militias and
88 These killings are usually justified in that the victims were ‘collaborators.’ But such collaboration was loosely defined; for example, a gym teacher in a secondary school in Pejë/ Peć, who remained employed after the 1989 revocation of autonomy. In 1999 he was kidnapped and decapitated. Those in Pejë who described this murder to me called it a KLA act, and they described the victim as a Serb pet and a traitor. But who, seven years later, can say? (This is based on my own experiences and conversations in Pejë/ Peć, January 2001). 89 The severing of power to a village often served as a warning that a Serb action was imminent. This was described to me by KLA veterans in Suva Reka and Gjakovë/ Djakovica. 90 Taking a historical queue from the partisans, the KLA attacked Serbs and expected reprisals, knowing that such reprisals would draw both recruits and international attention. 91 The Serbs maintain that those Albanians who died in Raçak were KLA members who were killed in combat; Albanians maintain that they were civilians which MUP simply murdered in a ditch.
Anderson 41
paramilitaries92. Between six and 10,000 Kosovo Albanians died between 1998 and
the war’s end93.
Postwar Kosovo
The Kosovo war ended with the Kumanovo Military-Technical Agreement, signed on
June 9th, 1999. When Serb forces left, the law left with them, and NATO’s Kosovo
Force (KFOR) began their occupation of a province whose administrative & judicial
structure had disappeared; departing Serb forces had apparently gone so far as to
leave with Kosovo’s cadastral and criminal records94. The United Nations Interim
Administration- Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) was tasked to re-establish Kosovo’s
legal system95; KFOR found itself in an ill-defined policing role—something most of
its troops had no experience with. Further complicating matters, within one month of
the Serb military withdrawal, 650,000 Kosovo Albanian refugees returned. These
returnees, and the Kosovo Albanian population at large, turned on the remnants of
Kosovo’s Serbian and Roma population, murdering scores and causing the flight of at
least 220,000 into Serbia proper. The province’s freedom from Belgrade oppression
was marked by looting, house appropriation, asset redistribution, assaults and
murders- both ethnic and opportunistic.
92 Apparently MUP’s Frenki Simatovic was the fulcrum connecting these groups. See OSCE As Seen, As Told, 2000, Part II, Chapter 3: The Military/ Security Context; ICG 2000:55 93 The number of Kosovo Albanian casualties remains a point of contention for all. Serbs maintain 3,000 dead, all ‘terrorists.’ This matches the Serb claim of over 3000 Serbs missing since war’s end- also a faulty figure. Albanians often claim a minimum of 15,000 dead. The most appropriate figure is between 6 and 10,000 killed between early 1998 and the NATO war’s conclusion: this figure is used by the EU, KFOR and others. The true figure will not likely ever be known. 94 It was later established that many of the cadastral records had not been removed, but instead were seized by certain K-Albanian elements seeking to ‘reinvent,’ for considerable profit, property ownership in pre-UN Kosovo. See Manuel, Susan. Cutting back the Property Jungle, in Focus Kosovo Magazine, October 2002: http://www.unmikonline.org/pub/focuskos/oct02/oct02.htm. 95 In the interests of sovereignty enshrined in UNSCR 1244, UNMIK enforced the Yugoslav legal code, a code that UNMIK, KFOR, and UN Civilian Police (CIVPOL) had to teach themselves.
Anderson 42
The departure of Serb forces, and the arrival of KFOR, was the best possible outcome
for local organised crime. The law left: the new enforcers did not speak the language
or understand the customs. The informal and criminal economy was by this time
connected to Albanian political extremists (Yannis 2003:168-9); it rapidly expanded
under UNMIK.
Postwar KLA-KPC
After the Serb withdrawal, the KLA declared itself the Provisional Government of
Kosovo (PGK), led by Hasim Thaçi. The PGK took hold at both the municipal and
ministerial level; across Kosovo, KLA regional structures set about appropriating as
many formerly “socially owned” businesses as possible (ICG 1999:4, 5, 12). Self-
appointed KLA mayors and affiliates levied ‘taxes’ on local businesses and economic
activities (Yannis 2003:181). The PGK was disenfranchised rapidly by UNMIK and
KFOR, which forced it into the political arena, much to the delight of the LDK.
In the interests of provincial stability and ease of surveillance, UNMIK demobilised
the KLA and created from it the Trupat e Mbrojtjes Së Kosovës (TMK)96, or Kosovo
Protection Corps (KPC), on September 20, 1999. Numerous other demobilised KLA
veterans also joined the newly-founded Kosovo Police Service (Cooper 2001).
96 Internationals joked that the Albanian initials TMK stood for Tomorrow’s Masters of Kosovo.
Anderson 43
The KPC is a ‘civil defense’ organization loosely modeled on the US National
Guard97. It engages in public relations exercises including tree-planting and joint
work with NGOs on environmental campaigns, amongst others. But its command
structure is essentially a replication of the KLA command structure—and, much to
the chagrin of Belgrade, the KPC is an armed body. In addition to the limited and
regulated small arms they possess, it is assumed by both KFOR and CIVPOL that
individuals and factions who have representation in KPC have significant stocks of
heavy weapons at their disposal which were not handed over during the DDR
process; what was handed over tended to be broken98. CIVPOL has no authority over
the KPC—nor does the KPS99.
Numerous KPC members have been indicted in criminal enterprises100, including
property seizures, extortion, operating brothels, and acting as a shadow police force
(the last being expressly forbidden by the TMK/ KPC charter101). KPC members have
extorted funds from local businesses, as have former members of the KLA102. The
Grand Hotel Pristina is owned in-part by former KLA members—as are businesses in
97 The KPC’s official duties are, among other things, ‘assisting in ceremonial duties’, ’conducting search and rescue operations’, ’assisting NGOs and civil society development’, and so on. The KPC initially had 2,000 active-duty members and 3,000 reserves; these numbers have since been reduced by KFOR. 98 These are assumptions held by nearly all internationals and locals in the province. The information here was provided during conversations with American KFOR officers in Gnjilane/ Gjilan, January 2001; Italian KFOR reps, Film City, Pristina, March 2001; etc. 99 KFOR is officially tasked with policing the KPC. 100 Kosovo 'Disaster Response Service' Stands Accused of Murder and Torture. The Observer (UK), March 12, 2000. 101 UNMIK Regulation 1999/8: On the Establishment of the Kosovo Protection Corps. http://www.nato.int/kfor/kfor/kpc/unmik_reg_99_8.htm. 102 The KPC ‘supplements the slender funds provided by international organizations with donations raised locally, either directly or through the organization “Friends of the KPC.” Informal contacts suggest that sums of between DM 300 and DM 3,000 per business per month are collected by organizations connected with the former KLA’ (ICG 1999:7).
Anderson 44
every urban area in Kosovo. The PGK stampede to co-opt formerly public enterprises
was never undone; these businesses remain unofficially privatised. And past KLA
affiliations and present organised criminal activities are all too often found in
tandem103.
Internationals remain extremely wary of arresting such men; when ex-KLA
commander (and parliamentarian) Fatmir Limaj was arrested and extradited to the
ICTY104 in February 2003 nearly a quarter million Kosovo Albanians protesters
brought Pristina to a standstill. CIVPOL’s first arrest of active-duty KPC members
resulted in a police station being put under siege by chanting KPC members:
CIVPOL released the men. Numerous KLA veterans, and KPC Regional Training
Group (RTG) leaders, including Rrestem Mustafa and Daut Haradinaj (Ex-Kosovo
PM, and current Den Haag indictee, Ramush Haradinaj’s younger brother), were
arrested and ultimately jailed by UNMIK courts for war crimes committed against
Albanian civilians in 1998-1999105. The younger Haradinaj’s July 2002 conviction
was followed by grenade attacks against police stations in Podujevo and Pristina; UN
vehicles were also attacked or vandalised (an occurrence now so commonplace that it
103 Ex-KLA member Sabit Geci was arrested in Pristina in October 2000 moments before KFOR & CIVPOL raided thirteen homes, bars and brothels controlled by the Geci clan—whose family members have distinguished themselves by their KLA memberships, political connections and OC predilections. Guns and heroin were seized (GDN Oct. 2001:4). The Gecis run an extensive criminal network in Pristina. Sabit was later sentenced to 5 ½ years in prison for extortion. See UN and NATO Move to Curb Kosovo Crime, in the New York Times, 15 October 2000; also Kosovo Supreme Court upholds Sabit Geci's Sentence, in Koha Ditore, UNMIK Local Media Monitoring, January 25, 2002. 104 Please refer to the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia’s website- http://www.icty.org. 105 No Albanian has been arrested and tried in a Kosovo court for war crimes committed against Serbs. Such an event would, UNMIK fears, produce an adverse reaction among the Kosovo public, which does not so much deny that such crimes took place; rather, such crimes are seen as reactions to ten years of oppression and violence wrought by Serb forces on Albanians. Implicit is the assumption that they deserve it. This is my own opinion.
Anderson 45
hardly warrants attention; in 2002, however, it was notable), and an RPG was fired at
the Pristina courthouse106. KFOR, which assumes policing responsibilities over the
group, often rotates KPC RTG commanders, ‘some of whom were widely suspected
of turning their commands into local fiefdoms where they engaged in a variety of
illegal fundraising activities’ (ICG 2001:90). The US Office has blocked KFOR
moves to arrest KPC members107; after the ‘Niš Express’ bus bombing in February of
2001 (which killed a dozen Serb civilians), KFOR paved over the blast crater before
CIVPOL could canvas for evidence108. KFOR arrested several KPC members for the
attack, but released them because critical information from US intelligence sources
was not released109. KLA and KPC elements are involved in post-war ethnic
cleansing (of Serbs and Roma) in Kosovo (OSCE 1999: xii). Ex-KPC RTG Leader
Sami Lushtaku (expelled from the KPC by KFOR) was arrested by KFOR for helping
organise the March 2004 Serb pogrom.
The KPC, like the KLA, is not, on the whole, a criminal enterprise; it contains
criminal elements. Frankly the KPC does not even utilise its own command and
control structures to police itself. It expels its own only under international pressure.
A segment of Kosovo society- be it a ‘search and rescue organization’ or some other
enterprise- is effectively beyond the reach of the province’s police force. UNMIK
fears that actively policing the KPC would lead to a general uprising. The exclusion
106 Law & Order Chronicle, Focus Kosovo Magazine, August 2003 http://www.unmikonline.org/pub/focuskos/aug03/focuskchron.htm. 107 Rule of Law Is Elusive in Kosovo; UN, NATO Criticised For Inaction on Violence, in the Washington Post, July 29, 2001. 108 Ibid. 109 Ibid. One suspect escaped from America’s Bondsteel Camp when, amazingly, his mother smuggled him wire cutters baked into a pastry.
Anderson 46
of CIVPOL (and, at some future date, KPS) from policing this group damages the
rule of law in Kosovo. CIVPOL should have been the primary actor in policing KPC-
albeit with heavy KFOR backup. KPC will not go away: UNMIK and CIVPOL will,
and KPS will not have the authority to police the KPC in the future because of the
precedent that is set now. This is a quiet assumption, by UNMIK, that the KPC is the
future army of Kosovo. More illustrative to this paper’s purpose, the monopoly on
organised violence in the Republic of Serbia does not exist: the existence of CIVPOL
and KFOR (which do not coordinate with one another), the KPS and KPC (which
contend with one another; one armed group cannot police the other) and the old JNA
on the borders of one of its provinces, but banned from entering, allows that Serbia
has not fit the minimal Weberian definition of a state since June of 1999. This is an
indication from the powers that be that Kosovo is on the path to independence,
following Montenegro.
Heroin and OC
Kosovo, for all the illegal goods which flow through it, remains less a trans-shipment
point for illegal and illicit goods in the Balkans than other states; UNMIK does not
allow goods to pass in transit110. A random sampling of heroin confiscations
implicates the entire region in the traffic; heroin does not magically appear in
Kosovo, and the drugs and weapons trade along the Balkan Route is very obviously
multi-ethnic and cooperative in nature. On November 15, 2000, Macedonian police
confiscated nearly US$3.5 million worth of Turkish heroin from a village near Struga.
110 All the Paths of Cigarette Smuggling (Koha Ditore), in UNMIK Local Media Monitoring October 24 2002. accessed online at http://www.unmikonline.org/press/2002/mon/Oct/lmm241002.htm on August 13, 2004.
Anderson 47
This product followed the alternate route opened by Macedonian-Albanian
‘godfather’ Daut Kadriovski, which helped to reroute the Balkan route through
Macedonia and Albania and away from conflict areas (GDN April 2002:2); Struga is
near Lake Ohrid, which straddles the Macedonian- Albanian border. In March 2001,
Bulgarian police discovered 80 kg of heroin on a Kosovo-bound tomato truck111. In a
single ten-day period in November 2001, Italian police inspecting ships en route from
Durrës, Albania, to Brindisi, Italy, seized 4 tons of marijuana, 300 kg of hashish and
20 kg of heroin112. While the Marijuana’s local origin was a near-certainty (southern
Albania produces a bumper crop), the origin of the hashish is open to speculation.
The heroin is not. If one considered only distance, this heroin likely traveled to
Durrës via Macedonia (following the same route as the Struga confiscation) or via
Kosovo- the Vrbnica/ Morine land crossing113. Geography is note the determining
factor; ease of passage is, and it is determined by the ease of co-opting state elements
including customs and immigration. Later in 2001, the chief of police of Durrës
(incidentally the second-largest city in Albania, and that country’s main port)
implicated in a 35 kg heroin transaction. The next year, in Kosovo, UNMIK In
December of 2002 UNMIK police arrested a 14-year-old Albanian boy in possession
of 5.2 Kg of heroin114. In July of 2003, UNMIK seized 18 kg115. In this period, KFOR
enacted staggered roadblocks along the main Pristina-to-Prizren route and searched
111 80 Kilos of Heroin Bound for Kosovo. March 3 2001, B92. 112 Conversely, from January to November of that year, the same police seized only 4.5 kg of heroin, 260 grams of cocaine, and seven tons of marijuana. 113 I have witnessed bribes paid to Albanian customs officials on this border in the form of track suits and football jerseys. During the 1999 Kosovo war, these same border officials leveled ‘entry fees’ on fleeing Kosovo Albanians (interviews in the ‘Slovene village’ transit centre, Gjakovë/ Djakovica, Kosovo, Dec. 2001). 114 Major Heroin Haul in Kosovo. December 13, 2002, Beta Novinska Agencija. 115 Police Seize Heroin in Kosovo Worth 800,000 Euros. July 29, 2003, AFP.
Anderson 48
every auto and person which passed116. To the immediate north of the province, in
October of 2003, 10.2 kg of heroin were seized on the Serb-Montenegrin
administrative border; UNMIK police later arrested three persons attempting to enter
Kosovo from Albania with 36 kg of heroin117. Again, this is determined by ease of
passage; one can speculate that these men had a better route in mind. In January 2004,
a joint UNMIK-Albanian operation confiscated 55 kg of heroin118. This list is by no
means thorough.
These amounts seem substantial until one considers that an estimated 100 kg of
heroin enters Montenegro every day119. One should also consider that a distinct
minority of illegal goods in transit are actually discovered. Anyone who has walked
in the Prokletije Mountains, which form the Kosovo-Albanian border as well as the
historical Rrafsh, or highlands, can see how porous that border is; one can be in
Albania without realizing it120.
Seizures of acetic anhydride at Kosovo’s borders indicate that the province is no
longer only a transit, but also a refining station (GDN Oct.2001:2). This change
occurs in tandem with the transfer in status of Kosovo Albanian organised criminal
116 I spent an inordinate amount of time in these roadblocks, which lasted up to four hours. 117 Daily Media Reviews, October 16-17, 2003; Weekly Media review, October 13-20, 2003. Accessed online at http://www.seesac.org on December 2, 2004. 118 Massive Heroin Haul on Albanian Border. January 31, 2004, Beta Novinska Agencija. 119 Large Quantities of drugs from Kosovo Smuggled into Montenegro, Daily Media Review, December 17, 2003, accessed online at http://www.seesac.org on December 2, 2004. 120 The south Serbian-Kosovo border is porous as well. Whilst in Kosovo, a number of my local colleagues would cross into the Preševo valley to visit relatives, without ever passing an administrative checkpoint.
Anderson 49
groups; they are making the leap from Service Providers (‘mules’) to Controllers of
Product.
In 1999, roughly 80% of heroin seized in Europe arrived there via the Balkan
Route121. The wars in the former Yugoslavia may have occasionally slowed and/ or
diverted this traffic122, but the trades will always gravitate to wards areas where the
rule of law is questionable. And where profits are significant enough, ethnically
diverse organised criminal interests will extend hands of friendship across ethnic
lines. Daut Kadriovski’s opening of alternative transit routes through Macedonia and
Albania served to open new routes rather than halt old ones. Fifteen percent of drug
traffickers arrested in Europe in 1998 were Albanian123; but as Albanian organised
crime has grown and moved beyond simple service provision124, they have begun to
employ other nationalities for the couriering of product, and the arrest rate of ethnic
Albanians has dropped.
Numerous regional insurrections were partly based on the control of smuggling
routes; the involvement of numerous KPC representatives in these groups
demonstrate region-wide patterns of cooperation and indicate the support of
insurgency through illegal activities (although which came first is often open to
question- the question of whether organised crime is only a tool to support the
121 http://www.interpol.int/Public/Drugs/heroin/default.asp. 122 Albanian Drug Barons Find their way around the War, in the Guardian (UK), November 1, 1994. 123 http://www.interpol.int/Public/Drugs/heroin/default.asp . 124 Emergent organised crime groups first find themselves on an international playing field in the role of service providers. Albanian organised crime controls prostitution in London and heroin in many areas of western Europe: but upon their first emergence they were mules and contract killers. They learned trades and took them over. In Eastern Europe, the Vietnamese are currently in this position.
Anderson 50
insurgency, or whether expanded control of organised criminal activities is the goal of
the insurgency, is something which must be answered by the individual). After the
close of the DDR process and the formation of the KPC, dissatisfied KLA veterans
with pan-Albanian aspirations (which often coincided with informal economic
interests) went on to form the separatist Liberation Army of Preševo, Medved &
Bujanovac (UÇKPMB), which sought to join majority-Albanian south Serbian areas
with Kosovo; the Macedonian National Liberation Army (NLA), which campaigned
for human rights but sought to carve its own statelet out of Macedonia; and the
region-wide Albanian National Army (ANA)125, which seeks a pan-Albania based on
maps created during the time of the 1878 Treaty of Prizren126.
Behind the UÇKPMB conflict lies control of a byroad of the Balkan route. The
insurgency centered on Veliki Trnovac—a heroin trafficking centre that Interpol has
monitored since the 1980s (GDN Oct. 2001:3). GDN also asserts that heroin is a
motivating factor behind the Macedonian insurrection of 2001: control of the Skopje-
Preševo road (which runs through then-contested Arachinovo and Kumanovo, and
ultimately connects them with Veliki Trnovac) was at stake. Misha Glenny simply
and unequivicobally states that the 2001 Macedonian conflict was about control of the
counterfeit cigarette trade127.
125 Evidence of an Albanian guerilla group in Montenegro is limited to a now-defunct website and the occasional communiqué from an anonymous internet café in Ulcinj. 126 This pan-Albanian streak is prevalent in the KPC: the 1878 maps are (or at least, were, back in 2001-2002) common sights in KPC regional offices (this is based on personal experience). 127 Glenny, Misha. Criminal gangs running the Balkans. BBC April 28, 2001. http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/programmes/from_our_own_correspondent/1300684.stm.
Anderson 51
Most of the KPC’s senior leaders were removed from their positions by KFOR in
2001 after appearing on US State Department watch lists due to their support of
Macedonia’s National Liberation Army (NLA). General Ostreni, 2nd in command
under then-KPC leader Agim Çeku, was expelled in February 2001 for his leadership
role in the NLA. In 2003, all KPC members were briefly barred by UNMIK from
leaving Kosovo due to significant Albanian National Army ANA128 elements within
the group.
Germany’s representative in Kosovo, Peter Rondorf, warned in 2004 that Kosovo was
in danger of becoming a breeding ground for organised crime129. The province is
already a center of criminal activity; extensive links already exist there between
organised criminal activity and Kosovo politicians (Yannis 2003:188)130. In 2001
UNMIK reported that tax collection operated at 50 percent of its potential; 80% of
this loss—hundreds of millions of Euros (UNMIK/EU 2001)—was attributable to
organised criminal activity. Organised crime lies behind a number of prominent
unsolved murders in Kosovo, including the assassination of Rexhep Luci131.
128 The Albanian National Army is a group of cigarette smugglers who have cloaked themselves in the veil of greater Albanian irredentism: they have hardly any support from the Albanian community at large. UNMIK has made membership in the group illegal: former NLA leader Ali Ahmeti has denounced the ANA as well. The ANA was reportedly responsible for the assassination of Selim Broshi on Sept. 15, 2000: Broshi headed the Yugoslav secret police in Kosovo until 1988 (ICG 2001:89). Several ANA members in the KPC bombed the Zvecan Bridge (a railway connecting North Mitrovica with Serbia proper) in February of 2003. They blew up only themselves. 129 Kosovo Prone to Organised Crime, Beta Novinska Agencija, June 7, 2004. 130 On September 12, 2000, Italian KFOR raided a Pec warehouse belonging to Ekrem Lluka, a businessman who funds (ex-Kosovo Prime Minister and Den Haag indictee) Ramush Haradinaj’s AKK. Forty tons of contraband cigarettes were seized (GDN Oct.2001:3). 131 Luci was nominated by UNMIK to oversee building codes and determine land ownership. He was officially appointed on September 10, 2000. The day after he was shot in the head in front of his home. There were no arrests.
Anderson 52
Gas stations have proliferated across Kosovo132; UNMIK, which exercises no
licensing control, suspects that many are money-laundering fronts. Customs
documentation on petrol imports are easy to create and impossible to verify133.
Additionally, a significant proportion of consumer goods on sale—CDs, DVDs,
clothes, shoes, cigarettes and computer software—are counterfeit. Enforcement is not
visible (Noble 2003), although a banderole system has since been enforced to mark
taxes paid on tobacco products; each banderole has an identifying number by batch,
making it easier for authorities to conduct confiscations.
Kosovo Today
UNSCR 1244 defined the 1999 international intervention in Kosovo; it stated that
Kosovo was an autonomous province of Serbia. 1244 was an unwieldy compromise
to justify an act—the NATO war—which, although understandable, remained illegal;
an opening nod to Yugoslavia’s sovereignty placated France and Russia. The
resolution, however, casts a long shadow. Kosovo’s independence is hardly allowed
by the resolution, but Kosovo Albanians will accept nothing but independence; they
will get it in some truncated form. The formation of the KPC violated Serb
sovereignty, despite all assurances to the contrary.
The EU and the World Bank took five months to develop an UNMIK strategy for
Kosovar reconstruction (Yannis 2003:180). And between 1999 and 2003 alone,
132 Note that Kosovo has roughly 10 times as many Petrol stations as Bulgaria—a wealthier country with a significantly larger population. Petrol stations are especially conducive to laundering because the transactions tend to be small, cash-based exchanges. 133 Beasley- Murray, Benjamin. Kosovo: Mafia Crackdown. Institute for War and Peace Reporting, December 21, 2001.
Anderson 53
Kosovo received US $1.7 billion in international aid. The service economy has
expanded to cater to the international presence. UNMIK began a business registration
campaign in 2000, which succeeded in formalizing (and making taxable) many
informal businesses. UNMIK Customs has become more efficient, thus increasing
local government revenue134. At the end of 2000 the World Bank noted a 60 percent
increase from the estimated pre-conflict per capita GDP (Corker et al 2001:14).
However, the tradition of Diaspora remittances still accounted for 40 percent of GDP
(Yannis 2003:184), and is illustrative of a marked lack of opportunity in a province
whose young feel, not just the urge, but also the necessity, to seek a living abroad.
Neither KFOR nor UNMIK possess internal security services that enable them to
address or counter organised crime. Neither does the OHR or EUFOR in Bosnia.
Such organizations claim the responsibility of policing the criminal elements of alien
cultures with long traditions of smuggling and rejecting outside authority. In 1999
UNMIK’s response to organised crime was nil. It possessed neither the will nor the
capacity to target economic crimes. This situation has slowly been rectified: in
January 2001, CIVPOL established an OC Intelligence Unit. Later that year the EU
UNMIK pillar (reconstruction) established an Anti-Economic Crime Unit. New
criminal codes were introduced in 2002. UNMIK’s capacity was increased
exponentially with the inclusion of the Guardia di Finanza in the Financial
134 In May of 2002, UNMIK Police arrested Ylber Rraci, Director of the Kosovo Customs Service. Rraci was charged with fraud, Abuse of an official position, and ‘Plundering’. The investigation against him dissolved as witnesses withdrew their statements; UNMIK still considers him corrupt. Rraci was head of customs before the 1989 revocation of autonomy, maintained his position during Serb rule (1989-1999), and then kept his position after the NATO war (Interview with an OSCE-OMIK official within the Office of the Prime Minister (PISG), Pristina, Kosovo, April 2003; also Customs Official Arrested, UNMIK Police Press Release, May 5, 2002).
Anderson 54
Investigations Unit, which conducts random financial investigations of public
enterprises funded by the Kosovo budget. A Special Prosecutor for Financial Crimes
was created to oversee FIU corruption cases. In November 2003 an Investigation
Task Force was created to investigate corruption and fraud within UNMIK, the
provisional institutions of Self-Government (PISG) and others operating with public
funds135. One mobile Ukrainian canine unit was lent to UNMIK customs and
CIVPOL.
In Kosovo, UNMIK and KFOR initially believed that targeting Albanian organised
criminal interests was dangerous. This belief has set the province back economically.
In 1999 options existed—including martial law—which might have eliminated
parallel structures, reduced the exploding criminal economy, and eliminated the
culture of impunity which blossomed after war’s end (Yannis 2003:187). While such
ideas have merit, it should be noted that the KLA was then heavily armed (Today’s
Kosovo still has nearly 300,000 illegal firearms); a war between the KLA and KFOR
would have been particularly hazardous given that the Kosovo action had little
popular support in the West, where dead peacekeepers rapidly alter public opinion—
especially in the United States.
UNMIK should have prioritised the rule of law: however, Yannis claims, establishing
a functioning judiciary was initially not a priority (Yannis 2003:189). What Yannis
forgets is the exodus of 650,000 refugees returning to Kosovo within six weeks of the
135 UNMIK Appoints Special Prosecutor for Financial Crimes. UNMIK Press Release 1277, December 2, 2004.
Anderson 55
war’s end. UNMIK struggled to coordinate with KFOR, which oftentimes seemed to
scorn it, and both attempted to take power back from Thaçi’s Kosovo ‘government.’
Hindsight allows for such condemnations. CIVPOL and KPS have since deployed
specialists in economic crimes; the administration is slowly asserting the rule of law,
but it still faces the arduous task of rooting out organised criminal structures which
have diffused through all levels of Kosovo society. Former state-owned businesses
seized after war’s end could be confiscated; the potential consequences, however, are
illustrated in Rexhep Luci’s execution in 2000. UNMIK CIVPOL’s reliance on
foreign specialists ensured, for a long time, that local KPS did not learn the policing
and investigatory skills they require in order to police their own; this situation is
changing with training. An institutional distrust of locals, often developed by
international civil servants across multiple international missions, pervades the
UNMIK system136.
The Kosovo Police Service is UNMIK’s success story. They created what is arguably,
and relatively, the most democratic, fair, and un-corrupted police force in
southeastern Europe. CIVPOL set a goal to have KPS reflect the ethnic composition
of the areas it would work in137, but this is less an admirable ideology than a safety
issue- I recall the grievous beating a Serb KPS officer in Gjilan/ Gnjilane received
when he was assigned, by a short-sighted, or perhaps disagreeable senior officer, to
direct Albanian traffic. KPS, as imagined by CIVPOL, would be police first, and
136 This is my own opinion, based on time spent in Kosovo and other UN/ NGO interventions. 137 As of 2003 the force was 9% Serbian and 84% Albanian. Other nationalities represented in KPS included Roma, Turks, Gorani, Cherkezi, Croats, and Bosniaks (the last being the Kosovo terminology for a Slavic Muslim).
Anderson 56
Serbs or Albanians second138; their loyalty would be to the rule of law, and not to any
one politician or regime. The first KPS recruits entered the Vucitrn/ Vushtrri police
school in September of 1999; in addition to western investigation methods139, the
recruits are taught conflict resolution, and democratic/ community policing.
Kosovo’s economy remains weak. The province’s industrial sector—including
chemical processing and resource extraction, namely the Trepca complex, which is
viewed as a ‘golden goose’ by locals—is not an asset (Yannis 2003:177). The
province’s economic advantage can be found in its people: Kosovo is a pool of cheap
labor, and this is part of its economic future. A great fear of Kosovo Albanians is that
the Serbs will ‘return’; it is imagined that they will return with their blue-grey
uniforms and German Shepherds. But the reality is that they will return—and when
they do, they will build factories and open plants to process food and build furniture,
among other things. Croat and Slovene companies already view the province as both
an assembly site and a market; Croat Cigarettes and Slovene beer are ever-popular,
and Gorenje assembles furniture in a factory south of Pristina.
Kosovo remains heavily armed140 and poverty-stricken: its economy is effectively
criminal, and dependent on subsistence farming, weapons-, people- and drug-
138 KPS earns its spurs in Gracanica, by Edward Poultney, Focus Kosovo Magazine, December 2002 http://www.unmikonline.org/pub/focuskos/dec02/focuskmunaffair2.htm . 139 Including the novel—at least, in Kosovo—idea that police loyalty is to order and not to any politician or regime. For more on training, please refer to the Kosovo Police School website: http://www.osce.org/kosovo/police. 140 The United Nations Development Program estimates that there are roughly 300,000 illegal small arms in Kosovo; this is on top of roughly 25,000 registered hunting rifles. Illegal small arms are found in two out of three Kosovo households. See UNDP Kosovo Small Arms Report http://www.kosovo.undp.org/Projects/ISAC/isac.htm, & Poultney, Edward. Campaign to Haul in
Anderson 57
trafficking, and Diaspora remittances (Sullivan 2004:315). And Kosovo’s status, if
not determined soon, may radicalise the population ever further than it already is.
Violence against UNMIK and other agencies is increasing; a part of this violence can
be ascribed to collective aspirations and frustrations, but another, lesser part can be
ascribed to groups who have a vested extralegal interest in internationals leaving, and
Kosovo being left to its own devices. This was one of the multiple driving
considerations behind the founding of the KLA in 1993; those families in the Drenica
who founded the group would have likely fought any attempt at state control, be it
Serb, Kosovo Albanian, or UN. The Jasharis fought Serbs to assert their
independence—including their trade independence. The family were smugglers*.
Albania Today
Albania’s future is tied to the surrounding region, especially Kosovo; organised crime
prevents it from functioning as a normal state (ICG 2001:5). Albania remains firmly
situated on a smuggling route for drugs and people that connects its criminal and
political elites with counterparts in Montenegro, Serbia, Macedonia, and Kosovo—
and through them, illicit and illegal product sources (Turkey and Central Asia), and
markets (Italy, and through it, the rest of Western Europe). Albania is a major way-
station for illegal migrants141, and drug cultivation is a major factor in southern
Albania’s rural economy (ICG 2001:215). Albania also sits on a prime cigarette-
smuggling route into Italy, where in that EU country alone 500,000 people once
Illegal Guns. Focus Kosovo Magazine: August 2003 http://www.unmikonline.org/pub/focuskos/aug03/focusklaw3.htm . 141 Italian police intercepted 40,000 people trying to enter Italy from Albania in 1999; 7,000 were Albanians (ICG 2001:216). Italian naval patrols off the Albanian coast have seriously reduced this human traffic.
Anderson 58
earned a living selling counterfeit cigarettes, including 25,000 smugglers (Sterling
1994:102).
Albania, like Kosovo, is a thoroughly armed society; caches of arms and ammunition
are hidden all along its borders. In the Diber district, locals have gone so far as to
stockpile weapons for future sale; they are betting on a new Macedonian civil war
(ICG 2004:10). Albanian organised criminal groups continue their expansion; the
weakening of Italian organised crime (through the ‘supertrials’ of the late 1980s-early
1990s, and the resultant weakening of the Ndrangheta and other groups) created a
vacuum ultimately filled by Albanian syndicates (Williams 2001:102), especially
regarding prostitution. The government remains a partner to such groups, although
the exact degree is unknown; illustratively, however, Albanian gangster Nehat Kulla
was actually responsible for current PM Fatos Nano’s security when he was jailed by
then-Prime Minister Sali Berisha from 1993 to 1997 (GDN April 2002:2).
Much of Northern Albania remains outside of Tirana’s control, and suffers from
endemic crime and banditry. The Pristina-Tirana bus was once so frequently robbed
that its passengers still do not carry valuables en route. Tropoja’s peripheral elites are
a law unto themselves, and the area once served as the KLA’s primary weapons
bazaar. Local police are linked to (and sometimes simply are) organised crime; others
will not carry out arrests for fear of being targeted in blood feuds (ICG 2001:215). In
the north, and across rural Albania, locals abide by self-imposed curfews, and the
Anderson 59
supposed enforcers of law wear ski masks to avoid identification while they seek not
to offend lest they find themselves owing blood, as determined by the Kanun142.
Cooperation between UNMIK and Albanian police is problematic. Several wanted
Albanians have fled to Kosovo; UNMIK has failed to arrest them. UNMIK
Cooperation with Albanian police halted when KFOR implicated Albanian police in
OC in the Kukës region. Albania’s police are slowly reforming with the guidance of
Western European Union advisors; a police training mission has restructured the
Department of Public Order (ICG 2001:217), but the effect of reforms are
questionable in a country where police lack vehicles, facilities, and even registration
books (ICG 2004:10).
The border remains porous; the terrain is rough to police in both a geographic and a
social sense. Increasing police salaries would alleviate the seeking of rents as
supplementary income; and importing outside law enforcement—Tosks from the
south are a distant possibility—remains politically unfeasible because of the
longstanding and politically polarising Gheg-Tosk division143. There is also the
simple matter that the Albanian Rrafsh has never been effectively policed. Ghegs
there has historically been left to their own devices, and they do not respond well to
outside authority—especially not Tosk authority.
Bosnia Today
‘Your criminals here in southeast Europe are our criminals in the European Union.’
142 For more information on the Kanun, please refer to pages 10-11 of this paper. 143 Ex-PM Sali Berisha has a Gheg support base while his political enemy, Current PM Fatos Nano, is bolstered by Tosks.
Anderson 60
-Paddy Ashdown July 2004
Bosnia’s direct war damage cost US$50 to 60 billion dollars and a plunge in GNP to
25% of the pre-war level. Roughly a quarter-million people perished. Although
nominally an independent state, Bosnia- Herzegovina is, in reality, a protectorate
(Chandler 2006), lacking ‘the power to formulate and implement independent
monetary, fiscal, price, and foreign-exchange-rate policies, and policies regarding
privatization, incomes, and social welfare’ (Pugh & Cooper 2004:181). The Office of
the High Representative, defunct as of December of 2006, was ultimately in charge of
governance and judicial matters. The Bosnian Federal Entity and the Republika
Srpska maintain separate interior ministries and intelligence apparatuses. The main
political parties of Bosnia’s three dominant ethnicities control significant aspects of
BiH’s economic sector144. Such ethnic groups rule through parallel structures pre-
dating the Bosnian war, which allows them to effectively bypass the interventions of
the OHR and others (Pugh 2001:10). The state is ultimately defined by a horizontal
corporatism with roots in the 1992-1995 war—an overlapping relationship between
politicians, war entrepreneurs and organised criminal groups, all engaging in mutually
protective practices (ibid:172).
144 Regarding the Croat and Muslim entities, Pugh notes that ‘the Bosniac Party of Democratic Action (SDA) controls utilities such as the PTT, Elektroprivreda, and Energoinvest. The privatisation of banks in BiH permitted war entrepreneurs to steal savings and engage in money laundering to finance nationalist projects. The Croatian Bank of Mostar is dominated by the leader of the Democratic Croat Union’s (HDZ) right wing; the Hercegovacka Banka of Mostar was closely linked to the Croat Defence Council (HDO) and a faction of ‘Generals’ led by Ante Jelavić (who was sacked from the three-man state Presidency in March 2001 by Wolfgang Petrisch). It included directors of the Mostar Aluminium Company, Pension Fund and Monitor Construction Company.’ (Pugh 2001:8). The Bank was ultimately raided by SFOR and disbanded by the OHR.
Anderson 61
Bosnian Deputy Police Minister Jozo Leutar launched large-scale investigations into
this horizontal corporatism; for his efforts he was assassinated, in March of 1998145.
Such links have not been investigated since. Bosnian organised crime cooperates
across ethnic lines; it maintains political links which developed in the 1992-5 war. In
the RS these links allow for the continuing elusiveness of the Hague-indicted wartime
Bosnian Serb political leader Radovan Karadzić, Bosnian Serb Army leader Ratko
Mladić, and others.
The European Commission’s November 2003 feasibility study on the readiness of
Bosnia to negotiate a Stabilization and Association Agreement146 with the EU—a
precursor to membership—noted that the ‘smuggling of high-tariff goods such as
cigarettes, alcohol and petroleum products is widespread.’ The report estimated
revenues from these trades at between 150 million and 300 million Euros. This is
equivalent to the Bosnian state budget. The EC further noted horizontal corporatism,
which it duly described as the ‘symbiotic relationship between crime, business and
politics.’ Known sales tax fraud (since eliminated in favor of VAT) in BiH from Jan
2001 to Dec 2002 cost 250 million euros; money laundering is worth 1.5 billion euros
a year (Pugh & Cooper 2004:175). IFOR initially occupied Bosnia with little
motivation to arrest war criminals, much less pursue economic ones; some IFOR
policies built bridges between ethnicities, but not in a way that IFOR initially
145 The six Bosnian Croats arrested for the assassination were later acquitted. See Buturović, Adnan. Who Killed Jozo Leutar? Slobodna Bosna (Sarajevo, Bosnia), November 11, 2002. 146 Pugh and Cooper (2004) note that an EU SAP, once agreed to, becomes binding and supersedes local laws; as of 2002 only Croatia and Macedonia agreed to EU SAPs. Further, they note that the EU was initially created as a mutually protective system, hardly in the spirit of current EU practices in the Balkans (Pugh & Cooper 2004:180).
Anderson 62
conceived147. On December 2, 2004, EUFOR took over from SFOR. Their once-
vigorous mandate, to directly target organised crime, has been quietly dropped148.
Bosnia a primary way-station for illegal immigrants; Chinese, Iraqis, and others are
trafficked there en route to the west. It serves as both the origin and destination of
trafficked sex-workers, a way-station on the Balkan Route.
Serbia & Montenegro Today
Arkan was assassinated in January 2000. The holes left in the walls from the bullets
which passed through his face and heart in the lobby of the Intercontinental hotel
have since been plastered over; that hotel, its 1970’s bar once filled with sponsor girls
and bodyguards, where Vračar’s children once went gangster-watching, now caters to
development workers, diplomats, and the occasional tourist. Milošević ’s last attempt
to gerrymander an election went awry; he was ousted in November of 2000149,
extradited by Djindjić to the Hague in 2001, and he died in a cage there.
Montenegro’s long-standing Prime Minister, Milo Djukanović, has been implicated
by Italian law enforcement in the cigarette-smuggling trade; members of his
government have been implicated in women-trafficking150. Serbian PM Zoran
Djindjić, like Leutar, led an organised crime crackdown; he was assassinated in April
of 2003. Serb authorities arrested around 10,000 people in the following weeks, and
shot others, including Zemun Clan leader Dušan Spasojević, were killed. The
147 The creation of Bihać’s Arizona market by IFOR brought former ethnic adversaries together to realise that they possessed mutual vested business interests, as well as someone—IFOR and the OHR—to connive against (Williams 2001:108). 148 Institute for War and Peace Reporting. Investigation: Will Europe Take on Bosnia's Mafia? December 4, 2004, http://iwpr.net/?p=bcr&s=f&o=154989&apc_state=henibcr2004. 149 Many in the province dreaded the outcome of the November 2000 Belgrade protests, preferring a hated figure such as Milošević whose very presence would bolster their claims of independence. 150 Montenegro Slammed in Human Trafficking Report, AFP, November 20, 2003.
Anderson 63
crackdown was so thorough that the internal drug market was frozen by the state’s
coercive response, although it quickly rebounded151. Milorad ‘Legija’ Ulemek, a
member of the Milošević -era Red Berets, and the alleged mastermind of the Djindjić
killing, surrendered in 2004. He has since claimed that members of the Djindjić
government assisted the Zemun Clan in the sale of hundreds of kilos of heroin152.
States in the early modern era developed police forces which were subordinate to
governments—not individuals—and separate from forces that wage war, so that they
may not become the ‘tools of dissident magnates’ (Tilly 1985:175), such as Slobodan
Milošević , who disenfranchised the army and turned MUP and the Red Berets into
organised criminal groups which served as his own Praetorian Guard. The strategy of
spaying the army and favoring the police is popular, and was utilised in Sierra Leone
under Presidents Stevens and Momoh, and Liberia under Doe153. Such quasi-states
are learning lessons first taught in 17th-century Europe. In Serbia today, MUP and
state security remain compromised by their Milošević -era criminality. They engaged
in organised criminal activities, assassinations, and wartime activities that leave them
complicit in genocide (ICG 2001:42). As in Sierra Leone, effective civilian oversight
is an absolute prerogative of change; in the meantime, MUP superficially modifies
itself with both a webpage and public relations prerogatives.
151 Institute for War and Peace Reporting. Serbia’s Drug Scene Thrives Despite Clampdown. December 18, 2003: http://iwpr.net/?p=bcr&s=f&o=155033&apc_state=henibcr2003. 152 Prosecution acts on Legija Claims, RTS Beograd, June 14, 2004. 153 In present-day Sierra Leone the police are currently developed at what the army regards as its expense (Interview with Abdullah Mustapha, Office of National Security, Freetown, July 2004).
Anderson 64
Serbian police seized 360 kg of heroin in Serbia in 2004154; no significant drug
seizures were made in the previous 13 years, due to police complicity in the heroin
trade under Milošević . The Balkan Route is alive and well: the biggest drug routes
now run into Serbia via Gradina (Dimitrovgrad) and into Macedonia, where heroin
moves north via Kosovo and west via Albania, to Italy155.
Conclusion
The end of cheap loans and loss of foreign patronage effectively ended the Yugoslav
economic ‘miracle’ by the time of Tito’s death. Its economic collapse began before
the rest of the eastern bloc, due to its earlier exposure to the shock of market
transitions; the informal economy came to dominate through market linkages which
republics sought to directly forge with markets, bypassing Belgrade; the old
brotherhood ideologies were replaced by the autarky and irredentism of blood bonds
which resembled gang loyalties. In the post-Cold War era, History, for Yugoslavia,
did not end (Fukuyama 1989). Nor did it end for certain states which only survived so
long due to geopolitical strategies which became dated in 1991. The elites, peripheral
and otherwise, of such states developed novel, informal coping mechanisms;
governance gaps were filled by informal power structures comprised of said elites,
other remnants of earlier state incarnations, insurgent bodies, criminal groups,
external forces, or none at all.
154 Police Agent says over 360 Kilograms of Heroin Seized this Year. Beta, October 25, 2004. 155 The Albanian government has reacted to such smuggling though the novel premise of banning speedboats. This has actually had a positive effect.
Anderson 65
Organised crime thoroughly infiltrated the federal and republican governmental
structures of a fragmenting Yugoslavia before and during the wars of the 1990s.
Organised crime has always existed on the peripheries of southeastern European
states, and earlier, empires- from the days of Agrapha villages through to Tito- but in
the last two decades it moved to the core of that state’s successors. If organised crime
constitutes the state, does the idea of infiltration therefore become irrelevant? Given
the history of the state itself, from the early modern era to the present, organised
crime as a tactic is the rule rather than the exception in regard to the fund raising and
rent seeking inherent in patrimonial power politics; horizontal corporatism also has its
historical precedents, and the ability to offer rackets to sycophants remains a valued
political tool. It was criminals who became the liberators of some states from the
Ottoman yoke, and it was varied criminals who helped separate the Krajina from
Croatia, preserve the Belgrade elite, defend Sarajevo (saving that city in 1992), and
propel the armed resistance to Serb oppression in Kosovo. And in Yugoslavia’s
successor states, a broad process of mythologization is underway for the brigands of
the 1990’s, whose acts of theft and violence are being re-interpreted in the context of
national liberation. Caco’s grave in Sarajevo is a place of pilgrimage, as is Arkan’s in
Belgrade. Radovan Karadjić pens best-selling books from hiding, and Ratko Mladić
never would have conducted the Srebrenica massacre, because that is simply not what
a soldier does: a refrain commonly heard. Franjo Tudjman will no doubt be one of the
fathers the Croatian nation, and Serbia will have room for Slobodan Milošević as
well. A virulent minority can re-cast the die of such men and their acts and find a
Anderson 66
ready audience. And in 200 years, who knows how such stories will be told? Will
Srebrenica be called a massacre or an incident by Serbian history texts?
The reshaping of the policing and judicial systems is a post-conflict priority (Collier
2000:109). Weak Balkan states are unable to allocate additional resources to their
criminal justice systems; proper pay and operating conditions for (newly restructured)
security services must occur alongside the democratic transitions that should ideally
ensure that said services are accountable (Keen 2000:38). In southeastern Europe,
coordinated multistate enforcement is needed to eliminate the lifesbood of organised
crime—the traffic in drugs, guns, stolen and counterfeit goods, and persons156. In the
context of globalization, the absence of the rule of law in one land contributes to
criminality in others- and the possibility of multistate enforcement remains
compromised by regional politicians who are deeply implicated in all manner of
corruption and illegal activity. UNMIK’s moves against drug smuggling effects
conditions in Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia and Albania, and vice-versa; the KFOR
checkpoints on the road between Pristina and Prizren have a ripple effect across the
entirety of southeastern Europe. A UN task force binds Croat, Serb, and Montenegrin
law enforcement together in the halting of such traffic, but such initiatives must
encompass the entire region to be effective. Ultimately, Albania, Macedonia, Bulgaria
and Turkey must be bound in the same compact, to avoid the displacement of the
traffic to less ‘attentive’ countries (Pugh & Cooper 2004:176).
156 The Greek and Italian governments outlined measures against Balkan organised crime in June 2003: The EU-Western Balkans Summit reiterated the western Balkan countries as potential EU candidates. Preliminary talks on joint programmes to combat Balkan are underway between Europol and Albania, Croatia, BiH, Macedonia, Serbia, and Montenegro (Europol 2003:31).
Anderson 67
The threat of renewed violence in southern Serbia, Macedonia and Kosovo has
dissuaded foreign investors, and will continue to do so for years to come. But
abundant opportunities remain in illicit and illegal markets and transactions in those
numerous areas of the Balkans ‘without a functioning system of government (or
simply a criminal government)… attractive to foreign entrepreneurs interested in
import-export deals, those who can manage their own economic environment in an
enclave, or those who need the façade of sovereignty to conceal certain transactions,
such as money-launderers or drug-traffickers’ (Ellis 1999:185).
Targeting Economic Rationales and Organised Crime
Where is there room for peacebuilding in the criminalised war economy? In war, and
in the realm of the illegal, profit is not accounted for—and when a cold peace comes,
that peace ‘may institutionalise all manner of exploitation and violence’ (Keen
2000:39).
Grievance and fear are found among foot-soldiers and civilians. The Kosovo war was
a legitimate issue of grievance taken advantage of by some, but not all. Bosnia and
Croatia were wars underpinned by lies sold to uncertain populations whose
information sources were controlled. Whether the grievance is real or imagined is a
moot point: the perception is more important than the facts, which most do not have
ready access to, and which are always open to reinterpretation. People kill and die
because of what is felt. Efforts at peacebuilding must take into account the perception
Anderson 68
of grievance at the ground level; such efforts by well-meaning external actors will
shudder and halt when the profits of key players are not included in the calculus of
mediation and resolution. Sources of profit must be identified, considered, and
choked off: incentives and disincentives must be streamlined (Berdal & Malone
2000:12-14). This process must occur in tandem with conflict management (Williams
2001:111). In insurgencies and revolutions, the question, who or what funds them?
must be asked, and acted upon. Each answer will be unique, not just from insurgency
to insurgency, but even from soldier to soldier.
The criminal elements present in the successor states of the former Yugoslavia make
their living in a market-driven business where the demand for drugs, guns, and
women are high. As long as the market persists—and that market is located in the
West, where demand is derived—organised crime will exist to feed it. The
implications this simple formula could have on a coherent EU policy are immense,
and the West knows this; in the US and the EU, the roots of drug abuse are not dug
out, and the origin of the power of organised crime- the illegality of said drugs- is not
discussed. Instead, the consistent desire to personalise the struggle of state versus
organised crime (or insurgency, terrorist group, etc.) leads to a false image of a bad
trade existing only due to one ‘kingpin’. This personalization makes it easier for one
government to claim a ‘victory’ for a single death (be it Pablo Escobar, Adem Jashari,
when, in fact, no victory was secured. And in the drug trade, it could be argued that
there are no personalities. In the current context of drug illegality, and the coercive
mechanisms which must be in place to stop drugs and other illegal goods, not at their
Anderson 69
sources or in their destinations, but rather, en route, multigovernmental initiatives are
imperative. In the fight against organised crime, the rackets and trades to be targeted
must be triaged by involved law enforcement and governmental actors; the illegal
prioritised, and the illicit left for last. Targeting bootleg DVDs sold on street corners
makes for headlines but means nothing in light of drugs and arms, and punishes the
persons who engage in such trades at the subsistence level; such illicit extra-state
transactions are necessary to development in war-damaged communities, and can be
such transactions the lifeblood of citizenry. Illicit and illegal economies generate
supplementary trades including service provision, transport logistics, storage
facilities, construction, etc. And ultimately, the informal economy is a lifeline for
citizenry, providing wages in the absence of a social safety net, serving to both
increase employment and lessen social inequalities. For those with little other choice,,
the illicit and illegal serve as coping mechanisms.
In states such as those discussed in this paper, a policy which looks coldly at market
conditions (and within those conditions, the ability of citizenry to care for
themselves) would excuse such informal practices, and let them proliferate, until the
state is in a position to regulate the economy through business registration, VAT, and
so on. The state may then act as a guarantor of fair commerce, contract enforceability,
and ‘protection’ from extra-state actors including organised crime. Until then, any
controls imposed upon the informal economy must be implemented alongside policies
which address the invasive structural inequalities (Pugh & Cooper 2004:182) which
often lead persons to engage in such illicit activities in the first place. Ultimately, the
Anderson 70
imposition of a Western model upon such areas would have as an end-goal the
eventual existence of an honored and understood state-citizen compact, where in
addition to an environment conducive to business and the rule of law, there would be
the existence of a welfare system for those who temporarily require it; free (or
subsidised) education and healthcare, and so on. Underlying such policies is the
notion of opportunity—and alongside such protection mechanisms would rise the
notion of citizenship.
This not entirely understood by external actors. Liberal economic models are often
prescribed to such damaged states on the basis of the thoroughly discredited idea that
such models act as a panacea for all ills. To have Western states and Western
agencies simply force lopsided economic measures on such states is a lesson, not only
in misunderstanding and short-sightedness, but also, cruelty.
The interplay of insurgents, militias, politicians, entrepreneurs and organised crime is
glimpsed, but not in detail. Partly at fault is the fluidity underlying such terms. Where
one may end and the other may begin is not explored due to the secrecy inherent in
criminal transactions which prevents ‘points of vulnerability to be readily identified
and exploited by international actors seeking to cut off such commerce’ (Berdal &
Malone 2000:12). Europol states that the struggle against organised crime is
‘fundamentally based on a coherent and common understanding of the phenomenon’
(Europol 2003:26). But this understanding is lacking. Organised crime is not
considered a formidable non-state actor outside of select law enforcement agencies
Anderson 71
and select academics such as Susan Strange (1996) and Manuel Castells (1998)—
both of whom may be considered the most astute observers of organised crime on a
macro level157. Organised crime is characterised by opportunity. This should be its
primary definition as well. The very expression organised crime must be separated
from its stereotypes. The definition of such crime, much like the Weberian definition
of the state, is minimalist; according to the 1999 UN Draft Convention against
Transnational Organised Crime, it as a ‘structured group of (three) or more persons
existing for a period of time and having the aim of committing a serious crime in
order to, directly or indirectly, obtain a financial or other material benefit’.158
In many countries, while certain activities may be illegal, the handling of the
proceeds derived from those activities is not. Money laundering only became a crime
in America in 1986. That state countered the difficulties behind prosecuting complex
organised criminal rackets by creating a new law: the Racketeer Influenced and
Corrupt Organization Act (RICO)159, which allows group ‘members’ to be prosecuted
for crimes committed by other members of the group in question, even though they,
as individuals, were not involved. Strange suggests the establishment of an
157 Strange defined such criminal structures are virtual states; models of ‘organised counter-government’ (Strange 1996:110). 158 UN Conference on Transnational Organised Crime 2000; Accessed online at http://www.unodc.org/unodc/en/crime_cicp_convention.html on Dec. 1, 2006. Interpol’s Organised Crime Unit additionally defines OC as ‘any group having corporate structure whose primary objective is to obtain money through illegal activities, often surviving on fear and corruption.’ 159 Whereby ‘it is unlawful for anyone employed by or associated with any enterprise engaged in, or the activities of which affect, interstate or foreign commerce, to conduct or participate, directly or indirectly, in the conduct of such enterprise's affairs through a pattern of racketeering activity or collection of unlawful debt.’ RICO convictions allow judges to sentence offenders to 20 years in prison; assets and profits from illegal activities are forfeited. Please see the United States Department of Justice Criminal Resource Manual (http://www.usdoj.gov/usao/eousa/foia_reading_room/usam/title9/crm00109.htm) for more information.
Anderson 72
International Criminal Court to judge such multistate organised criminal activities
(Strange 1996:120-121) and the resulting financial malfeasance usually referred to as
‘white collar crime.’ Such restrictions concentrate on the crossing of informal profits
into the formal economy: when such profits remain in the informal or are sunk into
real-estate and other ventures in the third world, such wealth remains untouched.
The greatest threat to organised crime in all its incarnations- be they classical mafia,
economically-motivated insurgency, and so on- is the potential legalization of drugs
and the subsequent elimination of the oligopoly rent.
The west responds to weak and failed areas with an often American-led imperialism
(Chandler 2006) that, before the March 2003 war against Iraq, was referred to as
benign, ‘defensive and cooperative rather than expansionist in its aims’ (Gray
2003:97). In Bosnia, Kosovo, Liberia, East Timor, Sierra Leone and Afghanistan, the
UN, EU, OSCE and a bounty of other governmental and multilateral agencies, with
the assistance of thousands of NGOs, attempt to re-impose the Western ideal of the
state structure. The UN’s role in the restructuring of failed areas remains paramount.
But UNMIK and other missions are, in the area of rule of law, hamstrung by internal
UN guidelines which prohibit its employees from utilizing paid informants and
conducting wiretapping activities. External peacekeeping forces are additionally a
boon to indigenous organised criminal structures. This is especially true in Kosovo
and Bosnia. In both, CIVPOL as a body lacks the local knowledge—and requisite
language ability—needed penetrate insular cultures, find and identify exploitable
Anderson 73
sources, and ultimately break apart criminal structures. But UN rules prevent
CIVPOL from utilizing, much less paying, informants. They are the law in a clannish
land they cannot understand the criminal topography of160, and they currently lack
guides.
The criminal fortunes made in Kosovo, Serbia and Bosnia will continue to be re-
laundered and legitimised. It is both a reassurance and a cliché to state that successful
criminals will ultimately move to protect their wealth from younger, uglier, hungrier
versions of themselves, and new laws will be born, or even states.
Asking how Yugoslavia may have been ‘saved’ is beyond the scope of this paper. But
such questions are not silly historical ‘what ifs?’ Transparency, good governance, the
rule of law and development are the right answers, and the easy ones. A multiplicity
of supposed truths and actors, state and non-state, allows one to choose the most
convenient facts post-mortem and forge policy from there. What is now apparent is
that Western Europe’s heroin flows through the Balkans, and that region’s gangsters
and old militias profit. The rule of law in the EU is directly affected by the absence of
such a concept on its periphery. One state must defend the integrity of all states.
160 Pugh and Cooper characterised such clan networks as found in Kosovo as ‘governed by rules of exchange, codes of conduct, and hierarchies of deference and power, and are reinforced through a series of strategies, including interfamilial marriage (wife-givers and wife-takers), gifts, and partnerships (with family members presenting claims for profit, involvement, and opportunity). They are not anarchic and do not depend purely on coercion. Trust and social cohesion are critical. Counterintuitively, it may be the absence of a state and of predictable social relations that engenders greater trust and solidarity at the local level (Pugh & Cooper 2004:69).
Anderson 74
In the Balkans, the state remains a source of patronage rather than a guarantor of
stability and order. It imposes itself; it demands its cut but offers little incentives
other than an absence of harassment, or even violence. Citizenry do not believe a state
can be different; they listen to concepts such as state-citizen compact which make
little sense outside of the communist context. Democracy is anarchy. For the
perception to change, it falls upon the state to change. This is a difficulty that is
beyond the scope of this paper to address, and it falls upon local elites to do so. Until
then, civics is not comprehended.
In insecure times it holds true that good people are capable of bad things if such acts
give them security and allow them to care for their families. In the Balkans, insecurity
and poverty are daily fears; the last 15 years have seen a return of the once-far-off
fears of hunger and violent death. When people cannot conceptualise a better future
for their children, much less themselves, then things fall apart. The conditions that
underlie such fears remain.
Anderson 75
Bibliography
Ballentine, Karen. Beyond Greed and Grievance: Reconsidering the Economic Dynamics of Armed Conflict, in Ballentine, Karen, and Sherman, Jake (Eds). The Political Economy of Armed Conflict: Beyond Greed and Grievance. Lynne Rienner Publishers Inc.: London 2003, pp. 259-283 Bannon, Ian and Paul Collier. Natural Resources and Violent Conflict: Options and Actions. The World Bank: Washington DC 2003 Barkey, K. Bandits and Bureaucrats: the Ottoman Route to State Centralization. Cornell University Press: Ithaca, New York, 1994
Beam, Louis R. Leaderless Resistance. The Seditionist, 12 (February 1992); cit. J. Kaplan. Leaderless Resistance, in Rappaport, David C (Ed.). Inside Terrorist Organizations. London, Frank Cass, 2001 Berdal, Mats, & Malone, David M (Eds). Greed and Grievance: Economic Agendas in Civil Wars. Lynne Rienner: London 2000
Bojičić, Vesna, Kaldor, Mary, and Vejvoda, Ivan. Post-war Reconstruction in the Balkans. European Foreign Affairs Review, 2, 3, Autumn 1997 Bougarel, Xavier. Bosnia and Herzegovina- State and Communitarianism, in Dyker, D.A., and I. Vejvoda (eds). Yugoslavia and After. New York: Addison-Wesley Longman, 1996 (A), pp. 116-138. --. Bosnie: Anatomie D’un Conflit. Paris: Editions La Decouverte, 1996 (B)
Bracewell, C.W. The Uskoks of Senj: Piracy, Banditry, and Holy War in the Sixteenth-Century Adriatic. Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 1992
Brown, William. Prospects for Integration with Europe, in New Political Economy 2/2, 1997 Bruun, K., L. Pan, & I. Rexed. The Gentlemen’s Club: International Control of Drugs and Alcohol. Chicago & London: University of Chicago Press, 1975 Buchanan, James M. Rent Seeking and Profit Seeking, in Buchanan, James M., Tollison, Robert D., and Tullock, Gordon (Eds). Toward a Theory of the Rent-Seeking Society. College Station: Texas A&M Press, 1980
Castells, Manuel. End of Millennium. Blackwell Publishers: Oxford, 1998
Anderson 76
Central Intelligence Agency. Major Coca and Opium Producing Nations: Cultivation and Production Estimates, 1994-98. Mimeo, 1999, at http://www.odci.gov/cia/di/products/coca_opium/index.html
Cerny, Philip G. Globalization, Fragmentation, and the Governance Gap: Towards a New Medievalism in World Politics? Paper presented at Workshop on Globalization: Critical Perspectives. University of Birmingham: Department of Politics; 14-16 March 1997
Chandler, David. Empire in Denial: the Politics of Statebuilding. London: Pluto Press, 2006
Clower, Robert W. Growth without Development. Evanston, Illinois: Northwestern University Press, 1966 Collier, Paul. Economic Causes of Civil Conflict and their Implications for Policy. Washington DC: World Bank, June 15 2000 --. Doing Well out of War: An Economic Perspective, in Berdal, Mats, & David M. Malone. Greed and Grievance: Economic Agendas in Civil Wars. Lynne Rienner: London 2000, pp.91-111 --. Rebellion as a Quasi-Criminal Activity, in the Journal of Conflict Resolution 44, Dec. 2000, pp. 838-52 Cooper, Neil. Security Sector Transformation in Kosovo, in Krause, Kieth, and Fred Tanner (eds). Arms Control and Contemporary Conflicts: Challenges and Responses. PSIS Special Studies No. 5, Geneva Centre for Security Policy, 2001
Corker, Robert, Dawn Rehm, and Kristina Kostial. Kosovo: Macroeconomic issues and Fiscal Sustainability. Washington D.C.: International Monetary Fund, 2001
De Soysa, Indra. The Resource Curse: Are Civil Wars Driven by Rapacity or Paucity? in Berdal, Mats, & Malone, David M. Greed and Grievance: Economic Agendas in Civil Wars. Lynne Rienner: London 2000, pp.113-135
Deibert, Ronald J. Exorcismus Theoriae: Pragmatism, Metaphors and the Return of the Medieval, in IR Theory, European Journal of International Relations, 3/2 (Jan. 1997), pp.167-192 Demirović, Alex. NGOs: Social Movements in Global Order. Paper presented at American Sociological Association Conference, New York, 1996
Dinkić, Mladjan. Ekonomija Destrukcije; Velika pljaćka naroda. Belgrade, 1995
Anderson 77
Doyle, Michael, and Nicolas Sambanis. Making War & Building Peace: United Nations Peace Operations. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2006 Duffield, Mark. Global Governance and the New Wars. Zed Books: New York, 2001. --. Globalization, Transborder Trade, and War Economies, in Berdal, Mats, & Malone, David M. Greed and Grievance: Economic Agendas in Civil Wars. Lynne Rienner: London, 2000, pp.69-89 --. The Political Economy of Internal War: Asset Transfer, Complex Emergencies and International Aid, in Macrae, Joanna, and Zwi, Anthony (Eds). War and Hunger: Rethinking International Responses. Zed Press: London, 1994, pp. 50-69 --. Post-Modern Conflict: Warlords, Post-Adjustment States, and Private Protection, in Civil Wars 1, No.1, 1998, pp.65-102
Durham, M. Edith. High Albania. London: Edward Arnold, 1909 Ellis, Stephen. The Mask of Anarchy: the Destruction of Liberia and the Religious Dimension of an African Civil War. New York University Press: New York, 1999
Europol. European Union Organised Crime Report 2003. Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the European Communities, 2003 http://europol.eu.int --. Major Organised Crime Situation Report 2002: Organised Crime Groups http://www.europol.eu.int/index.asp?page=EUOrganisedCrimeSitRep2002 Evans, Peter B. Predatory, Developmental, and other Apparatuses: A Comparative Political Economy Perspective on the Third World State. Sociological Forum 4(4), 1989, pp.561-587 --. Transnational Linkages and the Economic Role of the State: An Analysis of Developing and Industrialised Nations in the Post-World War II Period, in Evans, Peter B, Rueschemeyer, and Skocpol, Theda (Eds). Bringing the State Back In. Cambridge University Press, 1985
Fijnaut, Cyrille, et al. Organised Crime in the Netherlands. Kluwer Law International: The Hague, 1998 Fleming, Matthew H., John Roman, and Graham Farrell. The Shadow Economy, in Journal of International Affairs, Spring 2000, Issue 53, No. 2. New York: Columbia University Press
Galeotti, Mark. The Albanian Connection, in Jane’s International Police Issues, December 3, 1998. http://www.janes.com/security/law_enforcement/news/ipi/ipi0268.shtml
Anderson 78
Gallant, Thomas W. Brigandage, Piracy, Capitalism and State-Formation: Transnational Crime from a Historical World-Systems Perspective, in Heyman, Josiah McC (Eds). States and Illegal Practices. Berg New York: 1999, pp.25-62
Gambetta, Diego. The Sicilian Mafia: The Business of Private Protection. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1993
Gellner, Ernest. Trust, Cohesion, and the Social Order, in Gambetta, Diego (ed.) Trust: Making and Breaking Cooperative Relations, electronic edition, Department of Sociology, University of Oxford, 2000, http://www.sociology.ox.ac.uk/papers/gellner142-157.doc Geopolitical Drug Newsletter, No.1, Vol. 1, October 2001 http://www.geodrugs.net Gerhard, Dietrich. Old Europe: A Study of Continuity 1000-1800. New York: Academic Press, 1981
Glenny, Misha. The Balkans: Nationalism, War, and the Great Powers 1804-1999. New York: Viking Books 2000 --. The Fall of Yugoslavia: the Third Balkan War. Penguin Books: London, Revised Edition 1996. Gray, John. Al Qaeda and what it means to be Modern. London: Faber and Faber, 2003
Greenberg, Robert D. Language and Identity in the Balkans: Serbo-Croatian and Its Disintegration. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004
Greif, Avner. Contracting, Enforcement and Efficiency: Economics Beyond the Law, in Bruno, Mucael, and Pleskovic, Boris (eds). Annual World Bank Conference of Development Economics, 1996. Washington DC: World Bank, 1996, pp.239-265 Grossman, Hershel I. Kleptocracy and Revolutions. Oxford Economic Papers 51, 1999, pp. 267-283
Hedges, Chris. Kosovo’s Next Masters, in Foreign Affairs, May-June 1999 Heyman, Josiah McC (Eds). States and Illegal Practices. Berg New York: 1999 Hirshleifer, J. The Dark Side of the Force: Economic Foundations of Conflict Theory. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001 Hobsbawm, Eric. Age of Extremes: The Short Twentieth Century 1914-1991. London: Abacus, 1994
Anderson 79
--. Bandits. The New Press: New York, 2000 Horowitz, Donald L. Ethnic Groups in Conflict. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985 Human Rights Watch. World Report 2003. New York: Human Rights Watch 2003 International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia. Trial transcript of Miroslav Pejcinović. November 19th, 1998, http://www.un.org/icty/transe14/981119it.html --. Witness Statement of Pavao Vidović. July 5th, 2000, http://www.un.org/icty/transe14-2/000705ed.htm
International Crisis Group. After Milošević : A Practical Agenda for Lasting Balkans Peace, Balkans Report No.108. ICG Press: Brussels, 2001 --. Albania: State of the Nation 2003, Balkans Report No.140. ICG Press: Brussels, 2003B --. Pan-Albanianism: How Big a Threat to Balkan Stability? Europe Report No.153. ICG Press: Brussels 2004 --. Reality Demands: Documenting Violations of International Humanitarian Law in Kosovo, 1999. ICG Press: Brussels, 2000 Johnson, Simon, Daniel Kaufman, & Pablo Zoido-Lobatón. Regulatory Discretion and the Unofficial Economy, in the American Economic Review, no. 88, May 1998 de La Jonquière, A. Histoire de l’Empire Ottoman. Paris: 1881 Judah, Tim. The Serbs: History, Myth and the Destruction of Yugoslavia. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1997 Jung, Dietrich (Eds). Shadow Globalization, Ethnic Conflicts and New Wars. London: Routeledge, 2003
Kaldor, Mary. New and Old Wars: Organised Violence in a Global Era. Polity Press: Cambridge 1999
Keen, David. The Economic Functions of Violence in Civil Wars. Adelphi Paper 320. Oxford: Oxford University Press for the International Institute for Strategic Studies, 1998, pp.1-88
Anderson 80
--. Incentives and Disincentives for Violence, in Berdal, Mats, & Malone, David M. Greed and Grievance: Economic Agendas in Civil Wars. Lynne Rienner: London 2000, pp.19-41
Knežević, Aleksandar, and Vojislav Tufegdzić. Kriminal koji je izmenio Srbiju. Belgrade, 1995. Krueger, Ann O. The Political Economy of the Rent-Seeking Society. American Economic Review, 64, No. 3, 1974
Lenormant, F. Turcs et Monténégrins. Paris: 1866 Liukkonen, M. Motor Vehicle Theft in Europe. HEUNI papers number 9, Helsinki 1997 Maas, Peter. Love Thy Neighbor. New York: Vintage, 1996. Magnusson, K. Nationalitetsproblem I Jugoslawien, krisen I Kosovo, in Bidrag till öststatsforskningen, vol. 9 (1981), No.2 Makarenko, Tamara. Transnational Crime and its Evolving Links to Terrorism and Instability. Jane’s Intelligence Review, November 2001 Malcolm, Noel. Kosovo: A Short History. New York: New York University Press. 1999 McCoy, Alfred. The Politics of Heroin: CIA Complicity in the Global Drug Trade. New York: Lawrence Hill Books, 1991 McDowell, John, and Gary Nevis. The Consequences of Money Laundering and Financial Crime, in Economic Perspectives 6 (2), May 2001 McFarlane, John. Transnational Crime: Response Strategies. Presented at New Crimes or New Responses: 4th National Outlook Symposium on Crime in Australia, Australian Institute of Criminology, Canberra 21-22 June 2001 Mehlum, Halvor, Karl Moene, & Ragnar Torvik. Market-Based Extortion. In the APSA- CP, Newsletter of American Political Science Association, Vol. 13, No. 1, Winter 2002 Miller, W. Europe and the Ottoman Power before the Nineteenth Century, in the English Historical Review, Vol. 16, No. 63, July 1901, pp. 452-471
Naylor, R. Thomas. Economic Warfare: Sanctions, Embargo Busting, and their Human Cost. Northeastern University Press: Boston 1999
Anderson 81
--. The Insurgent Economy: Black Market Operations of Guerilla Organizations, in Crime, Law, and Social Change 20, 1993, pp.13-51. Noble, Robert K. The Links between Intellectual Property Crime and Terrorist Financing. Testimony before the United States House Committee on International Relations, One hundred eighth Congress, July 16th 2003. Accessed online at the Center for International Property Rights http://www.cipr.org/activities/interpol/testimony.htm on Nov. 20, 2004 Observatoire Geopolitique des Drogues. Atlas Mondial des Drogues, Paris, 1996 Ohmae, Kenichi. The Borderless World: Power and Strategy in the Interlinked Economy. London: HarperCollins 1990, rep.1994 O’Neill, William. Kosovo: An Unfinished Peace. International Peace Academy Occasional Paper Series. Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 2002 OSCE. Kosovo/ Kosova: As Seen, as Told, 1999. http://www.osce.org Özerdem, Alpaslan. From a ‘Terrorist’ Group to a ‘Civil Defense’ Corps: the ‘Transformation’ of the Kosovo Liberation Army. International Peacekeeping, Frank Cass: London, Vol.10, No.3, Autumn 2003, pp. 79-101 Palairet, Michael. The Balkan Economies c. 1800- 1914: Evolution without Development. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997
Pugh, Michael. Peacebuilding and Spoils of Peace: the Bosnia and Herzegovina Experience, in Comparing Experiences with State Building in Asia and Europe: The Cases of East Timor, Bosnia and Kosovo. Council for Asia Europe Co-operation (CAEC): 05/12/01. Pugh, Michael, and Neil Cooper. War Economies in a Regional Context. Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 2004 Reno, William. Shadow States and the Political Economy of Civil Wars, in Berdal, Mats, & Malone, David M. Greed and Grievance: Economic Agendas in Civil Wars. Lynne Rienner: London 2000, pp.43-68 --. Warlord Politics and African States. Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publications, 1998 Reuter, Peter. Disorganised Crime: the Economics of the Visible Hand. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1983
Rieff, David. Slaughterhouse: Bosnia and the Failure of the West. New York: Simon and Shuster, 1995
Anderson 82
Rizaj, Skender. Kosova gjatë shekujve XV, XVI dhe XVII: administrimi, ekonomia, shoqëria dhe lëvizja popullore. Pristina, 1982 --. Pravni I Stvarni Polozaj raje rumelijskog ejaleta od sredine XVI do sredine XVII veka. Belgrade: JIČ 1978, pp.198-214 Rohde, David. Kosovo Seething. Foreign Affairs 79, no.3, May-June 2000, pp. 65-79 Sambanis, Nicolas. A Review of Recent Advances and Future Directions in the Literature on Civil War, in Defense and Peace Economics 13, 2, June 2002, pp. 215-43
Schierup, Carl-Ulrik. Quasi Proletarians and a Patriarchal Bureaucracy: Aspects of Yugoslavia’s Re-Peripheralization. Soviet Studies 44, No.1, 1992, pp.79-99 Sciaky, Leon. Farewell to Salonika: City at the Crossroads. Philadelphia: Paul Dry, 2003
Schweiger-Lerchenfeld, V. Bosnien. Vienna: 1878
Shelley, Louise. Identifying, Counting and Categorizing Transnational Criminal Organizations. Center for Transnational Crime and Corruption, American University, Unpublished Paper, n. d., p.9) Silber, Laura, and Allan Little. Yugoslavia: Death of a Nation. London: Penguin 1995 Smart, Alan. Predatory Rule and Illegal Economic Practices, in Heyman, Josiah McC (Eds). States and Illegal Practices. Berg: New York, 1999, pp. 99-128
Stares, Paul B. Global Habit: The Drug Problem in a Borderless World. Brookings Institution Press: Washington DC, 1996 Sterling, Claire. Crime Without Frontiers: The Worldwide Expansion of Organised Crime and the Pax Mafiosa. London: Little, Brown and Company, 1994 Strange, Susan. The Retreat of the State: the Diffusion of Power in the World Economy. Cambridge University Press: Cambridge, 1996 --. The Westfailure System. In Cox, Robert (Eds), Review of International Studies, Vol. 25 (3), 1999, pp.345-354 Sullivan, Stacy. Be Not Afraid, For You Have Sons in America: How a Brooklyn Roofer Helped Lure the U.S. into the Kosovo War. St. Martin’s Press: New York, 2004.
Anderson 83
Tilly, Charles. Coercion, Capital and European States, 990-1990 A.D. New York: Blackwell, 1992 --. War Making and State Making as Organised Crime, in Evans, Peter B, Rueschemeyer, and Skocpol, Theda (Eds). Bringing the State Back In. Cambridge University Press, 1985
Truong, Thanh-Dam. Human Trafficking and Organised Crime. Institute of Social Studies Working Paper Series No. 339, the Hague, July 2001 United Nations Commission of Experts, Annex III, A, p.207, No.159, 1994 United Nations Development Programme. Human Development Index. NY: UN 1996, 1999, 2001 UNMIK/EU Pillar Briefing Paper, Kosovo Anti-Economic Crime Strategy, November 2001 United Nations. Convention against Transnational Organised Crime, Article 1, November 15, 2000. UN Office for Drug Control and Crime Prevention, http://www.odccp.org/palermo --. Problems and Dangers Posed by Organised Transnational Crime in the Various Regions of the World, E/CONF.88/2, 1994 United States Department of State. Bosnia & Herzegovina Human Rights Practices, 1994. USDS: February 1995 United States Department of State, Bureau of International Narcotics Matters. International Narcotics Control Strategy Report, March 1990. Washington DC: US State Department, 1990 Urdal, Henrik. The Devil in the Demographics: The Effect of Youth Bulges on Domestic Armed Conflict, 1950-2000. World Bank Social Development Papers, Conflict Prevention and Reconstruction, Paper No. 14, July 2004
Van Duyne, Petrus, Vinzenco Ruggiero, Miroslav Scheinost, and Tim Valkenburg. Cross-Border Crime in a Changing Europe. Nova Science Publishers Inc.: Huntington, New York, 2001 Vasić, Miloš. The Yugoslav Army and the Post-Yugoslav Armies. In Dyker, David A. and Vejvoda, Ivan (eds). Yugoslavia and After: A Study in Fragmentation, Despair and Rebirth. London: Longman 1996, pp.116-137
Anderson 84
-- . Where the National Armed Forces Pass. Vreme, 25 May 1992, 6-7, 9 as translated under the heading "Activities, Morale of Yugoslav Army Analyzed" in Daily Report: East Europe, FBIS-EEU-92-111 (9 June 1992), 49-51
Verdery, Katherine. What Was Socialism, and What Comes Next? Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996 Vickers, Miranda. The Albanians: A Modern History. London: IB Tauris & Co, Ltd, 1995 Volkov, Vadim. Organised Violence, Market Building, and State-Formation in Post- Communist Russia, in Ledeneva, A.V., & Kurkchiyan, M. (Eds). Economic Crime in Russia. Kluwer Law International: Britain, 2000, pp.43-61
Williams, Phil. Transnational Criminal Enterprises, Conflict, and Instability, in Crocker, Chester A., Hampson, Fen Osler, and Aall, Pamela. Turbulent Peace: the Challenges of Managing International Conflict. Washington DC: United States Institute of Peace Press, 2001. --. Transnational Criminal Networks, in Arquilla, John, and David F. Ronfeldt (Eds.). Networks and Netwars: The Future of Terror, Crime and Militancy. St. Monica, Rand Corporation, 2001 Williams, Phil, and John Picarelli. Organised Crime, Conflict, and Terrorism: Combating the Relationships, paper presented at “Policies and Practices for Controlling Resource Flows in Armed Conflict,” sponsored by the International Peace Academy, Bellagio, Italy, May 21-23, 2002 Williams, Phil, and Ernesto U Savona. Introduction: Problems and Dangers Posed by Organised Crime in the Various Regions of the World. Transnational Organised Crime, Vol. 1, No. 3, Autumn 1995 Woodward, Susan L. Balkan Tragedy: Chaos and Dissolution after the Cold War. Washington DC: Brookings Institution Press, 1995 World Bank. Kosovo: Economic and Social Reforms for Peace and Reconciliation, Technical Paper 509, February 2001
Xenakis, Sappho. The Challenge of Organised Crime to State Sovereignty in the Balkans: An Historical Approach. Feb. 7, 2001 Xhudo, Gus. Men of Purpose: the Growth of Albanian Criminal Activity, in Transnational Organised Crime 2:1, Spring 1996, pp. 1-20 Yannis, Alexandros. Kosovo: The Political Economy of Conflict and Peacebuilding, in Ballentine, Karen, and Sherman, Jake (Eds). The Political Economy of Armed
Anderson 85
Conflict: Beyond Greed and Grievance. Lynne Rienner Publishers Inc.: London 2003, pp. 167-195