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12 APRIL 2004
The Process of
Foreign Policy
Formulation
in Pakistan
The Process of
oreign Policy
ormulation
in Pakistan
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1212 APRIL 2004
The Process of
Foreign Policy
Formulation
in Pakistan
The Process of
oreign Policy
ormulation
in Pakistan
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CONTENTSCONTENTSForewordProfile of the Author
Introduction
The National Scene
The Formal Foreign Policy Formulation Process
Roles of the President, the Cabinet and the Prime Minister
Role of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Role of the Parliament
Role of the Security/Intelligence Agencies
Informal Factors influencing the Foreign Policy Formulation Process
Regional and International Factors
Overview of the Foreign Policy Formulation Process in Pakistan
Evaluation of Pakistan's Foreign Policy Formulation Process
Recommendations
Appendices
Appendix I: Allocation of Business to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs under theRules of Business (Schedule II)
Appendix II: Diagram I: Organisational Chart of the Foreign Office
Appendix III: Diagram II: Foreign Policy Formulation Process in Pakistan
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he Process of Foreign Policy in Pakistan, a briefing paper by PILDAT, is the leading presentation in the context of thePILDAT Short Course for Parliamentarians and Politicians on The Foreign Policy Process in Pakistan. Developed byTPILDAT, as a part of the Pakistan Legislative Strengthening Consortium - PLSC, supported financially by the USAID, the
paper covers the formal process of foreign policy formulation in Pakistan while it comments on the role and influence of majoractors influencing foreign policy formulation in Pakistan.
Authored by Ambassador (Retd.) Javid Husain, the paper covers both the formal and the practical aspects of foreign policyformulation in the country. Commissioned by PILDAT, the objective of the paper is to orient parliamentarians to the process of
foreign policy formulation so as to enable them to play a better role in the area. The paper also examines the role, or lack thereof,of the Parliament and its Standing Committees on the process and review of foreign policy formulation and offersrecommendations for a pro-active role of the Parliament as given in the Constitution of Pakistan.
The author, PILDAT and its team of researchers have made every effort to ensure the accuracy of the contents of this paper.PILDAT, however, does not accept any responsibi lity of any omission or error as it is not deliberate.
The views expressed in this paper belong to the author and are not necessarily shared by PILDAT, PLSC or USAID.
LahoreApril 2004
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PROFILE OF THE UTHORROFILE OF THE UTHOR
PROFILE OF THE AUTHOR (ECO).His last posting was as the Head of the ForeignService Academy from 2003 to 2004.
After joining the Foreign Service of Pakistan in 1967, heserved on diplomatic assignments in PakistanEmbassies/Missions in several important capitalsincluding Paris (1969-1971), Tripoli (1971-1974),Washington (1974-1978), New York (1982-1985) andBeijing (1985-1988). He was First Secretary (Political)during his posting at the Pakistan Embassy, Washington,D.C. At the Pakistan Mission to the UN at New York, heserved as Counsellor and later as Minister. From 1985 to1988, he served as Minister and the second highest rankingofficer in the Pakistan Embassy at Beijing
He has been a member of the Pakistan delegations toInternational Conferences and Meetings, notably UNGeneral Assembly sessions, UN Security CouncilMeetings, Non-Aligned Summit and MinisterialConferences, Organisation of Islamic Conference Summitand Ministerial Meetings and ECO Summit and MinisterialMeetings.
He was born on March 3, 1944. He holds a Masters Degreein Economics from the Government College, Lahore. He is
married with two children, a daughter and a son.
Since his retirement from the Foreign Service of Pakistan,Ambassador Javid Husain keeps himself busy in academicpursuits including delivering lectures at prestigiousinstitutions and writing papers on foreign policy issues.Currently, Ambassador Javid Husain represents Pakistanon the ECO Eminent Persons Group which has beenmandated by the Organisation to look into ways and meansof improving the ECO's efficiency and effectiveness in theachievement of its goals and objectives.
Ambassador Javid Husainretired from the Foreign Serviceof Pakistan in March 2004 after a distinguished diplomaticcareer during which he served as the Ambassador ofPakistan to the Netherlands (1992-1995), to the Republic ofKorea (1995-1997) and Iran (1997-2003). During hisposting at Tehran, he was also the Pakistan PermanentRepresentative to the Economic Cooperation Organisation
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Introduction
In this growingly interdependent world, the process offoreign policy formulation is becoming more and morecomplex in which, besides national actors, regional andinternational forces play an increasingly important role.Pakistan, which is located at the crossroads of South Asia,the Middle East and Central Asia, is no exception to this rule.Therefore, Pakistan's foreign policy has been shaped bynational, regional and international factors which haveinfluenced both the process of its formulation and the finaloutcome. This paper outlines the process or the complex
interplay of forces which influences and determinePakistan's foreign policy.
The National Scene
To start with, one can look at the formal foreign policyformulation process at the national level, which is theprocess through which formal foreign policy decisions aretaken in the country. This includes the various domesticforces which influence the foreign policy decision-makingprocess informally, and the domestic political frameworkwithin which foreign policy decisions are shaped.
The Formal Foreign Policy Formulation Process
For understanding the formal foreign policy formulationprocess, one needs to consult the Constitution of Pakistanand the Rules of Business of the Government of Pakistanmade in pursuance of Articles 90 and 99 of theConstitution.
Constitutional Roles of the President, theCabinet and the Prime Minister
According to the Article 90 of the Constitution, 'theexecutive authority of the Federation shall vest in thePresident' but the Article 48 of the Constitution requires thatthe President shall act in accordance with the advice of theCabinet or the Prime Minister in the exercise of his functionswith the exception of those matters in respect of which he isempowered by the Constitution to act in his discretion.Thus, all important foreign policy decisions ultimately mustbe taken by the Cabinet or the Prime Minister and formallycommunicated to the President.
Under the Rules of Business, no important foreign policydecision can be taken without the approval of the PrimeMinister [Article 5(1)]. However, under Article 16 of theRules of Business, all proposals involving negotiationswith foreign countries ,e.g., exchange of diplomatic andcommercial representation, treaties and agreements, visitsof goodwill missions, representation at internationalconferences and meetings, etc. shall be brought before theCabinet. Besides, the Cabinet is required to consider allmatters relating to vital political, economic andadministrative policies. In short, the Cabinet is the supremeforeign policy making authority under the Constitution andthe Rules of Business. However, under Article 16 of theRules of Business, the Prime Minister may, in any case, givedirections as to the manner of its disposal without priorreference to the Cabinet.
The Cabinet may constitute Standing or SpecialCommittees for the disposal of its work. Normally, thedecisions of the Committees must be ratified by the Cabinetbefore they can take effect.
Role of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs is the focal point for theinitiation of all proposals relating to the conduct ofPakistan's foreign affairs with the exception of any mattersthat may be assigned to other Divisions/Ministries of theGovernment. This should be clear from the reading of thesubjects allocated to the Ministry under the Rules ofBusiness (Article 13 of Schedule 11 of the Rules ofBusiness. See Appendix I). In addition, Rule 13 of the Rulesof Business clearly lays down that the Ministry of ForeignAffairs shall be consulted on all matters which affect theforeign policy of Pakistan or the conduct of its foreignrelations.
At the same time, the Inter-Division consultationprocedures require the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to consultother Divisions in the conduct of its business when a matterconcerns them. Not only that, several Divisions e.g.,Aviation, Commerce, Communications, Culture, Defence,Defence Production, Economic Affairs, Education, Finance,Food, Information, etc., have been assigned subjects whichrelate to different aspects of Pakistan's foreign relations.These Ministries/Divisions, therefore, play a role in theformulation of Pakistan's foreign policy. However, as statedabove, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs remains the focal
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point in the foreign policy making field.
At the Departmental level, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs isheaded by the Foreign Secretary who is in turn assisted byAdditional Secretaries. At present, there are eight AdditionalSecretaries looking after different areas of Pakistan'sforeign relations. They are supported by Directors General,Directors and Section Officers in a descending order. TheMinistry of Foreign Affairs is also assisted by the PakistanAmbassadors and other Heads of Pakistan Missionsabroad who both receive instructions from and submit theirviews and recommendations to the Ministry. Please see theorganisational chart of the Foreign Office atAppendix II.
Proposals relating to Pakistan's foreign policy are generatedat the level of Section Officers in response to newdevelopments or at their own initiative and occasionally inresponse to instructions from above. Sometimes, they maybe initiated at a level higher than that of the Section Officer ifthe situation so demands. They are refined and modified asthey travel up the ladder to Directors and Directors-General.Where necessary, there would be horisontal consultationswith other Directors and Directors-General. Dependingupon the requirements of the situation, the Foreign Officemay also consult the concerned Pakistan Missions abroad
and other Ministries/Departments. If the proposal fallswithin the parameters of an existing policy, the matter wouldbe decided at the level of the Director General concerned ormay go up to the Additional Secretary concerned forapproval depending upon its importance. In very importantcases, the file may travel all the way up to the ForeignSecretary who may consult the Foreign Minister and theoffices of the Prime Minister and the President if thesituation so demands.
Where a foreign policy proposal attempts to break newground, it would invariably travel all the way up to the
Foreign Minister and the Prime Minister through the ForeignSecretary for approval. However, the Foreign Office wouldcertainly consult other Ministries/Departments/Agencies, ifthe matter concerns them, before submitting it to the PrimeMinister/Cabinet for a decision. Where required under theRules of Business or by the importance of the matter, itwould be placed before the Cabinet for its consideration anddecision. In the case of very important matters, thePresident would also be consulted formally or informallybefore a final decision is taken. Further, the Foreign Ministeror the Prime Minister may also take the Parliament into
confidence by consulting the parliamentary leaders or byhaving the matter debated in the Parliament.
In the consideration of foreign policy issues in the ForeignOffice, the views of the media, civil society, etc. aregenerally taken into account. However, there is no preciseor systematic mechanism for doing so.
Once a decision has been taken by the competent authority,the Ministry of Foreign Affairs would assume responsibilityfor its implementation with the help of the personnel at theHeadquarters and/or Pakistan Missions abroad.
Role of the Parliament
As in any other Parliamentary form of government, theParliament in Pakistan, besides acting as the legislature,elects the Prime Minister through a majority vote in theNational Assembly. The executive, that is, the Cabinetheaded by the Prime Minister, is responsible to the NationalAssembly which can remove the former through a vote ofno confidence. Thus, the executive and its internal andexternal policies must enjoy the confidence and support ofthe National Assembly to remain in power. As for theSenate, which represents the federating units, its support is
also vital for the smooth functioning of the legislativeprocess. Further, the views of the Senators, asrepresentatives of the federating units, on external relationsdeserve due attention of the executive.
The Parliament can pass a bill in respect of any aspect ofPakistan's external relations as provided for by theConstitution in the Federal Legislative List, thus, giving it theforce of law. In practice, however, in a parliamentary form ofgovernment that exists in Pakistan, the initiative for such abill would normally come from the executive which,because of the support of the majority in the National
Assembly and possibly in the Senate, would normallysucceed in getting it adopted by the Parliament. Certainly, aprivate bill relating to Pakistan's external relations can alsobe moved by any member of either House. But thepossibility of its adoption by the Parliament without theexecutive's support is almost nil because of partydiscipline.
The Parliament can influence the foreign policy formulationand implementation process by adopting non-bindingresolutions on foreign policy issues; by holding hearings on
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crucial issues in the Standing Committees on ForeignAffairs and by asking questions on foreign affairs in theHouse.
These powers provide a substantial role to the Parliament inPakistan, even though an indirect one, in the formulationand implementation of the country's foreign policy. It must,however, be underscored that the formulation andimplementation of the foreign policy is generally consideredto be the prerogative of the executive all over the world. TheParliaments, at best, can influence this process by makingknown their views on important foreign policy issues. Thisis particularly true in a parliamentary form of government asin Pakistan where the executive automatically commandsthe support of the majority at least in the National Assemblyand possibly in the Senate because of party discipline.
Historically, the Parliament in Pakistan has failed to play itsdue role in the foreign policy formulation primarily becauseof the frequent military take-overs. As a result of these take-overs, the Parliament ceased to exist for long intervals andits authority and position was undermined even when it wasfunctioning. The weakness of the political institutions andthe predominant influence of the military generally, evenwhen the civilian rule was restored, also had a negative
impact on the ability of the Parliament to play its due role inthe formulation of foreign policy. Finally, it needs to beacknowledged that the inexperience of the parliamentariansfor which military take-overs were partly responsible alsohad its share in weakening the Parliament's role in theforeign policy formulation.
Role of the Security/Intelligence Agencies
In any country, the Security/Intelligence Agencies play animportant role in the formulation of its foreign policy bygathering information relevant to it through overt and covert
means, and presenting their assessment to the policymakers. The effectiveness of these assessments dependsupon the objectivity and quality of the intelligence gatheringand assessing process as well as on the system ofgovernment in the country.
These Security/Intelligence Agencies in Pakistan, especiallythose connected with the military, have acquired apredominant role in the foreign policy formulation processbecause of the fragility and weaknesses of the civilianinstitutions and the frequent military take-overs. It should
not be surprising that on the matters of policy formulation,the military rulers of the country felt more comfortable withIntelligence Agencies having military background.Consequently, these Intelligence Agencies have acquired amore predominant role in the formulation of Pakistan'sforeign policy than would be the case in a normaldemocratic country. This has worked to the disadvantage ofthe Ministry of Foreign Affairs whose role has beenmarginalised in the process particularly in the considerationof issues of critical and strategic importance to the country.
Informal Factors influencing the Foreign Policy
Formulation Process
Besides the actors who have a formal role in the formulationof foreign policy in Pakistan, informal factors such as themedia, think tanks, academics, scholars, pressure groupsespecially the business community, NGOs, political parties,etc., play an important role in influencing the country'sforeign policy by debating important foreign policy issuesand projecting their views on them. The airing of their viewsinfluences the thinking of the players directly involved in theforeign policy formulation process .It also has an impact byshaping and reshaping the thinking of the people at large on
foreign policy issues. For instance, the views of theseplayers, particularly the media, political parties andacademics/scholars, played an important role indissuading the government from sending Pakistani troopsto Iraq in 2003 af ter the fall of the Iraqi President SaddamHussein's regime when the matter was receiving thegovernment's serious consideration.
Similarly, the government also takes into account andsometimes even solicits the views of the businesscommunity when considering important foreign economicpolicy issues. This is particularly true in the case of issuesrelating to Pakistan's foreign trade and programmes of
cooperation of Pakistan's private sector with private sectorsin foreign countries. For instance, in considering Pakistan'strade relations with the European Union and theestablishment of free trade zones, the government takesinto account the views of the Pakistani businesscommunity. It is, of course, a separate question whetherand how this process can be made more effective to servethe best interests of the country.
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Regional and International Factors
As mentioned above, Pakistan, like any other country,cannot afford to pursue a foreign policy in isolation in thisgrowingly interdependent world. All countries are affectedby the currents and cross-currents operating at the regionaland international levels. Their foreign policies must,therefore, take into account this complex interplay of forcesin the process of formulation of their foreign policies withthe objective of safeguarding and promoting their nationalinterests.
Due to a variety of geo-strategic reasons and domesticcircumstances, Pakistan has been particularly vulnerable tothe regional and international forces in the conduct of itsforeign policy. Soon after its independence, Pakistan wasconfronted with hostility from India. In the face of thesechallenges, Pakistan sought security by entering intoalliances with the Western powers led by the U.S. during thecold war. This relationship enabled Pakistan to obtain themuch-needed military and economic assistance. However,it was not sufficient to compensate fully for theconsequences of its internal political instability and theIndian threat to its security as reflected during the tragicevents of 1971 which led to the dismemberment of
Pakistan. It also had the negative effect of damagingPakistan's relations with the Soviet Union.
Commencing from 1960s, Pakistan entered into a closefriendly relationship with China which have stood the test oftime and have proved to be a vital link for Pakistan's securityand well-being.
For both ideological and strategic reasons, Pakistan alsodeveloped close ties with the Islamic World notably Iran,Turkey, Saudi Arabia, the Gulf States, Indonesia, Malaysia,Egypt and Afghanistan, etc.
The end of the cold war and the demise of the Soviet Unionhave presented Pakistan with a new set of challenges andopportunities. It appears that Pakistan is still trying to cometo terms with the consequences of these developments withonly partial success so far.
The reality is that the U.S. has emerged as the sole superpower after the end of the cold war with global military reachand capabilities .In the foreseeable future, no country wouldbe able to pose a challenge to the U.S.' indisputable military
superiority. However, the position on the economic side ismore complex with several other centres of power includingthe European Union and Japan besides the prospect of theemergence of new power centres including China, ASEANand even India and Brazil.
The political landscape at the international level has beenfurther transformed by the events of 9/11. Consequently,the war against terrorism and non-proliferation of weaponsof mass destruction have emerged as the top issues on theagenda of the international community closely followed bythe promotion of democracy and human rights and theadvocacy of economic freedom and market economy.
The situation is made more complex by the Bushadministration's doctrine of unilateral pre-emptive militaryintervention which has changed the rules of the game ofinternational politics and has had the effect of minimisingthe scope of the UN role in international issues of strategicimportance.
Finally, one must make a brief reference to the phenomenonof globalisation which is turning the world into a globalvillage through instantaneous communications, real timecoverage of global events by the electronic media, lowering
of market barriers, development of fast means oftransportation and the global reach of multi-nationalcorporations.
It is in this context that Pakistan must pursue its foreignpolicy to safeguard and promote its national interests. It isinevitable that in the process, it will have to take into accountthe policies of the regional and non-regional countries. Thechange in Pakistan's Afghanistan policy and our joining withthe international coalition against terrorism in September2001 provide a telling example of the influence that foreigncountries and international currents and cross-currents can
have on Pakistan's foreign policy as it steers the ship of thestate through the choppy waters of international politicsahead in pursuance of its supreme national interests.
Definitely the interaction between Pakistan and the regionaland international players, whether in the form of states ornon-state actors like international and regionalorganisations, is not a one-way traffic. As these forcesinfluence Pakistan's foreign policy, we can also try toinfluence their direction and content in pursuance of ournational interests. However, our success in so doing will be
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directly proportionate to our relative political, economic andmilitary strength as well as the quality of our diplomacy. Inother words, our success in influencing the foreign policiesof other countries and regional/international developmentswill be determined by our relative national power measuredin political, economic and military terms and the way webring to bear this power on the regional and internationalscenes.
Overview of the Foreign Policy FormulationProcess in Pakistan
The formulation of foreign policy is a complex processinvolving national, regional and international players asexplained above. Appendix IIIattempts to highlight the mainplayers in this process at the national level and how they actand react in the making of Pakistan's foreign policy.
It would be seen that foreign policy proposals, as and whenrequired, are initiated by the Foreign Office and submitted tothe Prime Minister for consideration. While doing so, theForeign Office would consult other Ministries andDepartments concerned. The proposals submitted by theForeign Office would be either disposed of by the Prime
Minister or would be referred to the Cabinet for a decision ifrequired under the Rules of Business. In this process, theviews of the Parliament as expressed in the two Houses or inthe hearings of the Standing Committees on Foreign Affairswould be taken into account. This would be particularly soat the level of the Cabinet where there is a close and formalinteraction with the Parliament.
The Constitution requires that the Prime Minister shallcommunicate to the President all decisions of the Cabinetrelating to the administration of the affairs of the Federationincluding of course those relating to foreign affairs. ThePresident may require the Cabinet or the Prime Minister to
reconsider the advice tendered by either of them, and thePresident shall act in accordance with the advice tenderedafter such reconsideration.
Similarly, the President may refer any Bill relating to foreignaffairs passed by the Parliament to the latter forreconsideration. If it is again passed by the Parliament withor without amendment, the President shall not withholdassent therefrom.
In this whole process, the influence of the civil society, think
tanks, media, etc., is informally brought to bear upon theforeign policy makers including, interalia, the Parliamentalthough this link is not shown in the diagram due to thelimitation of space.
Another point which needs to be highlighted but is notshown in the diagram adequately is the close interactionbetween the President and the Prime Minister on foreignpolicy issues.
A final relevant point which is not made in the diagram butneeds to be underscored is that regional and internationalplayers including states and non-state actors such asinternational and regional organisations, also influence theformulation of Pakistan's foreign policy through theirinteraction with the players at the national level whether theybelong to the government sector or to the civil society.
In respect of those matters relating to foreign affairs whichare allocated to Ministries other than the Foreign Ministry,the initiative for submission of proposals is taken by thoseMinistries in accordance with the same procedure as isfollowed by the Foreign Ministry. For instance, theCommerce Ministry would initiate proposals relating toPakistan's external trade.
Evaluation of Pakistan's Foreign PolicyFormulation Process
In actual practice, Pakistan's foreign policy formulationprocess suffers from the following drawbacks:
a. Ideally, there should be a mechanism tosynthesise the political, economic and securityaspects of foreign affairs in the consideration offoreign policy issues. Unfortunately, there doesnot exist any mechanism or agency of the
government which can perform this task in asustained and systematic manner. The ForeignOffice can analyse political and strategic aspectsof foreign policy issues but is not equipped to dealwith or analyse their economic and securityaspects.
The Security/Intelligence Agencies tend to focuson military/security aspects to the neglect of thepolitical and economic ones, while EconomicMinistries/Departments lack the ability to deal
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with political, strategic and security aspects offoreign policy. Even in the Cabinet, there is noorganisational set-up which in a systematic andsustained manner can analyze foreign policyissues taking into account their political, strategic,economic and security aspects, and put up well-considered policy options to the government forits consideration.
b. As mentioned above, the Foreign Office, under theexisting rules, is the focal point in the field offoreign affairs. However, in actual practice, theprimacy of the Foreign Office has beenundermined to a large extent by the tendency ofthe Security/Intelligence Agencies to bypass theForeign Office because of their easier access tothe rulers especially during military regimes .Thistendency leads to the preoccupation with thesecurity aspects of foreign policy issues to theneglect of the economic and the political onesresulting in decisions which sometimes are not inthe best national interest.
c. Unfortunately, the tendency to bypass the ForeignOffice prevails among some of the Economic
Ministries also. On the one hand, it is rightlydemanded of the Foreign Office to be proactive inPakistan's foreign economic relations. On theother, the Economic Ministries jealously guardtheir turf and sometimes do not involve theForeign Office in the consideration of importantissues relating to country's foreign economicrelations. Consequently, the political and strategicaspects may be neglected in such matters.
d. The Foreign Office, which is primarily responsiblefor initiating proposals for the review and change
of foreign policy as and when the need arises,especially in political and strategic fields, has itsown share of blame in the analysis of Pakistan'sforeign affairs and submission of policy options tothe government for its consideration. Historically,the Foreign Office has relied on short-termperspectives or on day-to-day working in dealingwith such issues to the neglect of medium-termand long-term perspectives. It is, therefore, oftenaccused of adhocism.
Unfortunately, the policy planning function, whichshould deal with medium and long-term planningof Pakistan's foreign policy, has not receivedadequate attention and resources in the ForeignOffice as the higher-ups in the Ministry arepreoccupied with the day-to-day handling offoreign affairs rather than the consideration ofmedium or long-term foreign policy options.Consequently, the Foreign Office focuses onadjustments to Pakistan's foreign policy ratherthan its strategic directions.
e. There is inadequate coordination between theForeign Office and the various think tanksestablished by the government for research onforeign policy issues such as the Institute ofStrategic Studies, the Institute of Regional Studiesand Area Study Centres in various Universities.Ideally, the Foreign Office should task these thinktanks for research on important foreign policyissues keeping in view medium and long-termperspectives. The outcome of this research in theform of papers and studies should be fed into theforeign policy formulation process for thedevelopment of medium-term and long-term
foreign policy options. A beginning in thisdirection was made by the Foreign Office in 1991by organising a conference of the representativesof the various think tanks which were assignedspecific tasks. The process worked for a while buthas been inoperative now for quite some time dueto lack of follow-up by the Foreign Office.
f. The foreign policy formulation process isinevitably affected by the political environmentwithin which it takes place. The net result of thefrequent military take-overs has been that in
actual practice military/security considerationshave assumed a position of primacy in the foreignpolicy formulation process to the neglect ofeconomic considerations, particularly during theperiods when the military regimes are in power.The foreign policy formulation process has, thus,been skewed to the disadvantage of non-militaryinstitutions and considerations. This has led,historically speaking, to serious flaws inPakistan's foreign policy.
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g. In actual practice, the two Houses of theParliament and their Standing Committees onForeign Affairs have not been as active in theconsideration of foreign policy issues as theycould or should have been. This has been bothbecause of lack of interest and sometimes lack ofunderstanding of complex foreign policy issueson the part of the parliamentarians. Another factorwhich has contributed to this lack of activity on thepart of the parliamentarians in the considerationof foreign policy issues is the party disciplinewhich prevents the representatives of the majorityparty, who belong to the treasury benches, fromquestioning or criticising the government'sforeign policy or taking a decision contrary to thegovernment's wishes. Nevertheless, even withinthis limitation, the Parliament and its StandingCommittees on Foreign Affairs could have beenmore active than was the case in actual practice.Currently, even after the passage of about one anda half year since the last general election, theNational Assembly has merely established itsStanding Committee on Foreign Affairs but itsChairman has not yet been appointed. As for theSenate, it has yet to even establish its Standing
Committee on Foreign Affairs.
Recommendations
The foregoing analysis suggests the followingrecommendations for improving and strengthening theprocess of foreign policy formulation in Pakistan:
a. The Foreign Office must strengthen its PolicyPlanning Division both by allocating moremanpower and financial resources and byensuring that the Division focuses on medium and
long-term policy planning in the field of foreignaffairs by developing viable policy options for theconsideration of policy makers. In so doing, thePolicy Planning Division must seek the inputs ofthe various think tanks in a systematic, regularand sustained manner. Of course, it is equallyimpor tan t tha t the conc lus ions andrecommendations of the Policy Planning Divisionmust receive the careful consideration of policymakers.
b. To ensure that policy makers receive well-considered options on foreign policy issues, it isnecessary to establish an office under the ChiefExecutive/Prime Minister which would studyinputs f rom the Fore ign Of f ice , theSecurity/Intelligence Agencies and EconomicMinistries/Departments and put up carefullyworked out policy options to the government onimportant foreign policy issues.
c. To enable the Parliament to play an active role inforeign affairs in a systematic manner, it isnecessary to activate the Standing Committeeson Foreign Affairs of the two Houses. TheseCommittees should study important foreignpolicy issues with the help of inputs from expertsand officials, and submit their conclusions andrecommendations to the full House for itsconsideration. For accomplishing this task, theCommittees should be provided with necessarysecretarial and financial support. The views ofthese Committees and the debates on foreignpolicy issues in the Parliament would provide tothe policy makers a valuable and independentinput representing the voice of the people.
d. The executive should make a conscious effort toconsult the Parliament and its leaders on foreignpolicy issues more frequently than has been thecase in the past.
e. It is essential that important issues and projectsrelating to Pakistan's foreign economic relationsa r e h a n d l e d b y t h e E c o n o m i cMinistries/Departments in their proper politicaland strategic perspective. This objective can beachieved by establishing a senior level
coordinating body in the Foreign Office includingthe representat ives of the EconomicMinistries/Departments and the Foreign Office.This body should meet and consider periodicallyimportant foreign economic policy issues andprojects so that the working of the EconomicMinistries/Departments relating to foreigneconomic relations remains within the frameworkof the political and strategic compulsions.
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PPENDI ESPPENDI ESAPPENDICES
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1. Relations and dealings with other countries
2. Matters(other than those handled by other Divisions) relating to:a) international organisations and bodies and their decisions; andb) agreements and treaties with other countries
3. Diplomats, consular, trade and other representation abroad (Selection of officers for appointment asCommercial Secretaries, Attaches, etc., shall continue to be made on the recommendations of the
Special Selection Board and posting and transfer of such officers will be done by the Ministryconcerned)
4 Declaration of war upon, and the making of peace with any country
5 Offences against the laws of nations
6 Foreign and extra-territorial jurisdiction
7 Negotiations for settlement of Kashmir dispute and implementation of agreements reached
8 a) Administration of Foreign Affairs Group;
b) Pakistan Missions abroad;c) Security and operation of cypher communications
9. Visits of Heads of States and foreign dignitaries to Pakistan and the Head of the Government of Pakistanto foreign countries
10. a) Protocol and matters relating to foreign representatives in Pakistan;b) Federal Government Guest Houses
11. a) Policy regarding extradition to and from other countriesb) Repatriation of Pakistan nationals from abroad (other than those handled by
Other Divisions)
12 Foreign awards to Pakistanis
13 Pakistan Institute of International Affairs
14 Coordination of all work pertaining to Economic Cooperation Organisation
15 Institute Strategic Studies
Source:Rules of Business 1973 (Federal Government); updated 2004.
APPENDIX I
ALLOCATION OF BUSINESS TO THE MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS
ARTICLE 13 UNDER THE RULES OF BUSINESS (SCHEDULE II)
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Foreign Minister
Foreign Secretary
Dir(FSO)
DG(FMO)
AS(Afg & ECO)
AS(Adm)
AS(America)
AS(Asia & Pacific)
AS(Europe)
AS(ME & Africa)
AS(P P)
AS(UN & EC)
DG(Afg & ECO)
DG(America)
DG(Europe & CIS)
DG(P P)
DG(Resch)
DG(Resch)
DG(South Asia)
DG(E A & Pacific)
DG(M. East)
DG(Afr)
DG(UN & Dismt)
DG(Dismt- M)
DG(E.C)
Legal Advisor
APPENDIX II
DIAGRAM I: ORGANISATIONAL CHART OF THE FOREIGN OFFICE
The Process of Foreign Policy
Formulation in Pakistan
DG(Pers)
DG(Resch)
DG(HQ)
C.P
Abbreviations:DG: Director General; FMO: Foreign Minister's Office; AS: Additional Secretary; AFG: Afghanistan; ECO: Economic Cooperation Organisation;ADM: Administration; ME: Middle East; PP: Policy Planning; UN: United Nations; EC: Economic Coordination; DG: Director General; Resch: Research; Pers:Personnel; M&F: Missions and Finance; HQ: Headquarters; CP: Chief of Protocol; EA: East Asia; Afr: Africa; Dismt-M: Disarmament Militar y.
Footnote:Due to limitation of space, Directors and Section Officers working under Dgs are not shown in the Diagram.
Source: Drawn by the Author
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Other Ministries, Departments &Security Agencies
Civil Society, Think Tanks,Media, etc
Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Prime Minister
Parliament
Cabinet
President
Footnotes: 1) Normal lines show formal linkages. Dotted lines show informal links. 2) Due to limitations of space, the diagram does not fully reflect the close interaction.
Source: Drawn by the Author
APPENDIX III
DIAGRAM II: FOREIGN POLICY FORMULATION PROCESS IN PAKISTAN
The Process of Foreign Policy
Formulation in Pakistan
16
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5-A, Zafar Ali Road, Gulberg V, Lahore-54000, Pakistan.
Tel: (+92-42) 111 123 345 Fax: (+92-42) 575 1551E-mail: [email protected] URL: www.pildat.org
Prepared by
As a Part of
With support from
Pakistan Institute of Legislative Development AndTransparency - PILDAT
Pakistan Legislative StrengtheningConsortium - PLSC
United States Agency for InternationalDevelopment - USAID