8/18/2019 Fourth International - July 1940 - Socialis Workers Party

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—  94

Fourth

tern

ation

e Mon t h l y Ma ga z i n e of t h e Soc i a l i s t Wor k er s Pa r

“N TION LUNITY”

 d i t or i a l omm en t

P N ND MERIC in the P CIF

r

By J CK WEBER

‘HE UNIONS ND POLI’

By F RRELL DOBBS

  FRIC N SL VES OF IMPERI LIS

By SP

THE AMERICANTELEPHONE

By C

CURTISS

  TELEGRAPHCO

Twenty

C

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Manager’s Column

 

On t h e m a s t h ea dof t h e J u ne

s uey ou prob ab ly not iced the

“md class mail ingrights

for.” The sa mephra seis

this issue.All of

ch m ea n s t h a t t h e F OU R TH

s a ga in bein g

e dt o y ou a t t h e a l l bu t p ro-

t ive3rd class mail ingrat es .

is im pos sible,of cou rs e, t o

e w hent he P os t O ff iced e-

r t m en tw i ll a c t u pon ou r a p -

i ca t i on ,or even i f the ir d eci -

n wil l be favorableto us. We

on ly h ope t h a t by t h e t im e

tissueis of f the press

w ill h a v e o bt a i nedou r Zn d

s pe rm it .An d in t h e m ea n -

e are desperat elyshort

posta gemoney.

A gr ea t m a jor it y of t ir for -

desa re now una bleto

ntr i buteo the s uppor tof our

An d y et it is ou r d ut y

continuegettingto themeach

wh erethereis an y possibil-

of i t reachi ngthem.And , b e

w e find w a ys a nd

s uppor tof the F O U R THN-

a lk n OW, mOr e

rs of the Ameri cancomrad es

Evidenceof insufficientsup-

r t i s the f act tha t th i s i s suei s

ly 16 pa ges inst ea d of t he

ar32. This mustbe only a

rringimperia liststrikea bar-

n o r n ot , Am er ica i s in for a

dof reaction.The FOURTH

a s w or k t o d o;

t cannotbe d el ay edor

The mostefficientwa y to meet

s c r is is i s b y pa y i n ga l l b un -

orderbills promptlya nd in

l . E v ery b ranch u ts q uare

ac counti f w e are to cont i nue

Somebrancheshave

st otaling 100.If th esecom-

s ma k en o ef for t t o p a y of f

indebtednesshe time wil l

omewhenwe shal lbe forcedt o

set heira ccounts.Don’t a llow

is t o ha ppen E very single

opy of the F O U R THNTE R NA-

I O NALmus t reac h a w orker .

I f t h e n um ber on y ou r

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PublishedbutheNational Committeef the i300kW8tWorkemPorttf

VolumeI

J uly 1940

No. 3 Whole No. S

Publizheclmonth l yb y the S O C I ALI S TORKERS PARTY,1SUni-

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Ed4tot i aJBoar d:

J AME SP . C ANNON

J OSEP HHANSEN

ALB E RTG O~ lKAN

FELIXMORROW

General M anager:

MI CH AELC ORT

TAB L E OF C ONTE NTS :

E D I TORI AL C OMME NT . . . . . . . . . . .

67

J AP AN AND AME RI CA I N TH E P AC IF IC by ] Z k

W eber . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70

TH E U N IONS AN D P O LI TI CS

by FuwreuDobbs . 73

AF R I C AN S L AVE S O F I M P E R I AL I S M by SP . . 75

THE AMERICANTELEP HONEAND TELE GRAPH

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4

Ma kethispossibleby pay ingup.

ALLE NTOWN will loseRuth

I t ’s n ot t oo m uch t o a s k

Q. a s lit er at ur ea gen t for t he

 

Now tha twe’vegottentha tof f

our ches t ,a f ew patson theb ack

a r e i n or d er . Wi t h t h e t h i r d i s -

sueoff the press,it is possibleto

t a k e a m or e ob ject iv e v iew of

t h e r ecen t s ub scr ip t ion d r iv e.

The d r iv ew as d ef in i tel ya s uc-

cess. The party respondedwith

disciplinea ndent husia sma nd a

lit t le a n ger a t t he t heft of t he

NEWNTERNATIONAL,hi c hw as

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NEWINTERNATIONALould be

cor ru pt ed by t he a bdu ct or s;

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a n d t h ey k ne w t h a t a s ucces sor

(n ot a com pet it or )h a d t o be

esta blishedwith outthe loss of a

s ing le month .

Directives from

the Nat ionalOff icew ereha rdly

need ed ,f or the b ranchess pon-

ta neouslymobilizeda nd flooded

t h is off ice w i th s ubs cr ipt ion s.

Well done We all deservea lit-

t le s elf-con gr a t u la t i on . . bu t

no rel ax a t i on .

***

FLINT is t he a nsw er t o a

B us i n ess Ma n a ger ’s pr a yer .

Wh il e t h e b ra n ch i s s m a ll, it is

extremelya ggressive.La st w eek

a n ot e ca m e fr om H en r iet t aG .

w h i ch r ea d , “ We t h in k t ha t t h e

F o

u

RTH INTERNATIONALs

s plen di da n d t h e b es t w a y t h a t

w e can s how i t i s to s endi n s ubs .

E nclosed is 10 for I O subs.

Morew ill fol low.”And not only

t h a t , bu t F lin t com r a des k eep

th eirbundleorderpa idup.What

m or e ca n b e s a id ?

s ummerand the pa ; ty w i ll mis s

her f ine s erv ices. S he has con-

t ribu ted t o t h e su cces s o f t h e

FO U RTHNTER NATIO NALndshe

en t er s t h e h os pi t a lw i t h a l l t h e

thoughtsan dw ishesof her com-

radesfor a speedyrecovery.

***

ROCHESTERandK.S.should

receivespecialmen tion.Im medi-

a t e ly a f t er t h e s pl it t h er e w e r e

v ery f ew comrad esl ef t to carry

on t h e w o rk of s ellin ga n d d is -

tr ibutinghemagazine.F ar f rom

being discouraged,this branch

actua llybecam emorea ctiveand

mili tant .K.S . has increasedhis

bundleordert w icean dkeepshis

accountsbala nced.He receives

m a n y ex t ra cop ie s of t h e m a g a -

zineandusesthemtomakecon-

tac t w i th the w orkers. There i s

no quest ionbut tha t th eRoches-

t e r b ra n ch w i ll g r ow a n d w i de n

its influencea mongthe workers.

***

N o s um mer s lu mp i n N EW

HAVEN either .Nick L. real izes

tha tpromptbundlepayment s re

vit a ly n eces sa r y. An d I .L . of

Y O U N G S T O t WN keeps a

s t ea d y s t r ea m of n ew s ub scr ip -

tionscomingint ot his office.He

d oes n’t let t h em collect in h is

pock et ,b ut s en d si n a f ew ea c h

w eek. That ’s the properw ay to

handlei t .

***

Thereisa newbranchin MIL-

WAU K E E a n d w e expect big

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B U F F AL O i s g a in in g s pe ed i n

pa r t y a ct iv it y .We h ope t o r e-

por t soon t ha t t his br a nch

amongthe F.I . ac t iv is tsalso.

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A fina l w ord a bout loc

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FOURTH INTERN TION L

Th e Mon t h l y Maga z i n e of t he soci al i st w orkers par

—

VOLUME I

JULY 1940

NUMBE

Editorial

The Burning of the Books

T

o CONDEMN t o t he fla m es t he cu lt ur al cr ea t ion of t he

fift een y ea r s of t h e Weim a r r epu blic—t h a t for m a ny

people ba r ed for t h e fir st t im e t h e u tt er ba r ba r ism of

N a zis m. Th er e is lit t le li kel ih ood of s eein g t h a t pa r t icu la r

s pect a cle in t h is cou nt r y

in the next few years. But the

attempt is alreadybeingmade to wipeout from our minds

themost thoughtful and creativecontributionswhich liter-

ary men and historians have made in America during the

period sincethe last war—andwe are not

thinkinghere

of

Marxist writing.We havehad thespectacleof anArchibald

MacLeish,Librarian of Congress,addressingthe American

Library Associationto deplorethe creativewriting of the

last twenty years

—he mentioned Hemingway, Remarque

and a few others, but his remarks really applied to prac-

tically every worthwhile poet and novelist—which,by in-

culcating skepticism and distrust of fine phrases, had

ill-prepareda generation to realize that there were things

really worth fighting for, i.e., American

capitalism.But

MacLeishwas merely a bit clumsyin blurting out what is

quietlybeing done systematically:the schoolsand colleges,

the liberalmagazines,the press, the radio, the movies, are

speedilydivesting themselvesof every particle of critical

intelligencewhich may have adhered to them during the

quarter-centurysincethe last war. They are gettingdownto

fightingtrim by throwingaway everythingtheyonceknew.

Nor is this process an unnecessaryone. Who can read

the novelsof a Hemingwayor a Remarqueaboutthe effects

of the last war and willinglygo through anotherwar of the

samekind?They must get rid of eventhe better text-books.

Consider, for example, the eminent and respectable,the

late Professor Parker

T. M oon ’s, “I mper ia lis m,” a book

u s ed f or cou r ses a t m a n y u n iv er s it i es s i nce i t w a s p ub li sh ed

i n 1925. Th a t

book is dynamitetoday as we approach the

threshold of war. For any intelligentyoung lad can get

enoughout of it to establishconclusivelythat this war is

but a continuationof the last war, both imperialistwars for

re-divisionof the earth, that the declineof the British and

French empires was envisagedon the basis of economic

analysis,and that it was a foregone conclusionthat the

new challenger for world dominionwould have to clash

with the United States.

Professor Moon and hundreds of others explained to

their classes,year in year out, the particular difficultiesof

Germany.Having failed to achievethe nationalunification

of Germanybefore 1870,that powerappearedon the inter-

nationalarenaafter the world had beenparcelledout by the

other great powers. Germany could get nothing remotely

Comment

resemblingthe great empireswhichBritain and France

carved out by peacefulmeans, i.e., by subjugation of

European peoples.There was not even left for Germ

what the smaller powers,Belgium,Holland and Portu

had managegto grab. Germanytherefore preoccupiedi

with creating a first-rate industrial machinewhich, u

the lawsof capitalism,had to findnewmarkets,newsou

of raw materialsand new fieldsfor investment.Since t

were none left, she had to try to take those which ot

had, a processwhich led to the first world war. Instea

solvingher problemsby that war, Germanywas defea

thanks to Americanintervention,and driven back into e

narrower confinesthan before.

So much all the more intelligentprofessors told. S

of them also added that the constrictingconfinesin w

German industry found itself after Versailles led to

desperateresort to fascism as a means of atomizing

Germanworking class and re-arming Germany.From

point the intelligentlad could finish the story for him

MacLeishis-perfectlyright. If the Americanpeoplear

fight this war with any morale at all, the elementaryf

ings of Americaneducationmust be abandoned.

The Difference Between

Germany and the “Democracies”

There is a certain note of sincerity in the insistencet

for America, England and France are different than G

many.The real distinctionof coursehas nothing to do w

the “democracy”of the British and French empires. T

genuinelyfriendly feelingfor them felt by Americanfin

cial and industrial interests is based on the inferiority

these empires in competitionwith American imperial

Especiallysincethe first world war, they were never a s

ous

problemin anyof theworld’smarkets.Livingprima

off their coloniesand with no driving need to transfo

their rather archaictechnolo~, their industrialdevelopm

laggedfar behindAmerica’s,which had not reallycom

age until 1914-18when it expandedall the more quic

But the dynamicsof Germandevelopmenttook a diffe

course.Just becauseit had no empire from whichto dr

riches, Germancapitalismhas beendrive since1870 to

velopa technologicalplant far superior to that of Engl

and France. Applyingthis plant to a Europe from whic

has forcibly removed the main national barriers —

United States of Europehad to come,if not createdby

workers whose sloganit was, then by the most reaction

nationalism —Germanyif it had time to organize on

continentalscalewould surpass the United States in ind

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FOURTH INTERNATIONAL

July 194

ial plant and, hence, outstrip it in the world’s markets.

hat Germany’s Victory Means

American /mperia/ism

The reorganizationof Europe under German mastery

uestionablymeansa sharp drop in Americanexports to

rope itself—and that area has been accountingfor 40-

~0of Americanexports. Hitler, indeed,will bar .4mer-

an products from Europe as completelyas possible,con-

rting the continent into a private preserve. The loss of

arkets in Europe is however, the least of the penalties

Americanimperialismwillpay for a GermanizedEur-

e.In South America, importantnot merely for what im-

rts and capital investmentit has beentaking, but for the

r-greater market it can be if firmlyorganizedby a great

wer, and even more important as a source of vital raw

aterials, a Nazi-dominated Europe will confront the

ited Stateson at least equalterms and willnot submitto

ing shoulderedaside. Meanwhile,on the basis of an un-

rstanding with Germany, Japan will wreak havoc with

merican trade and sources of raw material in the Far

ast; everything that Japan did not dare to do but was

mptedto do against American interests she will now do,

nowAmericanimperialismcannotstop Japan so longas

rmany is triumphant in Europe. A Japanized Asia will

omover the Pacific as a GermanizedEurope will appear

verywhere in the Atlantic. The liberal economistswho

ed to scoffinglyexplain to Marxists that we did not un-

rstandthe minor rolethat foreign trade playedin Amer-

economy—a“mere”

10~0or so of the home trade—

nd that therein lay the root error of our bugaboo tales

out the dynamics of American imperialism,will now

te booksexplainingthat Americaneconomycannot live

to the Western Hemisphere.

osevelt’s New Authority

To prevent this, Germany must not be given time to

solidatethe organizationof Europe. Roosevelthas un-

dlyalwaysunderstoodthis task of American imper-

lism; he was AssistantSecretary of the Navy during the

st war, which America entered to prevent the subjuga-

n of Europeby Germanyand a consequentGermanchal-

geto the new role of Americaas the premierworld pow-

. That Americawouldvery soonbecalledupon to attempt

repeat its crushing of Germany, Roosevelthas under-

dandhasbeenmakingclearat least sincehis “collective

curity”speechof October 5, 1937.

But, as the Administration spokesmen,Alsop and Kint-

r, complainin the

“American White Paper,” Roosevelt

s been forced to limit his activitiesbecauseof the “lag”

“publicopinion.”

It would be comforting at this point

say that by “publicopinion”they mean the deep-seated

red of war felt by theAmericanmasses.Accuracy,liow-

er, necessitatesreporting that what they and Roosevelt

ere concernedabout was the publicopinion of the capi-

list class. During most of the two and a half years that

has beenstriving to organize for war, he has not

d thebackingof a unitedcapitalistclass,and that was his

ncern. Given that, he was not, it must be said in all

nesty, particularlyworried about lining up the masses.

Giventhe supportof the capitalistclass,of its press, radi

movies and spokesmen,he could be sure of driving th

masses into the war. That will be the case as long as th

capitalist class remains in control of the economyof th

country.

T he m ost si gn i fi can t ~ew fact about the si tuat i on

Amer i ca i s t hat n ow Roosev el t h as t he ba ck i ng of a u ni t

capi t ak st cl a ss. T hat means t hat we a t-enow on t he r oad

war .

Basis of Capitalist Unity

The unityof the capitalistclasshas shownitself strikin

ly in the extraordinary majorities rolledup in both hous

of Congress for every one of Roosevelt’sproposals sin

the Nazis overran the LowCountries.Armament approp

ation bills, comprising astronomical figures, have be

adopted by Congress with such rapidity that the avera

citizen,evenif he closelyfollowedthe press, cannot for th

life of him tellyou howmanybills,each for not lessthan

billiondollars,havebeenadopted.Congressionaldebateha

been less than perfunctory; the few hours spent on eac

billas a matter of form have found the House and Sena

half-empty while speakers droned about everything und

the sun exceptthe major issuespresentedby the bills,the

the membershavetroopedin and voted,with at most only

ha~dful of maverickscasting nay ballots. One who gat

ered his information from the CongressionalRecord abo

the opinionprevalent in the country would be at a loss

explain the fact that the latest Gallup poll found 93~0 o

the peopleopposed to American involvementin the wa

but hewouldbe naive.Congressis a forum for the capita

ist class and not for the people.

The most formidable opposition during the last tw

years to Roosevelt’sorientationhad comefrom that secti

of the capitalistclasswhoseholdingsweremainlyboundu

with this continent,with Australia and with the Far Eas

The “peaceful”nature of their “isolationism”was perha

most glaringlyrevealedwhen their mostvociferousspoke

man, SenatorVandenberg, last July successfullysponsor

the resolutionto abrogatethe commercialtreaty with Japa

and thereby plunged Japanese-Americanrelations into

day-to-daycrisis. Their

“isolationism”consistedin a sha

differenceof opinion over which war America wouldhav

to wage first. The liquidationof the differencesbetweenth

“isolationists”and the imperialists represented by Roos

velt was signalizedon June 9, when the sameVandenbe

cameout for signinga new pact with the Japanesebecau

of “our new vicissitudes.”The pact with Japan, he sai

would be worth “half a navy’’—meaning,of course, th

most of the naval forcesbased in the Pacificcouldthen b

transferred to the Atlantic, facing Germany.

Why No Coalition Government

Pulses leapedand hearts beat high when it becamecle

that the capitalist class now stood united. The idea of

coalitiongovernmentand an end to two-party politicscam

to the fore. It is scareclya secret that at that exhilarati

momentColonelKnox and other Republicanleaders cam

to a tentative agreementwith Roosevelt for the entry o

Knox into the cabinetand others into governmentservic

But after the first thrillof the embracesof comradeshipha

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July 1940

FOURTH INTERNATIONAL

Page

worn off, sober second thoughts brought forward very

cogent objectionsto the entry of Republicanleaders into

the cabinet.

Too muchhas still to be donein breakingdown the peo-

ple’soppositionto involvementin war. That Gallupfigure

of 93 ZOmust be drivenway down.A nationalatmosphere

must be created in whichit willbe well-nighimpossiblefor

somanytrade unions to adopt anti-war resolutions—notto

speakof sucha spectacleas the Harvard seniorclassbooing

and hissinga class day speaker for telling the boysto “go

out there and do the job again.” This very difficulttask of

pushing the peopleover the brink would not be facilitated

by a coalition government.The danger is too great that

the stark picture might be all too apparent: the people

versus

the par t ies that are supposed to represent them.

Having decidedagainst a coalitiongovernment,all par-

ticipantsin the discussionproceededto deny that the ques-

tion had beendiscussed(Roosevelt,Knox) or to denounce

the idea (Landon),

Then came the announcementon the eve of the Repub-

licanconventionthat Stimsonwas to be Secretary of War

andColonelKnox Secretaryof the Navy.Theflabbergasted

delegates gathering in Philadelphia for the convention

couldonlycongratulatethe presidenton pickingtwo of the

most eminent Republicans,and bitterly complain that it

wreckedthe party. The first draft of a platform criticizing

Roosevelt’sconductof the preparednessprogram went into

the wastebasket. Whatever the professional politicians

might still do in the way of organizinga Republicancam-

paign for the elections,a powerful sectionof the big bour-

geoisieof the Republicanparty were certain to back the

coalition,whichwould in one form or another endure into

the comingwar.

Why They Chanced the Coalition

why Wa5the coalition

esorted to, after it had been

abandoned? Its dangerousconsequencesremain: the spec-

tacle of a united capitalistclass, symbolizedby a coalition

government harmoniouslyworking to drag this country

intowar, is themost outrageousprovocationto themasses;

hardly any other singleact would be more likelyto drive

the working classinto outspokenoppositionto war policies

of the government,and into great strikes and demonstra-

tions to back up its anti-war feelings.

Two main factors account, we believe, for the final

decisionto go through with the coalition:

1.

T her e i s n o t im e for

maneuvering.The speedinessof

Hitler’s victory in Europe forces an accelerationof the

American pace. Considerationswhich were weighty two

weeksbefore are now outweighedby the punctuality of

the Nazi blitzkr ieg timetable.If Hitler keeps to his time-

table and is through with England by August 15, and if

Roosevelt’sdeterminationto give Hitler the least possible

time to organizehis European empire, is adhered to, then

all secondaryconsiderationsmustgivewayto the singleaim

of producinga war machinemore powerful than Hitler’s.

Then it is more important to mollify the remaining reac-

tionary die-hards,to center all possiblepower in the gov-

ernment, to secure the most authoritative cabinetconceiv-

able.than it is to worrv about the sentimentsof the ~eode.

2. The zm.stsen t imen t aga inst Amer i can invol vemen t

the war is leader less.

The cold truth is that the coalition government h

about asmuch to fear frmn the massestoday as a power

employerwhose employees,despitetheir many grievanc

haveno union to opposeto the strength of their employ

Since the coalition idea was first discussed,Roosev

has had an opportunityto convincehimselfhow complet

Ieaderlessthe anti-war sentimentis. One has to take Gall

pollsto find it, or carefully gather incidentshere and the

in trade unionmeetingsand weigh their total meaning,N

strong organizationof anykind, no popularspokesmene

press that vast but formless and chaoticoppositionto t

war perspective.

Those politicians in the two major parties who, li

Senator Wheeler,voted for all Roosevelt’smajor propos

but then made a few sharp speechesagainst the gover

ment’sorientation,havehastenedto makeclearhowlimit

their criticismis. Theywouldlovenothingbetter than to

on drawing to themselvesthe attentionof the great mas

through anti-war demagogy; but the times simply do n

permit it. The crisis of Americancapitalismis too deep,t

near to an attempted solutionby force of arms. Wheele

voice dies away in his throat . . . he objects to sendi

armament to the Allies because. . . the American arm

forces need everything possible.

The Labor Movement Lines Up

Nor need the officialleadershipof the trade unions

taken into considerationby Roosevelt-except as recruiti

sergeants.The AFL leadershipis a sheep-dogwhich aut

maticallyleadsthe flockto its capitalistmaster. Scarcelyle

docileis the CIO leadership,includingJohn L. Lewis.

He played longer the game of anti-war demagogyan

as a result has more words to eat, but he is eating the

Hitler’svictory in the battleof Flanders put an end to t

dramatic anti-war speechesof Lewis; forgotten was h

resolutionat the February conventionof the United Mi

Workers demanding that the government “withold t

lendingof anymoney,or the participationeither directly

indirectlyin the wars now going on in Europe and Asia

his defenseof the AmericanYouth Congress“peace”res

lutions against Roosevelt’sscolding, etc. Lewis cancel

the anti-war speechhewas scheduledto makeat the SWO

conventionand instead his lieutenant, Phil Murray, p

thr,oughthe conventiona jingo resolutionbuilt around th

slogan “Our country right or wrong.” Lewis persona

came to heel on May 17 at the Amalgamated Clothi

Workers conventionwherehe whininglyinsistedthat “It

publiclyknownthat laboris fully in accordwith the neces

ty of nationaldefense,”

and raisedbut one demand: “If th

countrywants the cooperationof labor to do the work o

preparing for war, and in t he ez~en tof wa r t o do the nece

sar y d yi ng i n t he w ar what is wrong with a littlecooper

tion on policies?“

This “demand” for labor representati

was accededto with alacrity by Rooseveltwhen he nam

Hillman to the DefenseCouncil; the CIO executiveboa

by resolutiongave“appreciativenotice”to the appointme

Then, in a sullen effort to show Rooseveltthat he cou

still snarl, Lewismadethat unbelievablyfantastic speech

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July 194

ladelphiaon June 18, denouncingRooseveltas respon-

blefor the depressionand . . . defendingHoover

he Stalinists Begin the Turn

If anything could be more absurd than Lewis’ pro-

over speech, it was its handling in the Stalinist Daily

dwr. It got a front-pageheadline:“LewisHits Involve-

nt in War; DemandsUseful J,obsfor All.” Sub-heads:

akesStirring Call for Negro Equality at NAACP Par-

; ReceivesOvation from (Negro) Conventionat Phila-

phia.”The startling statementson Hoover? They could

found in the Dady Worker account,uncommentedupon

enby a sub-head,in the fourth columnof the story

At about the point that keepingone foot in Lewis’camp

oneinStalin’sfieldof Germanorientationbecamewell-

h impossibleeven for acrobats like Br.owder,Moscow

dered a re-orientation which, by degrees, will enable

rowder to put his feet together again—in the camp not

relyof Lewis,but of the coalitiongovernment.The pact

hich was to make impossiblea Nazi war on the Soviet

nion had playedits role in the Nazi conquestof Europe,

alin’spartner was noti free to turn his attention toward

e Soviet Union and, with his policy in ruins, Stalin

enziedly prepared for a new turn. Whereupon Israel

ter told the YoungCommunistLeagueconventionthat

ussia’s move into the Baltic was

“objective aid to

ance”; and William Z. Foster recalled suddenly that

~e Communists always vote to furnish arms to such

gnuine) democraticgovernments,as in the case of the

st popular front government in France, and the demo-

ticpeople’sgovernmentsof Spain, China,Mexico,Chile

d Cuba.” (Daily WorkW,June 20, 1940).Foster forbore

add the Rooseveltgovernmentof a year or so ago, but

will recall that too in a week or two. In a word, the

oblemwhich the Communist party is shortly to present

e Americangovernmentis the sameone which they pre-

nted Rooseveltwith in the last presidentialelection: the

assmentof their support.

By the time this editorial appears the government’swar

rammay also countamong its officialsupportersNor-

n Thomas’ Socialist party. Wisconsin, Massachusetts

d other party sectionsare calling for a formal pro-Ally

larationby their National‘Committee.Thomas’co-part-

ers in the “Keep America Out of War Committee,”the

stoneites,havealready comeout for an Alliedvictory.

any event Thomas does not have to travel far. He has

already adopted the slogan,

“Rational, not hysterical de

fense.” Rooseveltcouldendorsethat with both hands.

It is not a pretty picture Wehave drawn of the labo

movement,but it is a true one. And we expectedit. War

like revolution, burns away all ambiguities.It draws th

line with utter clarity between the capitalist class and i

labor lieutenantsand choir boyson the one side, and on th

other the real,Marxists, the revolutionists, small thoug

they be in number when the war begins, but authentical

expressing the real interests of the masses and certain t

find the way to organizethe masses’oppositionto the wa

in the courseof the war.

We Do Not Fear This War

We stand alone today. Our isolation is painfully appa

ent. The demagogyof Roosevelt,and of his labor lieuten

ants, has disoriented the masses and the processof the

regroupment is a difficulttask. But let there be no mis

understanding.Though irreconcilableenemiesof imperia

ist war, we have no fear of this war. We acceptbattle c

the arena chosenby the class enemy.The Fourth Interna

tional is the onlyorganizationwhich correctlypredictedth

general course of world events, which anticipated the in

evitabilityof a new imperialistcatastropheand prepared it

cadres for it. We are weldedtogether by iron discipline,

movementof tested revolutionistsready for anything an

with an unconquerablewill to victory. The overwhelmi

majority of our comrades in the different countries hav

withstood the first test of the war. In all the major coun

tries the comingconvulsionswill find us ready.

Here as elsewherethe war will burn away the last ve

tiges of workers’ illusionsand the passivityengenderedb

previous defeats. Our proletarian armies are soon to b

mobilized by Roosevelt; the millions of youth hithert

lockedout of industry and hencedispersed,will be organ

ized into regimentsand brought together in the armame

factories. Inexorablehistoricalnecessitydrives them in ou

direction,as it did during the lastwar. Then there was on

the smallemigre group around Lenin to begin the strugg

for world revolution. Today, possessingin numbers an

especiallyin preparation infiniteadvantagesover its pred

cessorsat the beginningof the last war, the Fourth Inte

national exists, As our comradesare firmly united acro

the national barriers and battle-fronts, so we shall uni

the soldiersand workers on the oppositesidesof the wa

We shall bring peace to the cottages, war to the palace

Japan and merica in the Pacific

By J CK

H E J AP AN E S Ea ce a m om en t ou s d eci si on in t h eir im -

per ia l is t l oot in g of t h e F a r E a s t . S h a ll t h ey b eg in t h eir

lon g-a w a i t ed expa n s ion s ou t hw a r d s or is t h e t im e n ot

t op por t u n e? Th e n ot or iou s Ta n a k a m em or a n d um t o t h e

ka d o set for t h t h e in ner mos t u rg es of J a pa n es e ca pit a l-

m a nd la id dow n a long-ra nge pla n of conq uest . Ma n-

was to be the first victim,to be seized,if necessary,

WEBER

evenat the risk of war with SovietRussia. In the courseo

this war, if it occurred,the MaritimeProvincesof Siber

were to becomethe next prey. From Manchuria, Japa

wouldthen proceedat its leisureto swallowup allof Chin

But the ambitionsof nationalist imperialism,of whatev

country, are boundless.Hence after landing China in h

net, Japan would then fish in the troubled waters of th

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Sotlth Pacific. Faithfully the militarists of Nippon have

adhered to this plan. Their intention is clear. The “New

Order” in Asia, the Monroe Doctrine of the Far East,

meanscompletedominationby Japan and the ousting of all

rivals.

The present situation seemsas if created by destiny for

the fulfillmentof Japanese aims. With the European im-

perialistsbleedingeachother to death, the coast is left clear

for Japanese capitalism. The tremendous strain on her

economicand human resourcesentailedby the invasionof

China, did not deter Japan from seizing Hainan Island,

whichdominatesthe coast of Indo-China,with the obvious

purposeof making ready to oust France at the earliest op-

portunity. England is engagedin a life and death struggle

in whichher entire empire

i s at stake.The English imper-

ialistsare completelyhelplessto counterany blowdelivered

against their interests by the Japanesein the Far East. So

the latter havesucceededin allbut taking Hongkong,which

has beenmademore or less uselessas a naval base by the

dispositionof Japanese forces around it. Now comes the

seizureof Holland by Germanywhich leavesthe most im-

portant equatorialcountry in the world, the largest insular

empire,the Dutch East Indies, suspended,politicallyspeak-

ing, in mid-air. The temptation for the unappeasableappe-

tites of the expansionists-on both sides of the Pacific—

maybeguagedbya brief surveyof these islands.

Economic Importance of Ecist Indies

Dutch Borneo alone is as large as France and it is less

than ‘one-thirdthe total area of the islands. Sumatra is

larger than California.The eightmillionDutch in Holland

ruled over sixty-fivemillion slavesin the East Indies, of

whomforty millioninhabit the Island of Java, perhaps the

most denselypopulatedcountry in the world.The economic

importanceof theEast Indieshas risen byleapsandbounds

in the twentieth century. Besidestheir status in supplying

sugar and rubber, these isles produce 95fZ0of the world’s

quinine, 50% of its tobacco,20~0 of its tin, 10~0 of its

petroleum,50~0 of the world’s cocoanutoil, 70~0 of its

pepper, 60 70of its sisal.Add to these products, rice, tea,

coffee, iron, silver, gold, teakwood, ebony, sandalwood—

and one begins to understand the stakes of imperialismin

this one sectionof the Pacific area alone.The Dutch had

over four billion florins invested in this portion of their

empireand they squeezedeachyear half a billionflorinsof

profit (at an averagerate wellover twenty percent) out of

their Indonesianslaves.The Netherlandsreceiveda yearly

tribute of some one hundred and fifty millionsof dollars

from the Dutch East Indies.

But the problemof these islandsof the MalayanArchi-

pelagois boundup with all the economicand strategicprob-

lemsof the Pacific.Oncethe East Indiesare in the hands of

the Japanese, the innumerableislands that dot the South

Pacific would pass under Japanese control one after the

other. The Philippines,alsopart of the MalayArchipelago,

wouldbe flankedon both sides and couldbe taken at will.

From the Dutch East Indies the way would be open for an

assaulton the entireBritish Empire in the East. The great

naval base at Singaporelies at the eastern end of the long

Strait of Malaccabetween t~:eEnglish Straits Settlement

and the Dutch Sumatra. At Malaccaand Sunda Strait (

tweenSumatar and Java) all the trade routes from Eas

West converge,the routes from India, from all of E

Africa, from Australia, from the China Seas, Japan

Malaya. Here the English built Singapore to defend t

colonialloot, includingHongkong,Malaya and, more

tantly, Australia. In a world of capitalistrobbery and

ploitation, the fate of Singapore determines the fate

Malayafirst of all.Acre for acreBritish Malayais the r

est English possessionon the faceof the globe.Its ann

foreign trade is over one-half billion dollars. It produ

half the world’s rubber, a third of its tin. Japan take

milliontons of iron ore a year from this possession.In

these islands of the Pacificand on the mainlandof A

Japan seeks raw materials and also a vast market for

ton goods. No wonder the Japanese imperialistscovet

Dutch East Indies They would be a cornerstone for

empire in the South Pacific to include all of the Ma

Archipelago,British Malaya—andat a later stage, A

tralia and India

Japanese Imperial Ambitions

It was the first World War that set Japan on her path

empirein China. In 1913,just before that war broke

Edward Greybargainedwith AmbassadorKato for Jap

ese support in the comingstruggle.The pricedemande

Kato so alarmedGrey that he did his best to prevent Ja

from enteringthe war at all. But in the end he was for

to give Japan a free hand in China. In the secondWo

War Japan need no longer seek British support. On

contrary the Mikadois on the other sideof the fencethr

ening to cut off vast slicesof the French and British

pires. In the period between the two wars, England p

pared to defend her colonialloot by building tremend

naval bases at Colombo,Singapore and Hongkong.

thesebasescannotbe mannedby the English fleetwhic

entirelyoccupiedin the Atlantic. In the first World W

England paid a price for assigningto Japan the defens

her empire in the East. Since the break with Japan, E

land has had to seek new politicalalliancesto try to

a new defender for her empirein the Pacific.Naturally

turned to theUnited ‘States.The more Japan encroache

the mainlandof Asia, elbowingaside all competitors,

closer England and the United States were driven on

world arena. Thus when Singapore base was form

openedin January, 1938,the only other country invite

participatewas the United,States. Three Americancrui

not only participated in the exercisesbut, followingth

in joint maneuverswith the British forces in the Pac

under British command.Shortly afterwards it was sta

openlyin the House of Commonsthat in the eventof w

England would “lease”her bases in the East to the Un

States.

This is one of the prices necessarilydemandedby

United States for aid to the British Empire. It is the en

situation in the stormy Pacific that determines the ma

policies of American imperialism. For g en er a t ion s

U n it ed S t a t es h a d ca st it s ey es t ow a r ds C hin a a n d t h e E

pr epa r in g t o la y t h e fou nd a t ion s of em pir e a cr os s t h e P

fic. N ow , w h en m or e t h a n ev er befor e, t h e cou nt r y w it h

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atest forcesof production in the world seeksmore out-

s, when these forces clamor for expandedmarkets and

ds for investment,.the American capitalists see them-

lves frustrated by Japan: Short of actual war, United

ates diplomacyhas done everything possibleto hinder

thwart the Japanese.In the most recent period loans

d supplieshave gone to Chiang Kai-shek to encourage

resistanceto the Japanesewar lords.The cancellationof

e trade agreementwas a clear threat of a completeem-

goagainstany trade with Japan, So largelydependentis

pan on this countryfor her raw materials and for her

arkets, that such an embargo would tend to strangle

paneseeconomy.For that very reason it would result in

briefesttime in openhostilities.

merican and Japanese Rivalry

The preparationsfor the comingwar in the Pacifichave

deof that oceana tremendousbattlefield.Feverishlythe

tedStatespreparesdefensesalongthe route overwhich

expectsto transport men and supplies.The Pacificis now

tted with airplane bases, including Midway and Wake

lands on the direct route to Japan and to the Philippines.

e myth of Philippineindependencewill be quicklydis-

lled the moment hostilities commence.The discussion

erthe fortificationof Guamhas to do not in the slightest

ith any oppositionto the oncomingwar, but with a dif-

rencein judgment as to whether Japan would permit its

rtifying without at onceacting to seize it as well as the

lippines,or as to ,whetheroncefortified, it couldbe de-

nded from attack. The Panama Canal has vast strategic

ortancefor war purposes.Hencethevast sumsallocated

its defense.But since Panama cannot be safely used to

s throughbattle~ips of forty-fivethousandtons, shortly

becomecommonplace,preparations are under way for

dinga newand widercanalthrough Nicaragua.

But as was stated, the United States lacks the greatest

entialof all to conductwar against Japan for the con-

estof vast spoils.In the Far East she has no main bases

thoutwhich a navywould be helpless.BecauseEngland

eeds United States help in Europe, as well as in Asia,

ingapore, perhaps Hongkong, may go to the United

ates.For that very reasonJapan wouldliketo seizethese

sesbefore they can fall into the hands of America.The

mptation for her to swallow the Dutch East Indies is

erefore all the greater. Fearful that Japan would act in

itzkrieg fashion with respect to this rich plum, Roose-

lt dispatchedthe entire fleet post-haste to Hawaii, and

erhaps also to Guam, to act as a Pacific Maginot Line

ainst any Japanese fleetmovement.It seems fairly cer-

in that war will result in this fundamental imperialist

ash of interests if either fleetmoves towards seizure of

Dutch eastern empire. Perhaps the only declarationof

ar will havebeen Hull’swarning to Japan to keephands

alin’s Role

The United States has made little pretenseof being neu-

al in the secondimperialistWorld War. Her imperialist

akes in the Pacific bring her temporarily together with

ngland on the world arena. For that reason Germany,

anxious lest America enter the European struggle quickly

and weigh the scales in favor of the Allies, encourages

Japan to take the Dutch East Indies. That would keep

America too busy to exert a preponderant influence in

Europe. Hitler has also attemptedto act as the broker be-

tween Russia and Japan. Stalin would not mind seeing

Japan involvedin war with the United States since Japan

could not then attack Siberia. It is an interestingspecula

tionwhether Stalinwouldnot try to playthe samerole in a

war of thePacificthat he playedin Europe; namely,giving

Japan assuranceof benevolentneutrality.Certainlywithout

such assurance the Japanese militarists would hesitate to

becomeinvolvedin war with theUnited States. The war in

China has tended also to exhaust Japan economically.It is

doubtful therefore whether the Mikado’s generals would

dare to take the risk of immediatewar by trying to annex

the Dutch East Indies, consideringthat the United States

will probablynot now take the initiative for such annexa-

tion herself. The situation may thus developa temporary

“stalemate”as on the Western Front before the “real” war

opened.

What then of the Dutch East Indies? There is one factor

that the imperialistsdo not take into account: the natives

of the Indies. A strong many-millionednationalist move

mentexists in theDutch colonies.Just after the first World

War this movementwas not only proletarian in composi

tion, but it was in closealliancewith the communistmove

ment. A communistparty was organized in Java in 1919

before that of the United States. In January of 1927there

occurredan uprising under the leadershipof the Red Pro-

letarianLeague.The revok was put downwith bloodysup-

pressionand severalhundred leaders were deported to the

wildernessin New Guinea.Sincethen the nationalistmove

ment has taken the road of reformism. It is, however

closelyin touchwith the Hindu nationalistmovement,send

ingdelegatesto the Hindu Congress.It was closelyin touch

with theChinesenationalistmovementin the revolutionar

phase of its development.The first World War saw the

tremendousgrowth of the East Indian nationalist move

ment. The secondWorld War willhavea similar influence

particularly in viewof the threat made by both Japan and

Americato establishdominationoverthesecoloniesin plac

of the Dutch. It is to be expectedthat the compactpopula

tion of Java (with as manypeopleas England or France)

with a proletariat, fearfully exploited,organizedinto trade

unionsof considerablepower,and with a nationalistmove

ment one wing of which demandscompleteindependenc

will not remain quiescentunder new threats of enslave

ment. A movementtowards independence,for throwing of

the imperialistyoke, in any sectionof the Far East, wil

have profound repercussionseverywhereelse in the colo

nies. This is the factor that the imperialistswill have to

take into accountbefore their war for spoilsis over. The

imperialistswho hope to profit in the break-upof English

French, Dutchempires,willhavefirst of allto prolongtheir

war into one of suppressionof vast colonialrevolts. This

willbe no easytask, particularlyif the workingclassmove

ment at homerevivesin one or more of the great capitalis

countriesin Europe, or in the United States.A revoltin the

colonieswould aid in bringing such a revival, particularl

in the defeated imperialistcountries.

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The Unions and Politics

By  RRELL DOBBS

 

ATEOONONESID Eof the conference ta ble are worker

r epr es en t a t i vesof a t r a d e u ni on , H a n d ica p ped b y la ck

of a ca d em ic t r a in in g, la b or iou sly com pu t in g f ig ur es

w it h t he st ub of a pen cil, t hey m ake t heir a rgum en ts for

h i gh er w a g es , s h or t e r h ou r s, a n d b et t e r w o rk in g con d it i on s .

Th ey m u st d epe nd a l m os t en t ir el y u pon t h eir ow n p er son a l

exper ien ces a n d ob ser va t ion s f or t h e f a ct s w h ich s uppor t

t h e ir a r g u men t s .

They know w ha t t hey ha ve t o pa y t he la ndlord, t he

g rocer , t he clot hier s for t he n ecess it ies of life. An d h ow

h a rd it is t o m a ke en ds m eet on t he w a g es t hey a r e get t in g.

Th ey kn ow t he h a un tin g fea r of u nem ploy men t. B u t t heir

kn ow led ge of econ om ic t ren ds bey on d t h e scope of t heir

ow n d ir ect ex per ien ces i s m or e or l es s l im it ed .

S ea t ed a cross ‘t he t able a re t he em ployers a nd t heir

s killed a i ds —t r a in ed la w y er s, a ccou nt a n t s, s ta t is ticia n s.

B e tt er ed uca t ed t h a n t h e w or ker s, w ell in for m ed on loca l ,

r eg ion a l a n d n a t i on a l e con omi c con d it i on s , t h e y a r g u e g li b-

1y , u s in g a s li d e-r u le i n st e a d o f t h e w o r ke r’s p en ci l s t u b a n d

pa per . Th ey a r e a r med w it h im posin g st a t ist ics obt a in ed

t h rou gh t h e s er vice of t h e em ploy er s’ v a st n a t ion a l or ga n -

i za t i on s cr ea t e d t o com ba t la b or . All t h e t es t ed m et h od s of

b ea t i n g d ow n t h e w or ker s h a v e b ee n p rev iou sl y s t ud ied b y

t hem . Th ey ju ggle t he fig ur es t o s uppor t t heir cla im t ha t

t hey h ave lost m on ey sin ce t he fir st da y t ha t t he busin ess

w a s l a u n ch ed . Th ey h ol d t h e w o r ke rs r es pon s ib le f or con d i-

t ion s elsew her e. Th e w or ker s ca nn ot a sk for a r aise in a

S t . L ou is p la n t t h e y con t e nd b eca u s e t h e e mpl oy er i s a l r ea d y

pa yin g m or e t ha n is r eceived by t he w or kers in a sim ila r

pla n t in B ir min gh a m, Ala ba m a or ev en in B om ba y , I nd ia .

Th e w or ker s kn ow t ha t if t hey a r e for ced t o g o on st rike

t h ey w ill h a ve t o d epen d la r gely on t h eir ow n r es ou rcef ul-

n ess t o fin d m ea ns of subsist ence, They a re a w a re of t he

fa ct t ha t m a ny ot her t ra d e u nion ist s w ill m a ke ev er y pos-

s ib le e ff or t t o a i d t h em . B u t exper ien ce h a s a l so s how n t h a t

t he t ra de union movement ha s not found a w ay t o gea r

it self t o present a solid front in t hese st rike st ruggles

a g a i n s t t h e e mp loy er s .

The boss, on t he ot her h an d, is a ssur ed in a dva nce n ot

on ly of t h e s olid s uppor t of t h e b os s cla s s it self , b ut a l so of

t h e pol ice a n d t h e l a ck ey s of t h e em pl oy er s i n t h e a p pa r a t u s

of g ov er n men t . H e w i ll ea t r eg ul a rl y w h i le t h e g ov er n men t

does his fight ing for him. I f he is a big boss he ma y hire

his ow n priva te t hugs t o help. I f h e is a lit tle b oss he w ill

m er ely h ir e sca bs t o d o t he w or k a n d lea v e t h e r ou gh st uff

i n e xcl us ive ch a r g e of t h e p ol ice .

Th e f or eg oin g is s ym bolic of t h e r ela t iv e p os it ion of t h e

w or ker s a n d t h e e m ploy er s in t h e d a y t o d a y cla s s s tr ug gle.

S om et im es t he w or ker s a r e a t les s d isa d va n ta g e. Aga in ,

t h ey m a y b e u nd er ev en g rea t er h a nd ica ps . Ta k en in it s en -

t ir et y , t h is i s a n a ccu r a t e r ef lect i on of t h e r el a t ion of f or ces .

I n g en er a l t h e b os ses a r e m uch b et t er pr epa r ed t h a n t h e

w or ker s in em ploy er -u nion con flict s. Th e r ea s on s d o n ot

l ie in a n y i nh er en t w e a kn es s i n t h e w or kin g cla s s. Act u

t h e w or ker s a r e m uch m or e pow er fu l t h a n t h e b os ses . T

w ea kness of t he w orkers lies in a lea dership w hich

fa iled t o r ecogn ize t he cla ss st ruggle in it s r ea l sign

ca n ce a n d t o pr epa r e t h e fig ht a ccor din gly . To pu t it m

a ccur at ely, t he officia l t ra de un ion lea der sh ip h as s

or din a t ed it self t o t h e lea d er sh ip of t h e polit ica l a g en t

the employers.

B e gin nin g w it h t h e v a st m a jor it y of t h e n a t ion a l l ea d

of t he t r a de u nion s, r ea ch in g fa r d ow n in t o t he s econ d

s tr a t um of t h e u nion lea d er sh ip a n d in clu din g a s ect ion

t h e m or e p ri vi leg ed t r a d e u n ion m em ber sh ip, t h er e exi s

por t ion of t he w or kin g cla ss w h ich looks w it h fa v or u

t he syst em of in dividua l en ter pr ise. C om pa r ed w it h

con d it i on s of t h e m a n y poor ly -p a id a n d u n em pl oy ed w o

ers, t hey fin d t hem selves in fa ir ly com for ta ble cir cu

st a nces. Th ey see a br igh t s id e t o t hin gs a s t hey a r e. T

a r e ca p a b le o f v iew i ng s ocia l a n d econ om ic pr ob lem s f r

t he g en er a l poin t of view of t he em ploy er s. S in cer ely

plor in g t he plig ht of t he les s-for tu na t e w or ker s, t hey

m en ta lly in ca pa b le of t a kin g d ecisiv e a ct ion t o a id t h

Th ey d eclin e t o r isk t heir ow n pr ivileg ed posit ion in

i nt er es t s of t h is s t ru gg le.

Th e em ploy er s, u n der s t a n din g t h i s, h a v e pu r su ed a c

s ci ou s pol icy of n ur t ur in g a con t en t ed s ect i on i n t h e of fi

t r a d e u n ion m ov em en t . Th er e a r e com pa r a t i vely f ew co

m u nit i es i n t h e cou nt r y , in clu di ng t h e s ma l les t , t h a t d o

h ave a t ra de un ion gr oup, ba sed on t he r ela t ively bet

p a id s ki lled w or ker s, w h ich en joy s v er y g ood r el a t ion s w

t he loca l C ha mber of C om merce. These groups ext

t hem selv es in to t he g ra d ua lly t hin nin g r a nks of t he sm

m in or it ies of s killed w or ker s in t he m a ss pr od uct ion

dustries.

AF of L Policy

The AmericanFederation of Labor was built up int

substantialnationalorganizationprimarily on this foun

tion. Its officialdomis dominatedby those whose ideol

and outlook is that of the individualwho enjoys a cer

degreeof comfort and who therefore findsno serious fa

with the present socialstructure.

This leadership continually reminds the workers t

they “must learn to crawl before they can walk.” M

emphasisis placedon lobbyingfor “liberal”legislationa

means of struggle for improvedwagesand working con

tions. Direct strugglesagainst the employersthrough str

actions are subordinatedto this program and, in gene

discouragedif not sabotaged.

The traditionalpoliticalpolicyof the AFL in promo

favorable legislation is to reward political “friends” a

punish political

“enemies’’by votes. The term “frien

doesnot mean representativesof theworkers.The “frien

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not always vote for the bills endorsed by the unions.

ey are considered“friendly” if they vote for the major-

of them.

AFL officialdomrejects independentworking class

iticalaction. They advise the workers to confinethem-

essolely to trade union activity and let the bossesor-

zethe political parties and run the government.The

iends”maybe Republicans,Democratsor so-called“In-

w that the mass productionworkers havebroken the

ngle-holdof the craft unionsand have successfullyes-

shedtheir industrial unions, a new pressurehas devel-

n the politicalfront. The bosseshave few crumbsto

r to these great layersof the working class.The mem-

hipof the industrial unionsfind themselvesin constant

lictwith the bosses,They have the grave problemsof

housing,unemployment,ndustrialdiseases

he most aggravated form. They are little impressedby

time-worndictumabout the “long road” to the realiza-

n of their aims. Especiallywhenthose “aims” are only a

centsmorean hour or a few hours lesswork per week.

re is little satisfactionin “progressing” from starvation

meremalnutrition.They want action.And on the polit-

wellas the economicfront.

and Labor’s Non-Partisan League

e leadershipof the Congressof Industrial Organiza-

nspretendedto give the industrialworkers a vehiclefor

endentworking classpoliticalaction through Labor’s

npartisan League.But it isonlya pretense.The LNPL

not an independentworking-classpoliticalparty. It is

thingbut a new methodof applyingthe hoary AFL “re-

rd your friendsand punish your enemies”policy.

typicalexampleof the policiesof the LNPL is found

recordof theLabor Voter,a publicationissuedby the

L of Illinois.This publicationwas launchedduring the

presidentialcampaign.Seven issues appeared,giving

ualifiedendorsementand support to Rooseveltand the

w Deal. Publicationwas then suspendedfor a period of

o years. It was revived again during the 1938 election

aignwith the publicationof issueNo, 8. This time the

r endorsed94 Democratsand 33 Republicansfor seats

the United States Congressand the Illinois legislature.

publicationwas again suspended.

n examinationof the record does not speak well for

sepolitical“friends” who are backedby the officialdom

the AFL and CIO. Few workers can remembera time

enoneof these “friends” appearedbeforea unionmeet-

to urge the workers to go cmstrike and use their eco-

mic power in the struggle for their rights. But many

kers can recallincidentswhere the “friends” havegone

fore meetingsof the workers urging them not to go on

ike, or to call off a strike already in progress, to say

hingabout statementsissuedby them against the work-

They havemany,manytimeshelpedthe bossesto cram

unfair contractdowntheworkers’throats or to forcethe

kersto acceptan insincerebosspromiseand no contract

all.

When the time comes for a show-downthese “friends”

labor show that their real allegianceis to the bosses.

eir promisesto theworkerswerenot madein good faith.

In fact, the record shows that the policy of supporting

“friendly” politiciansis in reali~ a matter of supporting

thosewho are least host i le.

Some of the most serious defeats have been suffered

where the unions dependedon “friendly” governmentoffi

cials insteadof militant class strugglepolicy.For example

in Little Steel, the CIO workers got a large scaledemon-

stration of betrayalby the very peoplethey had worked so

hard to elect into posts in the government.

When a politiciantakes a more or lessboldcoursein op-

position to the workers or piles up too long a record of

anti-labor actions the workers turn sharply against him.

The alibi-artistsin the trade unionmovementfind it difficul

to apologizefor him and sometimeshe doesnot survive the

next election.

However,he is replacednot by a workers’representative

but by another slickpoliticianwho is alsosubservientto the

bosses. He, too, is palmed off on the workers as their

“friend.””The union leadershipmust be put on record as

approving or disapprovingall action of these “friendly”

politicians.Nothing must remain unmentionedor covered

up.

They will try to evade this responsibility,claimingthat

there is danger of embarrassingthe “friends” and risking

the electionof “enemies.”The workersmust insist upon an

end to such “friends” and the electionof governmentoffi

cials from the workers’ranks by the workers’ own party.

The workers do not electbossesor boss stoogesto lead

the unions. Such an actionwould be patently foolish.It is

done only in companyunions. It is just as ridiculousfor

them to electsuchpeopleto politicaloffice.The theory that

the workers are not capable of governing themselves is

falseto the core.Unthinkingpeoplein the trade unionswho

repeat this prevarication do an injustice to their class

Every worker who has participated in trade union life

knowsthat theworkingclasshas a tremendouscapacityfor

efficientadministration.

Thosepartieswhichhaverepresentedthemselvesas labo

parties are only substitutes for the real article. They con

fine themselvesto competition for political posts of the

lower rank. They do not seriouslychallengethe boss’ po-

liticalparties for the key positionsin the government,Occa

sionally they elect a mayor; very rarely a governor or a

congressman.They avoidputting up workers as candidates

Lawyers,drug storeproprietorsand professionalpolitician

have been more popular with them as standard bearers

They buckleunder just like theRepublicansand the Demo

crats whenthe bossesreallyturn on the heat.

For an Independent Labor Party

An independentlabor party, sponsoredand launchedby

the trade unions,will representthe politicalpower,not only

of the organizedworkers, but also of a broad strata of the

unorganized industrial and agricultural workers who wil

give it their support.

Farmers, smallmerchants,professionalpeopleand othe

middle-classelementswill also in large numbers followthe

independentpoliticalleadershipof a dynamicworking clas

as opposed to the present leadership of a decayingbos

class.

‘Classcollaborationistleaders of the workers have.been

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7

and will continueto be, in politicalofficesas timid before

the bossesas they are in the unions.The independentlabor

party will no doubt elect to politicaloffice,among others,

many class collaborationist, Their performance in office

willhelp showthemup in their true colorsbefore the eyes

of the workers.They can thus be compelledto changetheir

policiesor be eliminated entirely from leadership in the

workingclassmovementin any capacity.

The class consciousworking class leaders will fight as

militantlyin politicalofficefor the rights of the workers

they do in the unions.They will givea new meaningto th

struggle of the workers for their rights. The workersw

find powerfulnew weaponsat their command.

The electingof workers’ representativesto politicalof

ceswill surely not solvethe basic problemsof the workin

class.But whenthe workers begin to participatein polit

as a class,through an independentparty of their own, the

willhave taken a long step forward toward their goal.

  frican Slaves of Imperialism

By

SP

T

F I IZN E G R O n t h e u nit ed S t a t es k now s lit t le a b ou t t h e

B a nt u in S out h Afr ica , but t he B a nt u kn ow s st ill less

a bou t h is bla ck br ot her in t he N ew Wor ld . Th er e a r e

m a ny r ea s on s for t his. Th e S ou th Afr ica n n a t iv es a r e, in -

cr ed ible a s it m a y soun d, m uch m or e oppr essed t ha n t he

Am er ica n Negr oes. Th er e is n o d aily pr ess in t he n a tive

la ngua ge, a nd even if t here w ere, only a t iny minorit y

cou ld a flor d t o bu y it , a n d n ot m a ny m or e could read it, for

educationis deliberatelydeniedto a great majority of the

Bantu. The backwardnessof life in the Reserves (the so-

callednative territories) is artificiallymaintained,the con-

ditions in the mine compoundsare prison conditions,and

the blackworkers on the white men’s farms are slaves in

all but name.And in any caseall the information about the

AmericanNegro that the Bantu gets in “his” weeklies(all

of coursebelongingto an imperialistpublishingconcern) is

about the successesof Joe Louis or Paul Robeson,with

an occasionalarticle in this strain:

“Wit hin for ty -5ve y ea r s

of his

emancipation

he had risento the highest level that merica could afford its inhabitant

“Negrodevelopmentis now at par with that of other sections

of the merican community ”

The problemsconfronting the Negro in the States and

the Bantu in South Africa are the same. Compare the

urbanised Bantu to the lowest strata of the Negro in the

North, and the rural Bantu to the Negro in the South, and

youhave the essenceof theseproblems.

Let us look first of all at the statistical aspect of the

Bantu problem.The latest censusof 1936gives the popu-

lationof the Union of South Africa as 9,588,665,madeup

of 6,597,241Bantu, 2,003,512Europeans, 767,984mixed

Colored,and 219,928Asiatics.Of the Europeans1,307,000

live in urban areas and 696,000 in rural areas. Of the

Bantu 1,150,000live in urban areas (town locations) and

5,448,000in rural areas. (The scope of this article does

not permit us to deal with the other non-Europeans.) If

weconsiderthe millionurban Bantu as permanentor casual

workers, domesticservants and some petty-bourgeois,we

are left with nearly 5j4 millionpeasants.But most of these

peasantsare without land. Accordingto statistics3 million

of themare crammedinto the Reserves,and the remainder

are altogether landless,living as farm laborers, labor ten-

ants and squatters on the European-ownedfarms. The ac-

tual position becomes clear when we place beside these

figures the correspondingdistributionof land. Out of the

total area of 143 million morgen* the Europeans ha

seized126million,and the Bantu are left with 17millio

which is partly individualproperty and partly in commu

tribal ownership.While the density of the rural populati

in the Union is 14.07per squaremile,in the Transkei (R

serves) it is 71.46 per squaremile.Today the Reservesa

denudedterritories in which only the women,childrena

old peoplelive,becauseat any one time 60 per cent of

able-bodiedmen are absent, either in the mines or on t

farms of the white men. The Reserves export only o

commodity—laborpower.

Comparison: Bantu and Negro in South

The Negro reader will findnothing new in an article

the strugglesof the Bantu.He needonly turn to his Sou

to findall the familiar features—slavery,peonage,segreg

tion, color barriers, and terror against the blacks. In bo

countriesthe life of a blackman is worth next to nothin

The periodicallynchingsmay attract more attention a

arousemore“liberal”indignationthan the periodicalsho

ings in South Africa, but there is no essential differen

betweenthem. They arise from the samecause-the bla

man’shelplessposition;they are both intendedto teacht

“Nigger” or the “Kaffir” where his place is; and in bo

casesthe results are the same-the blackman loseshis li

and the white assailantescapeswith a fineof a few doll

or a few pounds.Classjustice is classjustice, whether it

in Alabamaor in Vereeniging.Aren’t they both democra

states? Haven’twe the samewestern capitalistcivilizatio

Slavery is supposed to have been abolished in Sou

Africa as far back as 1834.But it still exists, though it

not becomingto say so, as the Speaker in Parliament

marked.Youmaycall it “adscri~tiglebae.”It doesn’tsou

so bad. But in spite of the industrial revolutionthat h

taken place sincethe Great Trek, in spite of the discov

of gold and diamonds,in spiteof the Boer War, in wh

feudalismwas defeatedby capitalism,the Voortrekkerw

refused to acceptthe Abolitionof Slavery Act of 1834

stillthemajor forceconfrontingthe Bantu in SouthAfric

The gigantic centenary celebrationsof the Voortrekke

lasting a wholeyear (1938), showhowthe decaying,co

ardly capitalismof the 20th century is ready, here as el

* A m or g en is e qu iv a le nt t o 2 1/9 E n gi is h a cr es .

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ere, for any foul compromise with feudalism at the

nseof the exploitedand oppressed.

licy of Segregation

e history of South Africa since 1834is the history of

ggles and rotten compromisesbetween capitalismand

lism,in which the Bantu’were invariablythe pawns,

the struggles centered chiefly around the question of

pnative labor. It may be briefly characterizedas the

to~ of Segregation.The questionof Segregation,more

n any other question,has dominatedthe politicalarena

exercised the ingenuity of white South Africa. The

has variousmeanings,dependingon the economicin-

sts of the several socialstrata of the population.Some

uldlike to have it bothways, to havetheir cakeand eat

theywouldliketo havea “purewhite South Africa” and

the same time to live on the labor of the black man.

is from the universityprofessors and students, from

poor whitesand from the predicants (clergymenof the

tch ReformedChurch) that the cry comes for complete

egation—’’SouthAfrica must be made safe forever as

eman’scountry.”

It is thosewho do not livedirectJy

the profits and super-profitsderived from native labor

are demanding that the Bantu be completelysegre-

d, driven out of the country somewhere,north to the

alahariDesert, where he could “lead his own life and

rk out his own destiny” The South African Labour

rty, the party of the white labor aristocracy, joins the

lenboschprofessors in this demandfor completesegre-

n,or completeseparation,as the party programputs it.

ideahas alsotaken root in certain sectionsof the Bantu

lligentsiaas a logical reaction to the “total absenceof

communityof interest betweenblackand white.”

the other hand the industrial capitalists,who need a

e labor force and a developedinternal market, are op-

ed to the extension of segregation beyond the social

ere.A white South Africa is all very well, but it must

t interfere with the supplyof cheapnative labor and the

ationof super-profits.

idway between these two is the feudal class of the

te landowners,who would like to have it both ways.

e white farmer hates the Bantu with the hatred of the

ve-ownerfor the slave. He hates his presence on the

, remindinghim alwaysof who is the rightful owner.

d becausehe’knows that the hatred is mutual, he fears

Bantu. He therefore concentratesall his activitieson

visingways and means to keepthe “Kaffir” in his place,

perpetuateand ensure the enslavementof the Bantu.The

islationof South Africa sincetheUnion was founded in

0,and especiallyduring the last fiveyears, the reign of

Fusion Government,*marks the victory of these feudal

downers, and the capitulation of capitalism in this

re, or what Hertzog calledthe “final solution of the

equestionin South Africa.”

f the extremesegregationpolicyof the Stellenboschpro-

ors,the predicantsof the Dutch ReformedChurch,the

iteLabour Party, etc., has not beenadopted,it is not be-

heFus ionG o\-wn men tesultedmm an

a l li a nce b et w e en t h e ol d

on alist P a rt y, led by t he t hen P r im e Min ist er , G en er a l H er tz og ,

t he S ou th Afr ica n P a rt Y, led by t he pr es en t P r im e Min ist er , G en -

l S mut s. Th e Na tiona list P a rt y r epr esen ted t he int er est s of t he

a l l an dow n er s, w h il e t h e S ou th Afr ica n P a r t y r epr es en t ed ch iefl y

r es t s o f t h e C h a m ber of M in es , t h a t i s, B r it is h I mp er ia l is m.

cause the

ma jor it y of t he w hit e ruling cla ss t hink it t oo

ext rem e—t hey h a ve n o m or a l object ion s t o t h e policy of

com pl et e ex t er m in a t i on a d op t ed b y t h e con q u is t a d or s 300

y ea r s a g o-bu t beca u se it is u topia n , beca u se l ife pr oves it

t o b e im pos sible. Th ey h a t e t h e n a t iv es , b ut t h ey m us t h a v e

h im . Wi t hou t h im t h ey ca n n ot w or k t h e f ie ld s a n d or ch a r d s,

t h e m in es a n d fa ct or ies . Th is ch ea p n a t iv e la b or —it cos t s

n ext t o n ot hin g —is t he fou nda t ion of t he w hole of S out h

Af rica n a g ricu lt u re, t h e w h ole of t h e m in in g in du st r y (t h e

per son n el in clu des on ly 10 per cen t of w h it es , w h o a r e em -

ploy ed a s s uper vis or s a n d s killed w or ker s), 60 per cen t of

in du st ry a n d 40 per cen t of t ra n spor t. C a n t he ca pit a list

a n d la n d ow n er s t h in k of com plet e s eg reg a t ion w h en 400, -

000 nat i v emi ners rece iv e three-q uar ters of the amount pa i d

t o 47,000 E ur opea n m in er s, w h en s om e fa r mer s pa y a n a -

t i ve l ab orer

t h r ee sh i l l i ngsper mon th and ten shillingsper

month is consideredby them to be a decentwage, worth

boastingabout in Parliament?

Break-up of Bantu Tribal System

The first invaders could not be satisfiedwith defeating

the Bantu,robbinghim of his landand pushinghim further

north into Reserves,but had to subjugate and enslavehim

and compelhim to work the land for the benefit of the

conquerors.The followinggenerationshad to pursue more

and more this policyof enslavementto securecheapnative

labor, for presently a powerful competitor came into the

field.The discoveryof diamondsand gold, and the indus

trial revolutionwhich followedit, the developmentof rail-

way transport, of coal mining and engineering,upset the

pastoral-agricultural economy of South Africa. The re-

sulting rush from the country to the fast-growing towns

and the ever-growingand insatiabledemand for cheapna-

tive labor threatenedthe very existenceof the white land

owners,who until then had been the solemasters and em

ployers of Bantu slaveand serf labor. The farmers cam

intoconflictwith the miningand industrial capitalists,with

whom they have ever sincebeen struggling for control of

native labor. The Bantu could no longerbe enticedto the

farms by the pretense of satisfying his hunger for land

and so other methodshad to be adopted to teach him the

“dignity of labor.” Taxation proved the most successfu

and this was strongly supplementedby the forcing of in-

dustrial productson the natives,and bya mighty recruiting

system to eliminate individual competition and preven

wages from rising. The results were highly successfulfor

imperialismand the land-owningclass. The ruling classe

became richer; their standard of living rose higher and

higher. On the other hand it resulted in a breaking up of

the old Bantu life. The tribal systemwith all the old Bantu

traditions and customs (good and bad) has disintegrated

The Bantuhas beenuprootedfrom his oldtribal and family

life, from his economy,without receivingin compensatio

any of the benefitsof the so-calledEuropean system and

civilization.

The fast breaking up of tribal life, and the increasin

migration of the Bantu from the Reserves and the farms

to the townsalarmedthe slave-owners.At all costsmust the

Bantu be kept in subjectionand slavery and ignorance.At

all costs must he be excludedfrom town life, from Euro-

pean civilization, from knowledgeof the class struggle

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P a

fr om des tr uct ive C om mu nism . B a ck t o t riba lis m, ba ck t o

t he .Reser ves a n d fa rm s, t o “develop on h is ow n lin es.”

Th is b eca m e t h e ba t t l e c ry of t h e la n d ow n er s. S eg reg a t ion

a cq u ir ed a n ew m ea n in g.

Hertzog’s Native Policy

F us ion r epr es en t ed a vict or y for t h e la n dow n er s on t h e

q uest ion of na t ive policy . H er t zog ha d his na t ive B ills

r ea dy a s ea rly a s

1925

but he ha d t o w a it for t en y ea rs be-

f or e F us ion g a ve h im t h e oppor t un it y

t s

them through .

Th e leg is la t ion t h a t w a s pa s sed du rin g t h e la s t fou r y ea r s

w as not only t he crow ning of H ert zog’s ca reer (he w as

r igh tly celebr a ted a n d h a iled by t he r ulin g cla sses a s t he

s a viou r of w h it e S ou th Afr ica , t h e g ua r dia n of w h it e civil-

iza tion), but it a lso dea lt a sha tt er ing blow t o t he old

B a n t u or ga n iz a tion s a n d lea d er s, w h o w er e lea n in g on t h e

i mp er ia l is t s a n d t h e l ib er a l s, a n d r el yi ng on t h ei r p rom is es

of gra dua l reform s t hrough t he en light enm en t of w hit e

pu blic opin ion . At t h e s a m e t im e t h e a t t em pt ed r es is t a nce

of t he “left ” gr ou pin gs a n d t he All-Afr ica n C on ven tion

w as frust ra ted by t he S t a linist s, w ho a t t ha t t ime w ere

d es per a t ely clin gin g t o t h e P e ople’s F ron t w it h t h e w h it e

liber a ls a n d t he w hit e ch a uvin ist ic L a bour P a r ty -t ha t

s a me pa r t y w h ich com pla in ed t ha t H er tz og ’s B ills d id n ot

g o fa r en ou gh .

H er tzog’s n a tive policy , w hich w a s a dopt ed by P a r lia -

m en t a l mos t w it h ou t oppos it ion , is em bod ied in h is N a t iv e

Act s a n d r es t s cm fou r cor n er s t on es : ( 1 ) polit ica l s eg reg a -

t ion , (2) t er rit or ia l s eg reg a tion , (3) econ om ic a n d s ocia l

segr ega t ion , a n d (4) educa t ion a l segr ega t ion . Th e fir st

t hr ee a re secur ed by t he t hr ee Act s, t he four th by a n a d-

mi ni st ra t i v e meas ure.

Native Representation ct Destroys

Political Rights of antu

Th e pur pose of t he Na tive Repr esen ta t ion Act w a s t o

d epr iv e t h e B a n t u of t h e la s t v es t ig es of polit ica l r ig ht s t h a t

h e st ill en joy ed in t he C a pe P r ovin ce fr om t he t im e w hen

t his w as a ‘C row n C olony. I t is not only t he Negro in t he

S t at es w ho ha s a Nort h a nd a S out h. U nt il recent ly t he

B a n t u a l so h a d s uch a d iv is ion , a l th ou gh per h a ps i t w a s n ot

so

s ha r ply d efin ed . O nly h er e t h e S ou t h w a s t h e liber a l, t h e

N or th (Tr a nsva a l, Or a ng e F ree S t a t e a n d N a ta l) t h e r ea c-

t ion a ry sect ion . Wh en t he fou r pr ovin ces w er e u nit ed t o

for m t h e U n ion of S ou th Afr ica , t h e m or e “liber a l” policy

of t he C ape ha d t o give w ay t o t he undisguisedly brut al

N a tive policy of t h e old B oer R epu blics . At lea s t t h e t h eo-

ret ica l prin ciple of Rh odes-eq ua lit y for a ll ‘ CiVilized”

men sout h of t he E qua tor—ca me int o conflict w it h t he

p ri nci pl e o f t h e B o er R ep ub li cs : “ n o e qu a l it y b et w e en w h i t e

a nd bla ck in S ta te a nd C hurch.” S till, up unt il 1936 t he

B a n tu in t he C a pe en joy ed som e polit ica l r igh ts, even if

t hese right s w ere illusory. H e ha d t he right t o vot e for

P a rlia m en t a n d t he P r ovin cia l C ou ncil, pr ovided h e h a d

cer t a in ed uca t i on a l a n d pr oper t y q u a lifica t ion s. B u t s uch

w a s t he oppr ession u nder w hich t he B a n tu suffer ed t ha t

ou t of on e a n d t h ree-q u a rt er s m i llion n a t iv es on ly 10,700

h a d t h e v ot e. Yet t h es e 10,700 v ot es exer cis ed a cer t a in in -

flu en ce in t en or t w el ve con st it u en cies , a n d m or eov er t h ey

w er e a sour ce of in spir a tion a n d h ope for t he B a n tu in t he

ot h er pr ovin ces. I n a d dit ion t o t h e fr a nch is e t h er e w a

r igh t t o bu y la n d, t o occu pa t ion of pr oper ty in t he t

et c. I t w a s t h es e r ig ht s, t og et h er w it h t h e r esis ta n ce o

M un icipa l it ies , t h a t w r eck ed t h e old L a n d Act of 191

t h e old U r ba n Ar ea s Act , a n d pr ev en t ed t h e a p plica t i

t h e P a s s L a w s t o t h e C a pe. NO u nifor m s eg reg a tion p

cou ld be a d opt ed a s lon g a s t h es e r ig ht s a n d pr ivileg

ma ined. Th ey ha d t o be r em oved first , a nd t hey w er

m ov ed b y t h e fir st of H er zog ’s m ea s ur es , t he N a t iv e R

sen t a tion Act , w h ich d is fr a nch is ed t h e B a n t u in t h e

giv ing hi m i nstead i ndi rect representa t i onby three E u

a n s in t h e low er h ou se a n d on e in t h e u pper h ou se. Th

t ives in t he rest of t he U nion w er e given t hr ee E ur

r epr es en t a t iv es i n t h e u pper h ou se, on e for ea ch pr ov

Wit h t he fa ll of t his la st ba st ion of t he libera l C a pe i

t hen ea sy t o put t hrough t he La nd Act , t he Na tive

Amend ent Act , e tc. S egrega t i on w a s complete. NO l oo

r em a i ne d by w h ich t h e B a n t u cou ld e sca p e.

Th e idea beh in d t his policy of “t rust eesh ip” is si

The B ant u must rema in forever a minor. This ca

a ch ieved if h e i s out side of t he la w , if a s a m in or he h

polit ica l r ig ht s, if h e h a s n o ot h er m ea n s of livelih oo

cept by a d min ist er in g t o t h e n e ed s of t h e w h it e m a n, a

h e r eceives a n ed uca t ion t h a t is su it a ble on ly for a s er

N a t ur a lly “ he m us t d ev el op a l on g h is ow n lin es ,” t h a t

m ust live a s lit t le a s pos sible in t h e t ow n s, w h er e h e m

be “t ra nsformed in t o a bla ck prolet ar ia t” ( ), w he

m igh t com e in to con ta ct w it h da n ger ous su bver siv

m en t s a n d a cq u ir e h a bit s a l ien t o a B a n t u civ iliz a t ion

old “bea u t ifu l” B a n t u cu st om s, t h e a u th or it y of t h e c

in t r ib a l life, m us t b e g iv en fu ll s cope—t o d ev elop h is

B a n t u cu lt u r e

antu Driven from Land and Towns

to Reserves

To t his en d it w a s im pera t ive t ha t t he B a nt u shou

deprived of a ll r ight s a nd pla ced a s a minor out sid

or din a ry la w of t h e la n d. Th e R epr es en t a t ion Act d id

I t w a s necessa ry t o dr ive a ll t he B a nt u st ill living o

la n d of t h eir fa t h er s a s la bor -t en a nt s a n d s qu a tt er s of

la nd. Th is w a s don e by t he L a nd Act , w hich pr ovide

for a lim it a tion in t he n um ber of la bor -t en a nt s (n o

t ha n five t o a fa rm), w it h w rit ten cont ra ct s a nd fees

pa id for ea ch , (b) for such a pr oh ibit ive t a x on sq u

t ha t in a few yea rs t hey must disa ppea r, a nd (c) for a

cr ea se in t he a moun t of free la bor given by t he t ena

t h e fa r mer fr om 90 d a ys in t h e y ea r t o 180 d a ys . Th e

of t h es e pr ov is ion s w ill b e t h a t on ly la b or er s w i ll b e le

t he fa rm s, for w hen t he sq ua t ter s a n d la bor -t en a nt s

a re smoked out from t he fa rms go t o t he Reserves,

w ill discover t ha t t her e is n o n ew la nd for t hem. H u

a n d t a xa t ion w ill do t he r est , a n d t hey w ill be w illin g

ba ck t o a ny fa rm er , even if it is on ly for a lit t le m ea li

(corn).

Th e t h ir d Act com pl et e s t h e p roces s b y d r iv in g t h e B

ou t of t he t ow ns a n d in to t he R eser ves. I t gives t he M

t er for Na tive Affa ir s t he pow er t o procla im a ny t o

cl os ed a r ea . Th e m un icipa l it y m us t in for m t h e N a t iv e

fa ir s D epa r t men t of t h e n um ber of n a t iv es it r eq uir e

n a t ive m a y live in t ow n except on pr em is es w h er e a c

8/18/2019 Fourth International - July 1940 - Socialis Workers Party

14/16

FOURTH

INTERNATIONAL

July 194

dationis providedfor himby hismaster. No nativemay

in a t ow n location (the usual placewhere Bantu live)

ministers

t o t he

white man’sneeds.As

soon a s h e

employmenthe becomesin the eyesof the law

a n ex-

native,whomust be “repatriated”back

t o t he

Reserves,

if hewasborn in the town.

Thus

in a

nutshellthemeaningof this segregationpolicy

t o turn back the stream of the natives from the land t o

towns, and t o transform the Reservesinto a huge cen-

recruiting reservoir and distributing center for native

r, with

a

quota for the

t ow ns, a

quota for the mines,

d the balancefor the farms. The pass system,which

re-

res the Bantu

t o

carry on his persona poll-taxreceipt,a

rtificateof labor

or

contract pass,

a n

exemption pass,

various specialpasses allowinghim

t o

travel, to be

t at night, to work

a s a

casuallaborer,

etc.,

willmake it

for him

t o

choosefreelybetweentown labor and

rm labor.And the taxation system,whichtoday results in

,000natives a year being

s en t t o

jail, together with the

odification”of the prison system, will complete the

elopmentof the Bantu “on his own lines.”

ntu Mis/eaders Reformists and

linists Smash Militancy

The questionwill surelybeput: Was there

no

opposition

the part of the Bantu,

no

support for them on the part

the white workers? At first a st