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Signe Cecius Larsen Pejstrup Swaziland in transition30th of June 2010091184-1908 MSc in Development Studies and International relations Aalborg University

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Abstract

The motivation and idea behind this research is based on an internship in the small

Kingdom of Swaziland with the Danish labour union federation LO/FTF council and its

affiliate in Swaziland called SFTU. The focus is on the structural and cognitive challenges

the civil society activists meet in their struggle and on why it is difficult for civil society to

form democracy in Swaziland. The motivation for this research came during the stay in

Swaziland while collaborating with the activists, who fight for freedom and democracy on a

grassroots level.

The research is based on a survey developed by the author where 100 Swazis were

surveyed and inquired about their situation, their relationship to civil society organisations,

and to democracy. Furthermore, presentations from the meeting held in Copenhagen by

two leading democracy activists comprise the second part of the first hand empirical data.

The challenges are analysed with the background in the empirical data but with a range of

complementary theories within social sciences. Together they explain the complexity in the

challenges from different approaches both focusing on the power of tradition and political

modernisation.

The analysis is divided into four main sections: First, how effective and strong

organisations are important to mobilisation for change. Second is an examination of how

legitimacy of the King is important for the power structures. Third explores how change of

mentality and democratic awareness is based on structures of social and individual

identities. Fourth covers the elements of national identity, tradition, and cognitive

structures have a strong position in social changes. The fifth part is a critical discussion

regarding the two possible responses from the international community: the first being that

they should not passively accept the repression of the Swazi people, yet on the other hand

they should not to interfere in a sovereign state’s national affairs.

It is concluded that the challenges civil society meet are related to more than rational

issues but rather a set of cognitive and structural factors relating to the power of tradition

and the dilemmas in political modernisation.


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Table of contents

Abbreviations..................................................................................................................... i

1. Introduction................................................................................................................1

General introduction and motivation.................................................................................1

Problem area and research question................................................................................2

Methodology.....................................................................................................................3

Philosophy of science – social constructivism.....................................................................3

Method – triangulation......................................................................................................5

Methodical considerations.................................................................................................7

Clarification of concepts....................................................................................................8

Democracy......................................................................................................................8

Civil society...................................................................................................................11

Brief presentation of theories..........................................................................................13

Literature review.............................................................................................................14

Thesis outline..................................................................................................................15

2. Background of the country...................................................................................16

Population and poverty...................................................................................................16

Political history................................................................................................................18

Civil society.....................................................................................................................20

Political movements.......................................................................................................20

Unions.......................................................................................................................... 21

NGO's...........................................................................................................................22

3. Theoretical framework...........................................................................................24

Social movements...........................................................................................................25

Legitimacy.......................................................................................................................27

Identity, culture, and narrative perspectives....................................................................28

Social identity and self-categorisation processes...........................................................29

The invention of tradition.................................................................................................31

Sum up on theories.........................................................................................................33

4. Empirical data..........................................................................................................34

Survey amongst informal workers...................................................................................34


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Compiling the data and presenting the significant results...................................................35

Personal and associational facts......................................................................................35

Future plans and advice for mobilisation...........................................................................37

SFTU and Democracy in Swaziland.................................................................................37

Public meeting civil society actors...................................................................................40

Introduction to the situation.............................................................................................41

International involvement................................................................................................41

Bad governance and lack of openness.............................................................................42

Hope for international pressure........................................................................................43

Questions from the hearers.............................................................................................43

Sum up on empirical data...............................................................................................46

5. Analysis of the challenges....................................................................................47

The issue of a strong social movements.........................................................................48

The issues of the Kings legitimacy..................................................................................52

Social identity and self-categorisation.............................................................................55

National identity..............................................................................................................58

Democratic identity.........................................................................................................59

Invented traditions..........................................................................................................60

The iNcwala ceremony...................................................................................................62

Discursive battle.............................................................................................................64

Sum up on the analysis of national identity.......................................................................65

Discussion on international pressure and modernisation................................................66

6. Conclusion................................................................................................................68

Bibliography....................................................................................................................73


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Abbreviations ACTSA Action for Southern Africa

CANGO Coordinating Assembly of Non-Governmental Organisations

CIEAS Coalition of informal economy associations in Swaziland

EU European Union

Frelimo Frente de Libertação de Moçambique

FSEJ Foundation for Socio-Economic Justice

GDP Gross National Product

HDI Human Development Index

ILO International Labour Organisation

INM Imbokodvo National Movement

ITUC International Trade Union Federation

LO/FTF Council Landsorganisationen/Funktionærernes og Tjenestemændenes Fagforbunds Ulandssekretariat

MDC Movement for Democratic Change

NNLC Ngwane National Liberatory Congress

OVC Orphans and Vulnerable Children

PODEMO People’s United Democratic Movement

SADC Southern Africa Development Community

SFL Swaziland Federation of Labour

SFTU Swaziland Federation of Trade Union

SS Sive Siyinqaba

SSN Swaziland Solidarity Network


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SUDF Swaziland United Democratic Front

SWAYOCO Swaziland Youth Congress

UMBANE Swaziland People's Liberation Army

UN United Nations Development Programme

UNDP United Nations Development

USAID United States Agency for International Development


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1. Introduction

General introduction and motivation Swaziland is a country with a strong collective national mind battling for the right

to form the national mind and political system at the same time. Generally

speaking, the cultural and political battle in Swaziland is divided into two parts; a

conservative status quo that supports the current monarchy, versus a civil

society that supports a change towards multiparty democracy. This clash

between tradition and modernity are exemplified by the dual presence of old-

fashioned Swazi culture and western influence, for example; rural homesteads of

stray huts next to shopping malls, or loincloth and axes versus suits. But when

one gets under the skin of the Swazis you find that few belong solely to one part

of this dichotomy, as even the most modern Swazi is strongly connected to his

homestead and traditions, and is not motivated to simple copy the lifestyle from

somewhere else. Indeed the most conservative nationalist wishes for influence

and progress in his life. The fears and clashes are implied in the structures of

identity that regard a strong desire and need for the safety, a sense of belonging

together with pride in letting the traditions guide the country. Another side of the

Swazi mentality shows an eagerness for freedom and civic rights, and a hope for

possibilities in developing a prosperous life for the children.

My interest in delving into these clashes is based on my internship in Swaziland

in 2009 with the Danish labour movement federation LO/FTF Council which

supports unions and democracy projects in developing countries. In Swaziland I

became close to strong and charismatic personalities involved in the battle for

rights and democracy – people who did not want to sacrifice their cultural pride

and traditions to follow western practices. On the contrary, the unions and other

civil society groups fought for the possibility to form Swaziland into a nation of

strong democratic minds embedded in a strong cultural setting. The nation is a

melting pot of minds, cultures and hopes – although still all in the same small pot

of a strong national collective Swazi-mind.

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My background for studying civil society in Swaziland is mainly based on my

connections to the activists I met in labour movements. I sought to understand

the challenges workers of all kinds meet in Southern Africa, mainly Mozambique

and Swaziland. For over two months, I collaborated with the Swaziland labour

union federation SFTU and its affiliate CIEAS, an informal workers association,

to understand their struggle for workers’ rights, basic human needs and for

political freedom and democracy. To understand the challenges of the

unionisation of the informal workers, I surveyed 100 informal workers. The

results of this research will be presented in the empirical presentation chapter

alongside with a presentation from a public meeting I attended in Copenhagen

where two leading civil society actors from Swaziland discussed the possibilities

of dismantling the monarchical system.

During my time in Swaziland and fieldtrips around the country, I realised that

there is an active civil society and a will to evolve and collaborate. The

underlying conditions for activism are not good, due to the strong, almost

dictatorial monarchy, and widespread poverty. People who had no idea of the

western liberal perception of democracy actually executed democracy in

associations where they were supporting each other. Although our western

perceptions should not decide how the country should be governed, it seems as

though the functioning of the monarchy is a challenge against initiatives from the

people. I was eager to understand the practical and cognitive challenges they

faced in their struggle for freedom.

Problem area and research question As already introduced, the centre of research is the challenges for civil society to

change the political structure towards multiparty democracy in a politically hostile

society, split between fixed traditional mindsets and those aspiring for some

dispensation of democracy. The civil society actors and the people on the

grassroots level in Swaziland are in focus as it is their lives that are affected.

What is interesting and what puzzles me, is how these political and cultural

conflicts can be overcome for the civil society groups to succeed in their struggle

for freedom and for a type of democracy that fits Swaziland.

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The research question is:

What challenges impede civil society in the process of democratisation in Swaziland? And how can civil society contribute to this process?

The main focus of the research is not to find a clear solution for Swaziland, but

rather to illuminate the diversity of challenges they face as they aspire to become

agents of democratic change. The obvious obstacles such as police violence,

legislation, and bad governance are tangible and may be possible to change with

support from the international community, with actions directed against the

monarchy and the government, which would indicate a top-down approach. But

there are several underlying layers of the challenges that cannot be overcome

immediately using a top-down process, but rather need to be handled from the

bottom-up via empowerment projects, debates, and inclusions in the rural areas

via civil society. The democratic quest can only be won by a combination of

external pressure on the King and with sensitive empowerment of the population

that are responsive to cognitive identity perspectives.

The research is aimed not to be normative, however it cannot be assumed to be

completely objective either. My involvement with the activists and the local

community, as well as my personal background has coloured my view. The

philosophy of science and the methods are presented in the subsequent section

to describe under what conditions and with what approach the research has

been done.

Methodology The following part will present the different aspects of the methodology of this

project. First, the philosophy of science will be presented. Second, I will explain

how triangulation will serve as a method of this research. Finally, the method for

handling of empirical data will briefly, but critically reviewed.

Philosophy of science – social constructivismThe following part will describe the philosophy of science for this thesis, which is:

social constructivism. The concept thick description by Clifford Geertz can

explain the way some actions and concepts are understood when they are put in

use between people. The philosophy of science is relevant to present, as the

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research and analysis is a systematic reflection of actions and expressions on

the society, on culture, and on social change, that are not straight forward

concepts.

The philosophy of science is the underlying structure of the whole research, and

thus influences the selection of theories, method, research objectives, and how

the results and truth are defined. The research focuses on cultural and social

identities, social structures, and cultural and ideological mindsets and therefore,

perspectivism is a necessary part of the ontology. Furthermore, an acceptance of

epistemological relativism and social constructivism is fundamental for correctly

understanding the results from the research. Because of the complexity in

analysing culture and social structures, the project will work in the framework of

social constructivism as the philosophy of science in answering the research

question. The research object, the effect of the social movements on the society,

is dependent on the context related to time, place, and the observer, as truth is

not objective. Although some truths exist, researchers within this field have to

acknowledge that the truth that the King and his supporters experience is

different from the reality of the progressives on the ground, or from my own as an

observer. Ontologically, the approach is based on the perception that social

phenomena are created and viewed through human understandings and

attitudes.

Phenomenology functions as a subcategory of the constructivist school. It

belongs to the philosophic school of existentialism, but here it is used to explain

structures within social science. The reason for choosing this branch is its ability

to explain certain aspects in social and cultural settings. Phenomenology

describes the systematic reflection on and analysis of the structures of

consciousness. It describes the attempt to make subjective topics tangible

(Gadamer, Weinsheimer & Marshall 2004).

Clifford Geertz has, on the basis of Gilbert Ryle, formulated the concept ‘thick

description’. It explains that objectivity is not possible (or desirable) when

observing and understanding actions or phenomenon. He uses a simple

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example from Ryle; a wink is just a movement, but because of our cultural

knowledge and norms we assume it is a certain gesture. The thin description is

then the bare movement, and the thick description is the meaning that is derived

from the action. In analysing cultural and socials issues in foreign environments

that diverge from our own the assumptions, the perceptions might deviate from

the actual meaning more than observations in common environments would

have. Our embedded mindsets influence both the observational data collection

and the theories and not the least the analysis itself. The observer or researcher

will not avoid interpretations of the observational act; on the contrary one will

understand it within the premises of his/hers set of norms. Geertz explains it

clearly: “...[D]ata collection – is a multiplicity of complex conceptual structures,

many of them superimposed upon or knotted into one another...” (Geertz 1993,

p.10).

Thus, I will not avoid, but rather accept and embrace my own conceptual

structures as a point of departure. The data collection is directly from the source,

but it is still somehow a product of my interpretation based in my background.

This can also be explained in Max Weber’s theory on value-laden research in

which he acknowledges that no observation or research is made without

prejudice and bias (Weber, Gerth & Mills 1991). Multiple types of empirical data,

theories, and analysis methods are included to avoid one-sidedness and to

acknowledge most possible viewpoints and approaches.

Method – triangulation The method of sampling and using the empirical data is multifaceted, as it has

been collected through both a qualitative and quantitative survey amongst

workers in Swaziland as well as information and views from civil society actors

obtained through a meeting. Using a variety of theories for analysis, allows for

deeper understanding of some of the challenges of the democracy movements.

The method is therefore triangulation on several levels, as the data, the research

method, and the choice of theories are reflections of different approaches. This

combination of different methods substantiates the broadest research

prospective and helps the understanding and analyse of the different layers and

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views of the democratisation of the country. The first-hand empirical data

contains of two parts: First, a partly quantitative and qualitative survey amongst

100 informal workers collected by myself, and second, a qualitative knowledge

sharing meeting with two leading civil society actors from Swaziland. This

provides empirical data for a basis of two-part analysis of the views on the

cultural and socio-political changes both among the masses, and the elite of the

movements. The empirical data is thereby both different in their focus and in their

method.

The terminology of Norman Denzin is valuable for understanding the different

elements of the triangulating method in this report. Denzin divides triangulation

into four types;

1. Data triangulation, which entails gathering data through several sampling

strategies, so that slices of data at different times and social situations (space),

as well as on a variety of people, are gathered. Moreover, it is gathered in

different levels: aggregate, interactions, and collectively.

2. Investigator triangulation, which refers to the use of more than one researcher

in the field to gather and interpret data.

3. Theoretical triangulation, which refers to the use of more than one theoretical

position in interpreting the same set of data.

4. Methodological triangulation, which refers to the use of more than one

research strategies to maximize the validity of field efforts (Denzin 1970)

In the case of this research variation 1, 3, and 4 are all types of triangulation that

are to a certain extent aimed for; the data sources are from different types of

people in somewhat different environment and space1 and moreover, several

theories are used to understand the research question in combination with the

empirical data. The investigator triangulation does not apply, as I stand as the

single researcher, although I also rely on other researcher’s work. The method

for both collecting data and for analysing it is varied as well. The reason for

choosing such a broad spectra of methods is to have an even safer ground for

my statements.

1 Although not significantly in time, however, the sources are reflecting back and forth in time.

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Methodical considerationsThe philosophy of science indicates that it is acknowledged that truth is

multifarious and information gained from data varies according to its use. In spite

of this acceptance, a goal for sound research needs to have clarity in its origin,

presentation and use. Following, we look into the circumstances for gathering

data.

The survey was undertaken under conditions where every respondent did not

have exactly the same possibilities in answering; some answered alone, some

debated it in groups, and some got to read and write the answers from the either

CIEAS executive or myself, as several respondents were illiterate. I formulated

the questionnaires in English, but they were also translated into siSwati2, and the

results were translated back from siSwati. siSwati is a language that is not

similar to English so the exact meaning in some wordings might have changed

slightly. Furthermore, some hand-writing was harder to read than others and

other minor issues may be criticised for lack in accuracy. All in all, it is with

humility I present this research, although with a firm persuasion that the results I

gained are highly beneficial and fair towards the respondents who spent their

valuable time supporting the survey.

Furthermore, the survey was formulated mainly for another research project, and

thus all the questions in the survey were not of the same value or focus.

Therefore, I emphasised the pertinent results in the data presentation, and for

further review, the collected results are in an appendix. The fact that this first-

hand material was used twice has no bearing on its validity, as the responses are

used with respect towards the respondents.

The same issues are not present in the other parts of the empirical data, as the

recordings are directly included as an audio file. Therefore, only how it is used in

the research has an influence on its validity. The data from the meeting is not a

full transcription, but a summary of what is found to be the main points of the

presentation.

2 siSwati is the name of the official language along with English in Swaziland.

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In relevance to the philosophy of science one cannot assume that all concepts

are interpreted the same way. This will be discussed further in the succeeding

section where more explicit working definitions of the key concepts are

presented.

Clarification of concepts Words such as democracy and civil society are central for this research, but at

the same time they are some of the most debated concepts. As above-

mentioned, concepts can and will be understood or used in different ways. A

clarification of several concepts could be relevant, but the explicit definitions are

here limited to the two key words of the research question: democracy and civil

society. Hundreds of pages have been written about these words dating back to

ancient times. A thorough review of the historical discourse or an exhaustive

discussion of the different perceptions is therefore not attempted here. Instead,

simple definitions will be used as well as brief explanations for how each concept

is used in this research.

DemocracyDemocracy is a socially constructed phenomenon and therefore researchers

must acknowledge that our selves, ancient philosophers, and the different unities

in Swaziland all have different perceptions of what democracy is, but some

general lines can be drawn.

Two main branches of the concept are liberal democracy and direct democracy.

Liberal democracy is the most common and tangible version of democracy and

requires that representative institutions via political actors is combined with a

range available of civic rights, in order for the democracy to be well-functioning.

However, even though the representational multi-or bi party system has

developed through hundreds of years, and all members of this democratic state

have the right to speak up, each citizen does not necessarily have much

influence on the political actions or legislation. In practice, it is not necessarily

‘ruling by the people’ although some legitimacy is needed for the leader to stay in

power. For example in the US, which is perceived as a pioneer in democracy,

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citizens in reality have little influence over exactly what kind of leadership they

desire.

Direct democracy is a more idealistic and original form of democracy, where

everybody participates equally, but is not seen anywhere in practice. The most

well known example of a larger group actually exercising direct, radical, and

participatory democracy is the case of Porto Alegro in Brazil. The actual

objective of this type of democracy was for the people to rule, and take active

part in all important decisions, as the word in its purest form means (Fisher,

Ponniah 2003). In accordance with a participatory, consensus-oriented, or

radical form of direct democracy the goal for all democratic activities is

consensus, nevertheless this is inefficient in reality as a form of governance in

any group as large as a sovereign state. However, according to Larry Diamond’s

definition, every democratic form demands participation of some kind (Diamond

1994).

In the case of Swaziland any democratic conception is far from the reality of the

status quo. As mentioned, only extremely vague attempts by the population to

actually decide on their leadership has been seen. However, the constitution

says explicitly and firmly that Swaziland is a participatory democracy (Swaziland

2005). Nonetheless, these standards are not achieved and the perception in this

thesis is that Swaziland is not democratic despite isolated occurrences of

democratic actions.

When analysing democratisation in an African country, or any country, it is

important to keep in mind that according to Plato democracy means; 'rule of the

governed' in its oldest discursive form, and not just an institutional system that

needs to look like our own (Boucher, Kelly 2003). While in the process of

changing to a democracy, some African leaders have claimed that multi-party

systems are un-African, and one-party systems were adequately democratic.

This is not necessarily the wish of the people. Even if Africans have a history of

violence and failed transitions from traditional systems, a majority still believe

that democratic models are the solution to gain peace and prosperity (Gyimah-

Boadi 2004).

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Even if a dictatorial form of governance might seem like an easy solution for

avoiding political unrest and chaotic economic governance, it is often the

democratic forms of governance that will be sustainable in the long term

(Huntington 1968). Political unrest was what happened when Swazi people

acknowledged that their neighbours were changing to multi-party systems and

they felt left out. According to the major civil society groups, the Swazi people in

general want a multi-party system as well. The details in what kind of electoral

system and the ideal role of the Swazi King are not specified commonly between

the democracy seeking parts of civil society. The role of the King is a highly

sensible subject, but they agree that his role in politics needs to be very small

(FSEJ & SUDF activists 2010).

When the term democracy is used here, it is the same definition is used by the

main civil society groups as well, assuming that they represent the population to

some extent; a constitutional monarchy with all power to the government that is

chosen via a multi-party system through free and fair general elections, and

where the citizens can act freely within human rights (FSEJ & SUDF activists

2010). The definition here relies mostly on the institutional structures that could

be understood as a westernisation of unique Swazi traditions and national

perceptions. In a country where the main part of the population is kept in a lock

without freedom to participate, it is impossible to do more than guess how their

view on the political situation is. Swaziland is democratic according to the

constitution as well as in some public debates. The constitution claims it is

democratic and it guaranties freedom of conscience, expression, and

association. However, it is clear that there is no tri-partition of power, which is

fundamental in most democratic governments and it is the King’s office that has

the last say in formulation of all laws (Swaziland 2005). In a letter to the editor of

newspaper Times of Swaziland a reader formulates a critical letter towards

people who criticise the system for being undemocratic, as he feels it is so and

furthermore, that a multi-party system would make it less democratic (Dlamini

2010). There are many ways to interpret democracy and this thesis interprets it

as multi-party system, with freedom and participation, in a society with

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democratic minded citizens. Sincere implementation of human rights also goes

hand-in-hand with the democracy process.

During my fieldwork I observed mobilisation of informal economy association and

because of that, I now trust the idea that participation and representation is

implicitly grounded in Swazis, not the least in the women3. The associations

where formed around democratic structures and actions, although these people

were unaware and did not perceive their actions as such. The groupings of ten,

or maybe hundred women functioned via discussions and elections – even if the

word democracy for them meant political unrest and un-nationalistic actions.

Democracy here is more than just an institutional system; it includes participation

and democracy in every level of society and as Rita Abrahamsen explains it; “a

mindset of the masses” (Abrahamsen 2001, p.67).

Civil societyCivil society is the pathway between the individual citizens and politics. As the

democracy concept, civil society is a concept that has been formed several times

according to where it is used and what situation it needs to fit. The classics are

Hegel, Marx, and Gramsci, whose main difference lay in the role of civil society

in relation to the state and the family. These interesting discussions will not be

covered here, but it is acknowledged that the term civil society does not have

finite boundaries. The working definition in the case of Swaziland is that the term

covers the organisations formed by citizens as a participatory practice to

represent the individual in a certain area. In this research there is a focus on

groups related to political struggles, but civil society also includes: religious

groups, more practical-related groups such as cooperatives, or other non-

political NGOs. Civil society also includes less organised entities as it include all

civil parts of the society.

“'Social movement' is a concept that narrows the civil society concept a bit. Cohen writes; “It is our thesis that social movements constitute the dynamic element in processes that might realize the positive potential of modern civil society.””(Cohen, Arato 2009, p.492).

3 The observation is both a reflection of my survey results and my observation and communication with women in community based associations.

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Social movements are the active part of civil society, and therefore a more

accurate term for the parts of civil society that will be a focus in this research.

The term civil society is used casually as it is all-inclusive, and is the term

different sources use liberally. Social movements are rarely accurately

representative of the population, but rather are the voice of the active and

engaged citizens who have the will and opportunity to participate. Historically,

the most active citizens in social movements are students, the intelligentsia, and

workers (Cohen, Arato 2009). This is also the case in Swaziland, where the

strongest political parties are; Podemo and SWAYOCO which were created by

students, and the SFTU which is a labour union federation. As the majority of the

population is poor and rural, and often uneducated and lacking formal

employment, active leadership will often be from the more educated urban and

working population – as they have the resources and are more empowered.

The will to fight for change and progress is of course also strong among the

poorest whose resources are spent on private basic necessities rather than on

meetings in town for reaching intangible goals as democracy and freedom.

Further, the perception of the existing system is different among the rural poor

than in the literate and progressive populations in the city. First of all, there is the

threat of prison if associating with progressive groups or in any way criticising the

King. An equally strong factor is the cultural argument that is deeply embedded

in the Swazi minds; the King is close to God and saying anything against him is

un-Swazi. The argument from the leadership in the social movements is, that

they still represent these people, although not everybody is explicit about their

wishes for the future. Both the respondents in the survey and activists from FSEJ

and SUDF emphasised the need for organisations to reach out to the rural areas

with education and projects and some organisations have reacted on this issue.

For example, FSEJ and CIEAS support the rural population in their own

initiatives in organising themselves, first and foremost for gaining practical

goods, but in the longer run to empower them in mobilisation, participation and

advocacy, with democratic elements on the ground (Cohen, Arato 2009,

Sachikonye 1995). According to mainstream group theory, individuals join

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groups for two factors; first for common interest and second for gaining

something individually (Olson 1971).

Concurrently, Samuel Huntington reminds us that while the progressive parts of

society and leaders of group often are part of the intelligentsia, students, and

workers for potential members such as illiterate rural informal workers, the

common interests are not apparent. The latter group of the two prioritises

immediate needs, while the other groups may aim to further political rights. The

end goal of freedom and growth is, as we will see, to a large extent the same for

all groups. However, while social movements actors see the need for a political

struggle to gain democracy, and thereafter will work for growth, this could seem

like an insurmountable, dangerous, and unnecessary objective in relations to

what they need like maize and schools (Huntington 1968). Social movements

thus have a heavy burden to carry in order to represent all civil society.

Brief presentation of theories In order to explore various arguments, a range of complementary theoretical

approaches is incorporated in my research. As explained in the philosophy of

science section, different views and opinions affect the discourse of a situation.

Thus different viewpoints are relevant to acknowledge for analysing subjects that

are socially constructed. The best way to deal with the complexity is by using this

variety is via data and methodological triangulation and as will be discussed

next, theoretical triangulation.

The concepts of individual identities and identities relating to democracy and civil

society are multi-faceted and therefore cannot be analysed from only one

approach. The theories chosen address the issues relating to the power of

tradition and the issues of political modernisation.

There are numerous theories which attempt to explain how much and why one’s

identity and traditions play a key role; Geertz and Hobsbawm (Geertz 1993,

Hobsbawm, Ranger 2010), Terry and Hoog (Hogg, Terry 2000) and Max Weber

(Weber, Gerth & Mills 1991, Weber 1978). They can also used to describe the

role of political modernisation. For example, individuals cluster in groups to find

safety and strength, which is used by the traditionalists’ side and by democrats.

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Strong group identity and collectivism, especially in Africa, is therefore both an

obstacle for furthering democracy in Swaziland, but on the other hand a

necessary tool for the organisations to achieve much needed unity in their cause.

The more practical issues of group mentality in social movements are addressed

by Charles Tilly (Tilly 1978, Tilly, Wood 2009) and Mancur Olson (Olson 1971).

Tilly’s framework focuses on the components of social movements and it can

thereby support the examination of the challenges social movements encounter.

Without using any specific theorists, the involvement of the international

community (or maybe lack of thereof), is discussed in the end of the analysis.

Focusing on the role of the international community and Western institutions

reflects on the fine line between traditionalism and political modernisation. The

theories will be used in the analysis to explain the complexity of hardcore

traditionalism on the one hand, and on the other hand the risk of a political

modernisation that replicates the western world as opposed developing a style of

democracy that fits the Swazi way of life.

Literature review A brief summary on the most significant literature is presented here to give an

idea of the framework of theories that are discussed later. Moreover, I will also

mention about writing on democracy in Swaziland.

The key issue with writing about these topics is that there is a thick stack of

academic writing on democracy, democratisation, civil society, group theories,

and on Africa. And recently there has been some literature concerning the

political system in Swaziland, but very little research has been done specifically

on civil society and the underground political movements in the tiny monarchy.

Hilda Kuper, the official biographer of the former King Sobhuza II who has done

extensive research on cultural aspects of Swaziland (Kuper 1963, Kuper 1947,

Kuper 1972, Kuper 1944), and Alan Booth who also researches on culture and

traditions (Booth 1983, Booth 2000), have been the most accurate and useful.

However, Joshua Bheki Mzizi is the best source for direct information on the

specific combination of Swaziland and civil society (Mzizi 2005b, Mzizi 2002).

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Furthermore, direct information on the Swazi situation besides the empirical data

is from articles from the local organisations or newspaper articles.

In general, first-hand information on the specific organisations besides my

observations and one-on-one talks were nearly inaccessible. The main reason

for this was that, the Internet is not widely used in Swaziland, and making an

informative homepage is both difficult and unnecessary. Additionally for most

progressives groups, the information available is scarce as their political work is

illegal. Information that is posted on a web page is often removed soon after.

Information is traditionally spread via word of mouth and via chiefs, and this

creates research sources that are far away, and often from less direct sources.

The ILO, ITUC, the Swazi ministries, and other big institutions produce objective

data on the situation in Swaziland, together with LO/FTF and Africa Contact who

work in the area (ITUC, Ryder 2009, ITUC, Ames 2010, LFS: Ministry of Labour

and Social Security 2008, LO/FTF Council, Møller 2008TF Council 2008, LO/FTF

Council, Møller 2008TF Council 2008, SFTU/LO-FTF 2009, World Food

Programme, Hershey 2009, U.S. State Department 2009, AllAfrica.com,

Phakathi 2010, Africa Contact, Kenworthy 2010). Thus I will incorporate my own

research such as the survey, and the direct information and discussion at the

public meeting in 2010. Both sources are presented and discussed in the

empirical data chapter (FSEJ & SUDF activists 2010, FSEJ & SUDF activists

2010, Pejstrup 2010).

The methodical and theoretical sources are described in the related chapter; but

it can be mentioned that in general it is attempted to get the most accurate

sources and used with relevance to this research. The chapters of the thesis are

outlined before the chapter on the background of Swaziland.

Thesis outline This introduction has included a presentation of the research question and the

background for it. Furthermore it has included the methodology, a clarification of

a few basic concepts, an introduction of the theoretical framework, and a brief

literature review. Relevant information on Swaziland follows this introduction in

chapter two to grasp the circumstances of the situation in which civil society and

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the Swazis act. In the third chapter is there a more thorough description of the

theories. The theories represent different approaches within social science and

each respond to the research question in a specific way. Some are more

relevant to understand the issues of traditions and some more on the political

change modernisation. Subsequently in chapter four, the independently collected

first hand empirical data is presented. The empirical data consists of a classified

summary of the responses from the questionnaires gathered among informal

workers in Swaziland and a recording of a public meeting in Copenhagen where

leading civil society activists from Swaziland debated the issue of changing the

system. Both the full survey and its results and the full recording are attached

respectively in the appendix and as an audio file for further details. These

chapters are crucial for the analysis following in chapter five where different

components are discussed to reach a clarification on the research question.

Final chapters of the thesis are the conclusion, where the challenges of both the

power of tradition, mentality, and political modernisation are collected.

2. Background of the country

Sub-Saharan Africa is not only diverse in history, culture, politics, and in

cognitive identities, but also structurally. Swaziland is therefore a specific

situation, which cannot function as a case whose results can be transferred

directly to other countries in Africa. To illuminate the specific context of

Swaziland, the most dominant features of the environment Swazis live and act in

is presented here.

First, basic facts on the country and a presentation of the modern history are

introduced, followed by a presentation of the most important organisations and

the structures within civil society.

Population and poverty Swaziland is a small peaceful kingdom in Southern Africa and the last remaining

absolute monarchy in the world. Proud nationalistic tribal people who find

community spirit in their narrative on culture and traditions. Swazis are believed

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to be the only nation to have defeated the strong Zulus and also resisted

takeover by colonists from South Africa. Since a majority of Swazis are originally

from the same ethnicity thereby reducing issues of xenophobia or tribal strives

coupled with a culture that values peace, makes their modern history less violent

than other African countries. In reality, half the Swazi population were left to be

South African after the borders changed under colonisation. However, it can be

argued, as Joseph Bheki Mzizi remarks, that it is a false peace, as political

freedom and freedom of speech and assembly are forcefully restricted, poverty is

immense, and civil discontent is mounting. The main part of the discontent is

implicit and hidden due to legal and cultural restraints on the population, but a

vibrant and outspoken civil society demands reforms for rights and democracy,

although through different means and political ideologies (Mzizi 2002, ACTSA

2008).

Swazi population is just around 1.1 million, of whom half is under 14 years old

and the life expectancy only 32 years. The life expectancy is the lowest in the

world, and has dropped from 65 in the last 13 years. These devastating figures

are mainly due to Swaziland holding the world’s highest HIV rate at 40 % in

combination with 70% living in abject poverty, and a quarter of this group only

surviving due humanitarian food aid. (World Food Programme, Hershey 2009)

Nevertheless, the country is not recognised economically as an extremely poor

country but as a middle-income country where the per capita income is twice the

sub-Saharan African average, which demonstrates a disparate resource

distribution. Moreover, Swaziland is rated as 141 out of 177 on the HDI4 (Human

Development Report, Ndlangamandla 2007, Human Development Report 2008).

The King, Mswati III, and his 13 wives use a huge amount of money on private

shopping and for example on a big celebration of his birthday and independence

day; the ‘40/40 celebrations’. Furthermore, unreasonable amounts of money are

being spent on military. Alongside, the national economy is stagnating and

eroding due to the global financial crises, high oil prices, shrinking opportunities

for exporting sugar, as well as a threatened Swazi textile industry about to be

4HDI, Human Development Index, is a unit from UNDP that gathers information on Human development issues; poverty, literacy, education, life expectancy, birth rate, and health. Denmark is to comparison rated number 14.

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overtaken by Asian industries. Concurrently, the economy of this small,

landlocked export-oriented country has been hit hard due to serious health

issues (Mzizi 2005b, ITUC, Ryder 2009).

Political history Swaziland was under the rule of the British High Commission from 1906 to 1968.

Upon the withdrawal of the British, a constitution was instituted that kept the

system partly as a Westminster model5 and partly as a traditional monarchy. In

1967 and 1972 Swaziland had free elections with different political parties. But in

the 1972 elections, the opposition party NNLC unexpectedly gained three seats,

causing royalist leadership not only to fear of losing power, but view elections

and freedom of political groupings as a nuisance. Consequently, the royal

leadership tried to get rid of the system using the argument that it was imposed

by a foreign colonial government. A state of emergency was introduced in 1973,

and still interferes with political processes today. All political parties were also

banned as a sign of total independence and nationalism and political parties

were said to be un-African and disruptive to peace. King Sobhuza II, then King,

reverted hereby to a latter-day version of a18th-century enlightened despotism to

keep all power on royal hands. The current Tinklundha system6 introduced in

1978, established an elected assembly, though without legislative power or any

other democratic initiatives. From 1973- 1983, civil society was suppressed and

the masses were without a voice. King Sobhuza II died in 1982, and with no

obvious successor the country came to unrest7, which in 1983 led to a growth in

activism and Podemo, the dominant political party, and SFTU, the dominant

labour union federation, were formed (Mzizi 2002).

The present King, Mswati III, was enthroned in 1986. But during the 1990's civil

unrest and strikes emerged again due to growing poverty, hunger, and absence

of democratic transformation as was seen in neighbouring countries in the

5 The Westminster system is the democratic parliamentary system of government in United Kingdom6 Tinkhundla means ‘regional councils’, they are administrative subdivisions, and refers to the current political system. There are 55 Tinkhundla and each one elect one representative for the national House of Assembly (Booth 2000). 7 There are no order of succession, but a complicated and unofficial system of selections and tribal issues. The Queen Mother is not the mother of the King, as the King needs to be a pure Dlamini, and the Queen Mother is not. The King and the Queen Mother rule together.

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period8. King Mswati III promised reforms, but little has happened and political

activities are still regarded as terrorism. Some attempts have been taken to

formulate a constitution in collaboration with civil society groups and the King

and government, but the present constitution from 2006 is still without any actual

involvement from the people (Mzizi 2002, LO/FTF Council 2008TF Council

2008).

In the current political situation the King solely appoints all ministers and judges

and 2/3rds of the Senate and 1/6th in the Lower House do not have legislative

power. Even though some parts of the government are elected and according to

society there appears to be democracy in Swaziland basic representative

democratic rights are omitted and external observers rejected the elections in

2008. To be elected as a candidate one has to be approved by the local chief

and prove no attachments to any political organisations. In addition, the chief

must be supportive of the conservative status quo to stay in his/her seat, thereby

no candidates with radical political views can be elected. The chiefdoms form the

bedrock of Swazi traditional authority and they are important, especially in rural

areas (Swaziland 2005, FSEJ & SUDF activists 2010, FSEJ & SUDF activists

2010, FSEJ & SUDF activists 2010, Mzizi 2002, The Kingdom of Swaziland

2005)

The media plays a large role in Swaziland although their room for manoeuvring

is limited. The use of Internet and national television is also limited; Swazis

mainly watch South African television and read the national newspapers. The

two major newspapers are the most important vehicles for news dissemination:

The Observer and The Times of Swaziland, which is marginally more

independent and critical of the government. The members of parliament and

Tinklundha supporters ridicule and harshly criticise the activities of the radical

democrats in civil society. As the Times of Swaziland is the main platform for

debate, readers often participate in the debates and argue for democracy and

human rights issues (FSEJ & SUDF activists 2010, Times of Swaziland,

Simalane 2010).

8Mozambique ended a civil war and introduced democracy in 1992, a military dictatorship changed to a democracy in Lesotho in 1993, in 1994 apartheid ended and democracy was introduced in South Africa.

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Swazis possess the right to assembly, but more often than not the conditions for

demonstrations and strikes are hindered. Several political activists have been

imprisoned, exiled, abducted, and tortured during the years. Several human

rights issues have been violated, also in the relation to international conventions

Swaziland has signed. Most recently a labour union activist was arrested for

carrying a political t-shirt at the 1st of May labour celebrations. He died in custody

under suspicious conditions of possible murder by the police (Africa Contact,

Kenworthy 2010, Africa Contact, Kenworthy 2010, Human Rights Report 2010).

In conclusion, the political situation appears to be general stable, but looming

with political unrest and low level of actual political freedom. A presentation of

the formations in civil society follows.

Civil society It seems like there will be a continued struggle for rights and democracy, due to

a civil society that gains momentum and is active. Civil society is active and

multifarious, and some political parties exist but they operate underground, with

the largest being Podemo. Local labour unions are the best organised and most

progressive of the civil society groups, especially SFTU which is a powerful

advocate and activist for democracy, and worker's rights. There are also several

non-political NGOs in Swaziland that are accepted and supported by the state,

and working with humanitarian issues are.

Political movementsDespite the fact that political movements are banned, they are still active and

versatile in Swaziland. In the time of the Westminster model even the King had

his own party called INM. Although INM is currently disbanded other pro-

monarchical groups exist such as SS, a cultural group started from 1996 that

might be on its way towards becoming a political party, even though it supports

traditional customs and the monarchy.

The two most important and largest oppositional political parties which are

banned are Podemo and NNLC, which both call for reforms and multi-party

democracy. According to the “Swazi Suppression of terrorism act”9 they are

9 This act was formulated in 2008. Amnesty International criticises it for undermining human rights (Amnesty International 2009). The full act is not accessible.

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explicitly categorised as terrorism entities. The social democratic Podemo is the

biggest and most radical party, and uses a rather revolutionary rhetoric to bring

about rapid changes in of governance. NNLC is a pan-African movement also

advocating for multi-party democracy and human rights (Mzizi 2005b). The four

specific parties that are explicitly declared as groups by the government are

Podemo, SWAYOCO10, UMBANE, and SSN. Discovery of any relation to one of

these organisations grants a harsh prison sentence of 25 years to life (ITUC,

Ryder 2009).

UnionsUnions are key actors in civil society, and 60- 65% of the private workforce is

unionised (Mzizi 2005b). One of the major and most progressive organisations for

multi-party democracy is the labour union federation SFTU, which supports and acts

as an advocate for labour rights. Since SFTU is not officially banned, its activities can

be broader and more progressive, although many times it is forcefully stopped. SFTU

has an estimate of 65,000 members via their affiliates. The other main labour union

federation is SFL11 and 10,000 members. Together they represent close to half of the

total number of formally employed Swazis; 183.299 (ITUC, Ryder 2009, LFS: Ministry

of Labour and Social Security 2008).

The number of unionised formally employed workers is dropping due to global

financial recession and economic international liberalisation, and Swazi

businesses have suffered greatly because of lacking trade. This affects

membership in to SFTU and SFL, and furthermore participation in as civil society

groups as members are no longer formally employed to the same extent. The

massive loss of jobs is a serious situation, as well as the declining number of

formally employed – which is a problem for the struggle for democracy and

human rights if civil society does not change accordingly. The rural and often

informally employed workers, farmers, and unemployed have not cared for as

part of national civil society, and with the growth of this group it can be a

representative problem. Women are the least represented in the unions, as their

jobs often are informal (LFS: Ministry of Labour and Social Security 2008). Like

10A youth group related to PODEMO11SFL is an offshoot of SFTU, due to internal dispute. Recently they are collaborating around key areas in the struggle.

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other African countries, civil society in Swaziland has the challenge of

empowering and uniting the growing number of informal workers and rural

population who were often left out of the participatory national society. Steps

towards organisation of informal workers are in progress via the coalition CIEAS

that is supported as an affiliate of SFTU. It is constitutionally apolitical, but highly

relevant as an empowerment and advocacy tool. It is a new, fragile, but fast

growing advocacy coalition formed by associations of among other things street

vendors, traditional healers, dressmakers, and farming co-operatives. CIEAS

could possibly increase in strength and memberships, and in the coming years

include majorities of the rural population as well. However, resources for CIEAS

are extremely scarce as the members are the poorest in the country, basic

necessities such as money for public transportation, food, and talk time for

telephones is hard to collect. CIEAS management is unpaid and work in their

brief free-time, and often are not trained in organising etc. They are financially

supported by donors and thus various activities of their work is dictated

according to the wishes from donors, for example practical materials to members

from USAID, leadership training from Unite12, and programme support for

activities from LO/FTF council through SFTU (LO/FTF Council 2008TF Council

2008).

The unions are the most active democracy advocates in the country, but several

other NGOs or other types of advocacy groups have formed, and are more or

less directly involved in democracy work and activism. As components of civil

society they are crucial for understanding the fragile, yet existing democratic

environment at the grass roots level.

NGO'sNGO’s refer to organisations not directly related to government and there are

several registered organisations in Swaziland and many of them are gathered

under CANGO; an umbrella organisation from 1983 with a membership of 70

associated NGOs. The organisations covers the gamut of groups working with

social issues such as child abuse, population control, OVCs, women's

empowerment, traditional healers, the elderly, and et cetera. Unlike the more

12 Unite is the biggest union in Britain.

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confrontational style of Swaziland's trade unions and banned political

organisations, most NGOs seek dialogue and partnership with the government.

According to CANGO Executive Director Emmanuel Ndlangamandla;

“A strong and sustained civil society voice is required to address national challenges. Through effective citizen participation in governance, monitoring of national strategies, policies and programmes, and engaging policy and legislation, NGOs and civil society could effectively lobby the government to address challenges.” (CANGO 2010)

In addition, there is a range of religious groups, as both Christianity and

traditional religions are of big importance for most Swazis. The religious

formations are of course part of civil society, but will not be part of the analysis,

as their involvement in political issues is scarce (Mzizi 2002)13.

A majority of social movements have come together in collective movements to

signalise a collaborating united front. They are factions of different unions or

organisations who have come together to struggle for the larger common goal of

a multi- party system and human rights.

SUDF is a recently formed collective advocacy movement aiming to bring

together different parts of civil society including both major radical movements

but also more conservative fragments within political parties, unions, and

churches. Their goal is to have a united front in the struggle for multi-party

democracy. FSEJ, started in 2003, is another group that is relevant to mention,

and concentrates on civic education to encourage participation and to raise

awareness on human rights issues and democracy. Statements from

representatives of the leadership of FSEJ and SUDF are part of the empirical

data (FSEJ & SUDF activists 2010, FSEJ & SUDF activists 2010, Mzizi 2002).

Swaziland Democracy Campaign is an international faction of unions and other

civil society actors in Southern African countries working for democracy and

13 Church leaders have warned priests and ordinary Christian members to stay out of politics after a recent (May 2010) where priests of Catholic group led a march to deliver a petition to the government (Times of Swaziland, Dlamini 2010).

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human rights issues. They recently launched an internationally-focused

campaign drawing attention to the lack of progress for democracy in Swaziland,

criticizing foreign governments’ acceptance of the King as the legitimate leader.

SFTU general secretary Mduduzi Gina believes this campaign is a step forward,

as it now engages the international community (ITUC, Ames 2010).

There are other attempts by different groups to create a united front in

constitution building, for example the umbrella organisation NCA, which also

included the most significant movements (ACTSA 2010). Hence, initiatives to

give a voice to the people have been taken.

To handle these issues and find answers to the research question a range of

approaches and theories are used. These are presented in the next chapter.

3. Theoretical framework

In order to address the question regarding challenges for civil society to

introduce democracy in Swaziland, complementary theories were chosen from

different social science approaches. Some are used as a theoretical framework,

while others more as an analytical tool.

Social movements represent the active voice in civil society, but in order to

shape societal changes through collective action, they need to have a unified

message and legitimacy from the population. Social movements have

progressive activities as well as meetings where they try to form unity with the

conservatives. But cultural structures, identities based on traditions, and the

power of the King are an obstacle toward creating this unification and legitimacy.

Some theorists concentrate on more practical elements that are needed in the

making of strong social movements and collective actions (Charles Tilly and

Mancur Olson in (Olson 1971, Tilly 1978, Tilly, Wood 2009)). Max Weber’s

theory is employed here to help us understand the power the King holds, and

why he has the legitimacy to continue (Weber 1978). Other theorists focus on the

mechanisms in groups and identity issues (Geertz 1993, Hobsbawm, Ranger

2010, Hogg, Terry 2000, Hall, du Gay 1996, Barth 1969). They are relevant in

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their own way to explain the direct, but also the more hidden and structural

obstacles for societal change, relating to tradition versus modernisation.

Mzizi explains that in the case of Swaziland; traditionalism has become the

national ideology, and thereby the idea of what it is to be Swazi is firmly set. In

the analysis it will be discussed how the King uses, and misuses both old

traditions and newer ones that he introduces to build and maintain national unity,

which in turn keeps him in power. To elaborate on this, theories will be used to

explain how strongly citizens are bound to their identity, how identity is

formulated in groups, and why it is so difficult to change these ideas around what

it is to be a Swazi.

Social movements Mancur Olson theorises on groups and organisations14 and their related

collective actions. His theory is useful for understanding the parts of

organisations that are valid for societal change. His main points relate to the

purpose, interests, and goals of a group. Even though some of the arguments

seem obvious, it is necessary to emphasise their importance for understanding

their role in shaping and maintaining an organisation.

He emphasises that a common, often singular, purpose defines an organisation.

If there is no common interest of the members in the organisation, or it fails to

serve them, the organisation falls apart. A common expectation of fulfilment of

the purpose is evident for any organisation, which for example could be higher

wages for members of a labour union, or common interests of citizens in a state.

Often the interests are individual gains that can be obtained more efficiently in an

organised group. The idea that organisations exist because of common

advantages can be obtained has already even been mentioned by mentioned by

Aristotle (Olson 1971).

Charles Tilly formulates a more detailed description of social movements and

how they become valid. According to Tilly, social movements first emerged in the

West in the 18th century in the following three forms:

14 Organisation in this regard has a broad definition including a variety of types of groupings that are expected to fulfil purposes of its members.

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1) A sustained collective claim or a campaign that extends beyond a single event. A

campaign links the claimants, the objects of claim, and the public of some kind;

their interaction constitutes a social movement.

2) A repertoire of actions; public meetings, demonstrations, pamphleteering and so

forth.

3) The WUNC displays that stands for Worthiness, Unity, Numbers, and

Commitment of the public representations:

Worthiness: Sober demeanour, neat clothing, and dignitaries.

Unity: Symbols such as banners, clothing, marches in ranks, and singing and

chanting

Numbers: headcounts, signatures, ability to fill streets, and number of

supporters.

Commitment: Visible participation by a wide range of the population, including

the old and handicapped, while braving bad weather, making sacrifices, and

resisting repression.

(Tilly, Wood 2009)

Tilly formulates this more as a thorough definition rather than a theory. However,

it is useful as a framework for examining various types of actions and issues

within social movements in Swaziland. He also argues that social movements

are strongly connected to democracy, but stresses that they do not automatically

shape it (Tilly 1978).

The following theories examine the balance between the power of tradition and

the power of modernisation in other ways. First a presentation of Max Weber’s

three types of legitimacy and domination. Thereafter are varying approaches to

the study of tradition, culture, and identity.

Legitimacy Max Weber uses ideal types to explain how leaders gain and maintain power

without losing support from the citizens. The leader needs the legitimacy from

the masses to possess and execute power, and both the King and civil society

leaders in Swaziland are highly dependent on legitimacy. Max Weber formulates

three different ideal types of legitimacy (Weber, Gerth & Mills 1991, Weber 1978,

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Weber 2005). The three archetypes of legitimacy are explained hereunder as

they will be used in the arguments about the ongoing power struggles in

Swaziland.

One kind of authority is based on tradition, where the masses acknowledge

authority figures because of historic recognition and habitual orientation to

conform. The domination is exercised by the patrimonial ‘prince of yore’ resting

on devotion to exceptional sanctity. Weber also calls this type of authority

‘eternal yesterday’. As will be discussed in the analysis, this factor is a highly

relevant in the Swazi case (Weber, Gerth & Mills 1991, Weber 1978).

Historically, charismatic leaders are not uncommon, and they are often seen in

the position of being the natural patriarchal leader. Frequently due to religious or

supernatural reasons, they are looked upon as natural leaders or as holding a

personal gift of grace (Weber, Gerth & Mills 1991). The concept of charisma is

often used in a value-natural sense.

“Charisma knows only inner determination and inner restraint. The holder of charisma seizes the task that is adequate for him and demands obedience and a following by virtue of his mission. His success determines whether he finds them.” (Weber, Gerth & Mills 1991, p.246).

Kingship is important in the historical development of charismatic legitimising of

institutions. According to Weber, the king everywhere is a warlord and kingship

evolves from charismatic heroism to stay in political domination. “By ‘political

domination’ is meant a power that reaches beyond and which is, in principle,

distinct from domestic authority.” (Weber, Gerth & Mills 1991). The charismatic

leader is a national demagogue, who is empowered by his qualities of his

individual leadership, but without depending on institutional arrangements

(Weber 1978).

Legal domination requires obedience to the law rather than to a person and thus

requires a belief in the validity of the legal statute. The obedience is shaped

around fear or threat of consequences as well as hopes for positive outcomes,

which could include for example the fear of magical powers, a hope for a good

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afterlife, or even simply threat of imprisonment (Weber, Gerth & Mills 1991,

Weber 1978).

These three ideal types each represent grounds for legitimacy in a power

structure and each element is represented somehow in every leader. The King in

Swaziland possesses parts of all three types of legitimacy, which explains why

although citizens do not necessarily agree with his governance he has not been

removed from office. The traditional grounds are specifically interesting and

relevant to examine further, and there are different approaches we can use to

analyse the power of tradition and identification.

Identity, culture, and narrative perspectives The following theories are not used to analyse culture per se, but together

function in a cultural web. It is not the objective to clearly define a complex term

such as culture however some kind of working definition is necessary. Clifford

Geertz agrees with Max Weber that;

...man is an animal suspended in webs of significance he himself spun[...] I take culture to be the webs, and the analysis of it to be therefore not an experimental science in search of law but an interpretation one in search of meaning. (Geertz 1993, p.11).

This understanding of what culture is and how people act within the web of

culture is a fundament of the following theories.

In accordance with the ontology and epistemology of this research, Stuart Hall

says that identities and identifications are constructed as reflections to one’s

surroundings and are always in process due to a radical historisation. Identities

are shaped in the relation to the ‘other’ for example a neighbouring nation or

competing football team. This constitutive outside both shapes and sketches the

differences to the identity of an entity so they are marked and clear and the

borders formulate the identity of the group. This is applicable both for tradition

and symbols used in accordance with traditions, which further the discourse and

national narrative. The entity is also inspired by other entities and in this way

entities change dynamically according to surroundings. Hall calls nations a

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system of cultural representation indicating that national identities are products of

discourse (Hall, du Gay 1996).

According to Fredrik Barth, boundaries create identification, as it is diversities

among groups that form the identities of the individuals in the group from within.

The dichotomisation of others as strangers implies internal common

understandings and mutual interest (Barth 1969).

Next, Terry and Hogg specify the role of identity emphasizing how important a

sense of belonging is, and how it affects the battle between traditional forces and

forces of modernity.

Social identity and self-categorisation processes This theory is developed for understanding cognitive identity and social action in

organisations. However, the elements in it are not unique for any specific size of

group. Theories and concepts in the analysis are not only used for organisations

in civil society, but also to explain elements of social identity among average

Swazis and the monarchy’s supporters in regards to national identity.

Terry and Hogg take social identity theory as a platform to develop ‘self-

categorisation theory’15 with the key ideas are covered in three points;

“... (1) social identity processes are motivated by subjective uncertainty reduction, (2) prototype-based de-personalization lies at the heart of social identity processes, and (3) groups are internally structured in terms of perceived or actual group prototypicality of members.” (Hogg, Terry 2000, p. 122)

The first point explains important elements regarding human action. Knowing

who you are relates heavily on your relations to others for example one might be

a mother in a family but also a unionist in another group, or in the bigger picture

a Swazi or African. Unity and belongingness are therefore important for every

human being, and without relation to a group one feels subjective uncertain. It is

therefore a common cognitive feature to shape a social identity to handle one’s

uncertainty as a member of society (Hogg, Terry 2000).

15 The ideas evolve from H. Tajfel and J. C. Turner.

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The second point in the quote from Hogg and Terry explains how one how a

change in individual identity in the process of social identity processes. When

you enter a group to take part in its identity, you are also part of the process for

becoming ‘one of them’; a “...contextual relevant ingroup prototype” (Hogg, Terry

2000). Furthermore, Hogg and Terry explain that: “Depersonalization refers

simply to a change in self-conceptualisation and the basis of perception of

others; it does not have the negative connotations of such terms as

deindividuation or dehumanization.” (Hogg, Terry 2000) The social identity

process understood in the self-categorisation theory is therefore not a matter of

group members being less an individual, but rather that the group supports your

cognitive self-understanding of ‘self’.

The notion of prototypes is central to the self-categorisation theory.

“People cognitively represent the defining and stereotyping attributes of groups in form of prototypes. Prototypes are typically not checklists of attributes but, rather, fuzzy sets that capture the context-dependent features of group membership, often in the form of representations of exemplary members (actual group members who best embody the group) or ideal types (an abstraction of group features).” (Hogg, Terry 2000, p.123)

‘Prototypes’ are therefore a term that covers the characteristic of a group and its

members; including symbols, beliefs, behaviour and et cetera. It underlines what

makes the group unique and diverse from other groups, and is part of the self-

enhancement of the identity of its members. Hence when group membership is

salient, cognition is attuned to and guided by proto types (Hogg, Terry 2000).

The last point of the theory relates to social identity that is dynamic in the way

that it is responsive to its members and the content of prototypes strongly

influences the group phenomena. A group and related stereotypes reflect on its

members. What is important is unity, and that the changes of the group’s

substance happen according to the common motivation. The change or retention

of social identity involves interactions of motivated manipulation of symbols, and

the group forms its own identity so that a subjectively more meaningful identity

becomes salient. The unity endures, as members are liked more if they embody

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the in-group prototype and as social attraction also plays a role in prototype

formulation the cohesion is important for the existence of the group, as well as

for the comfort of the members. A cohesive group will therefore alienate

deviants, but in some cases a deviant will be accepted if he distinguishes

positively and if he has lot of prestige in the organisation (Hogg, Terry 2000).

Leadership is another aspect in the theory and three prerequisites are necessary

to execute effective leadership. First, they are prototypical and do not deviate

significantly. Secondly, they reflect the dominant rather than minority cultures.

Thirdly, they are able to conduct in an environment that is conducive to the

exercise (and perhaps abuse) of power by leaders (Hogg, Terry 2000).

This theory sheds light on several in-depth aspects of human nature, and how

human and relational structures affect our positions and actions. The concepts

will be discussed more in detail in the relating section in the analysis. In the

following section here focuses on Hobsbawm’s terminology on the shaping and

the meaning of tradition. It is relevant in the analysis what kinds of tools are used

in the symbolic battle between traditionalists and democracy advocates as social

identification relies heavily on symbols and traditions.

The invention of tradition Eric Hobsbawm is one of the leading authors within literature on tradition and he

is particularly interesting because of his term invented tradition. Often tradition is

understood as repeating actions naturally developed over several years from

ancient times. But many traditions today are not historic or naturally developed

as we believe them to be, but rather inventions formed more or less consciously

for a certain purpose, such as national unity or forming a collective memory.

Hobsbawm emphasises that the difference between custom and tradition is that;

tradition in principle is unnecessary acts. Moreover, it does not include networks

of convention and routine, as their justification is technical rather than ideological

(Hobsbawm, Ranger 2010) Hobsbawm defines the term:

“‘Invented tradition’ is taken to mean a set of practices, normally governed by overtly or tacitly accepted rules and of a ritual or symbolic nature, which seek to inculcate certain values and norms of behaviour by repetition, which automatically implies continuity with the

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past. In fact, where possible, they normally attempt to establish continuity with a suitable historic past.” (Hobsbawm, Ranger 2010, p.1)

Hobsbawm follows up on his definition with several examples but he presents

one interesting point in particular that relates to its frequency:

“[Invented traditions] occur more frequently when a rapid transformation of society weakens or destroys the social patterns for which ‘old’ traditions had been designed, producing new ones to which they were not applicable, or when such old traditions and their institutional carriers and promulgators no longer prove sufficiently adaptable and flexible, or are otherwise eliminated...” (Hobsbawm, Ranger 2010, p.4)

An invented tradition can qua its ability to form new historical narratives and

collective memory can be used as a tool for modernisation or any structural

societal change or development, especially in a time when the patterns and

structures in a society are eroding. During social change or clashes of

boundaries of groups, unity and thereby collective traditions are additionally

important to avoid scattering. Hobsbawm explains that ‘progressive traditionalist’

can use tradition and invented traditions as a tool to cope with and maybe control

a situation where social patterns are changing or cultural clashes are seen

between groups. Terence Ranger exemplifies this phenomenon with how in last

half of the 19th century British colonists in the African colonies strengthened their

ties to Britain emphasising the value of their monarchy, to separate themselves

from the local tribal chiefs and kings. The indigenous groups did also the same

and tribes and kings turned up where they were not before (Hobsbawm, Ranger

2010).

Hobsbawm adds that when traditions are invented, it is often with the use of

materials that might be older than the tradition itself. The invented tradition is

metaphorically old, more than necessarily ancient or deeply-grounded. He

groups the term into three overlapping types: 1) those symbolising memberships

of groups and communities. 2) Those legitimizing institutions on relations to

authority. And 3) those focusing on inculcation of values and socialisation

(Hobsbawm, Ranger 2010).

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The three types of legitimacy presented support the analysis by providing a basis

for the meaning and origin of the King’s legitimacy in Swaziland. Hobsbawm’s

terminology introduces an additional approach to the interpretation of the

meaning of tradition as a factor in the Swazi situation.

Sum up on theories As a whole these theories help examine the challenges of tradition and

modernisation in the Swazi context. It’s a struggle for social movements to battle

the rooted power structure based on the King’s strong legitimacy supported by

traditions, elements of national unity, and social identification. Weber explicates

the three types of legitimacy which all represent elements behind the King’s

durability. Geertz, Hall, and Barth are classics within culture and identity and they

place a framework for examine these concepts. Additionally Terry and Hogg

have developed a theoretical tool for exploring social identification and self-

categorisation, which is so important for the understanding of how people are

affected strongly by group mentalities and the sense of belonging in all cognitive

aspects. The formulation of group mentalities, unity and a national narrative is

shaped around discourse, symbols and not the least traditions. Hobsbawm

completes this theory chapter by examining traditions and their creation. All in all

the range of theories complement each other and can support the elucidation of

why challenges exist for social movements to be able to develop a social

change, and what is needed to make sustainable development for Swazis.

The fourth chapter presents first hand material that is the fundament of the

research. First, a presentation of the results from a survey implemented in 2009

of 100 Swazis on organisational and democracy issues. Second, a summary of

the public meeting I attended with democracy activists from the two big unity

groups in civil society; FSEJ and SUDF.

4. Empirical data Besides the literature, two types of independently collected empirical data are

included to show the Swazi’s understandings and actions for mobilisation and

democracy. The first type is a survey undertaken in 2009 during my internship in

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Swaziland, targeted at informal economy workers in urban and rural areas in

Swaziland. The other is a recording of a public meeting between the Danish

organisation Africa Contact16 and two leaders of two major civil society groups in

Swaziland discussing how the political system could be changed. Both

approaches contribute with relevant inside knowledge about the Swazis’

understanding and hope for the future.

Survey amongst informal workers I undertook the survey in November 2009 in cooperation with CIEAS and 100

informal economy worker17 participants. Several fieldtrips to rural chiefdoms were

arranged for both my research purposes, as well as for CIEAS management to

conduct informational meetings and register new members. The research

resulted in a report that was delivered to the organisation of the about the

informal workers, but in this thesis the data used is mainly the actual survey

results (Pejstrup 2010).

The questionnaires were directed at three groups: un-organised informal

workers, members of an informal economy association the largest part, and

leaders of these associations. The associations are small cooperatives often with

representative democratic structures. They are mainly created to support the

practical needs for the members, but many associations were additionally

interested in a broader knowledge-sharing forum.

The questions were regarding their work, their relationship to associations,

recommendations for these and furthermore the coalition CIEAS, followed by

questions on SFTU and democracy. The answers gave me valuable knowledge

of the structural and organisational possibilities in organisation of informal

economy workers. The responses and lack of the same on the questions on

SFTU and democracy will provide this thesis with data on how the Swazi

population thinks of democracy. The data is neither strictly qualitative nor

16 Africa Contact is a Danish NGO supporting social movements in Africa and Swaziland17 Informal economy worker is a term that covers people without a formal employment but rather have their own small, often one man business or small scale entrepreneurs, selling for example homemade products on the streets or in a market. In developing countries the informal economy workers are often in unsecure and poverty stricken situations and it is more often women (Pejstrup 2010).

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quantitative but it supports the interpretation on how the Swazis react to

questions on this subject that relates to illegitimate political issues. The key

results can be visually clarified through diagrams following this section.

The full questionnaires and results incorporated are attached in appendix B and

appendix A is a brief reading direction for the results.

Compiling the data and presenting the significant results There were 100 respondents in total, 19 in questionnaire A for the executive

members, 72 in questionnaire B for members of associations, and nine that

answered questionnaire C intended for unorganised informal workers. The type

of questions is divided into three sections: 1) introductory questions on personal

and associational facts, including their views on the informal economy, 2) their

hopes for their future and proposals for CIEAS and further mobilisation, and 3)

their views on SFTU and democracy.

Personal and associational facts Most of the respondents were women; mainly because men are more likely to

have formal jobs than women and women are more likely to be associated. Only

12% of the respondents are men, but as much as 46% of the committee

members are men occupying half of the males participating in all. This strong

gender bias in leaderships demonstrates the substantial patriarchal structures in

Swaziland. The age is also evident for the managers compared to regular

members, as only 10.5% of the leaders are less than 35 years old. Young people

are represented in the general survey by 32% of the respondents, and five of the

respondents are over the working age of 64. As seen in most societies, but

distinctively here, it is the elder male members handling supervisory tasks. It

could be a challenge for civil society organisations to equal out age and gender

biases in decision- making processes in forming a participatory democratic

society.

53% of the respondents were involved with some sort of vending, selling

vegetables, handicrafts, or second-hand clothes. Others were informal farmers,

artisans, bakers, vaseline- and soap makers, or hairdressers.

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The 27 associations represented were small and young, as most had 20 or less

members, although a few had more than 100. Most associations were only a few

years old. This indicates both the fragility of yet flourishing will for collectivism

and unionisation of these groups. All associations were optimistic and ambitious

about their recruitment of membership and hoped for a rise in membership

between 50-100% in a year.

The official number of registered members of the newborn coalition CIEAS was

only two while this survey was undertaken, but 88% of the respondents already

considered themselves members of CIEAS. A rapid growth in paying

memberships from the association following these visits indicates a will for

further organisation and a need for advocacy among informal workers, who are

often rural and uneducated. This also underrepresented in the already limited

decision making processes within society. The respondents were asked about

the reasons for their association joining CIEAS: 15% gain or hope to gain

education and development, 30% need the support or financial help from them,

16% mention that it is an umbrella body of their local associations and that it has

networking opportunities, and others mentioned practical gains, for example that

CIEAS built them a clean market.

The nine unorganised respondents are asked why they were not a member of an

association, and what advice they had for associations and CIEAS. The

reactions were: lack of interest and money, and that they would like to join if they

see success. The expectations of the associations were high; they hoped for

economic advancement, development, and membership of CIEAS.

Future plans and advice for mobilisationThe respondents advised the associations to implement capacity building,

development activities, education and to show success and commitment. The

activities and benefits of their association were mainly related to continuing and

developing ongoing work and support to their families (paying school fees and

buying food) and the majority of the respondents saw these activities as

beneficial. The informal workers might not have further ambitions for their

involvement in the society, but they had goals for developing their businesses.

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Their businesses related to the production of vaseline, candles, and soap,

wholesales trading, property rental, buying and sharing farming machines,

developing market security, starting up farming and poultry activities, building

shelters, workshops, mortuaries, mini supermarkets, helping elderly and orphans

and venerable children, and micro-savings and credit schemes. Both

management and members stressed that the unity, contact to funders, and

capacity-building were important benefits from joining CIEAS and only 2% said

that it had not helped them.

Ending the topic of the informal economy, all respondents were asked how

further organisation could be achieved: 23% underlined the importance in

oneness, talks, and workshops. 20% proposed that CIEAS should visit rural

areas, and 23% said there was a need for better communication and

collaboration, and cooperation between smaller and bigger businessmen. Other

suggestions were funding, education, and having clear objectives that were

adhered to. They were further asked how CIEAS could get more members, and

the answers here were job creation, support, displaying development and

results, workshops, dialogue, training and capacity building, and meetings

amongst businessmen.

SFTU and Democracy in SwazilandCIEAS functions as an affiliate of SFTU, who as the country’s largest labour

union federation that supports the informal economy coalition in organisation,

workshops, as funding vehicles from donors, and et cetera. The respondents

were asked if SFTU was playing a meaningful role for development and

democracy in Swaziland. Most respondents knew about SFTU, and the ones that

did not were the ones that were not members of an association. Only one out of

100, an unorganised, replied directly negatively about his/her impression of

SFTU. However, 60% said that SFTU was helping workers or non-governmental

organisations in improving their rights and welfare that it was the voice of the

people, or coordinator, and some added that it supported the informal workers as

well. The majority of the respondents said that SFTU played a meaningful role in

development and democratisation. Some mentioned the results SFTU had

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reached, but emphasised that the work SFTU is doing would be more evident if

there was more freedom in the country.

All respondents were asked about their opinion on democracy. Fewer responded

to this, but only one said directly that he disliked democracy. The majority was

positive about further democratisation emphasising that they needed jobs and

freedom, and that they could see that other countries lived in peace and

freedom. One admitted that he/she was afraid to even talk about it. Not many

had suggestions for solutions on the road towards democracy, but some

indicated the following thoughts: that negotiation with the government are

necessary, as well as joining SFTU and strengthening civil society, further

dialogue, communication, oneness, and forcing the government to remove

oppressive laws, as well as education on rights, and that the organisations

should talk to the government. Diagrams of these results were created for

clarification, and it is evident that the respondents are positive about the

democratic premises even though the role of communication was emphasised18.

“Do you wish Swaziland was more democratic? (Please elaborate your answer)”

18 The three groups from questionnaire A, B, and C are put together here. There was a slight bias of the leaders of an association to direct answers on the democracy issues, rather than members and non-members who to a slightly larger extent evaded these two last questions.

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(Pejstrup 2010)

“If yes, how could it be achieved?”

(Pejstrup 2010)

In general it was surprising that optimism for democracy was so evident.

However, it is not certain what the lack of answers could signify. There are many

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possible variables, such as; the influence of others or that the respondent

represented a certain group in society, as they are mainly organised informal

economy workers. It is, though, a fair representation and an indication of some

ideas and views among common Swazis on the grassroots level.

The second part of the empirical data is a meeting among leading democracy

activists, who in March 2010 visited Africa Contact in Denmark to discuss the

situation of Swaziland.

Public meeting civil society actors Two leaders of Swaziland's most influential civil society organisations had a

meeting with Africa Contact in Denmark on the 9th of March 2010. The guests

and speakers were: a representative from SFL and SUDF and one from SFTU

and FSEJ19. This section is a summary of the significant part of the presentations

and debate the activists held, and represents their views. The names of the two

democracy activists are not disclosed here, and were removed from the

recordings for the sake of their security, but are known by the author. SFL is a

labour movement federation like SFTU. SUDF, formed in 2008, is the largest

umbrella organisation for organisations pushing for democracy and includes

among others SFL, SFTU and CIEAS as members. And FSEJ is an umbrella

organisation with the focus on civic education and human and constitutional

rights. These organisations are not completely illegal in Swaziland. The chairman

and organiser was Morten Nielsen from Africa Contact. The meeting was called

'How to remove a despot?' and began with presentations from each of the two

guests, followed by questions from the conference attendees (Africa Contact

2010). The approximately 50 attendees included curious Danes, students, and

interested professional. The topic was highly relevant to this thesis, and the

information gathered was useful in explaining the motive and means in the

activists’ struggle. The meeting was recorded and attached as an audio file,

appendix C as a CD-ROM (FSEJ & SUDF activists 2010).

Introduction to the situationThe FSEJ representative started the meeting and presented their activities such

as civic education in rural areas in democracy and human rights issues. His 19 Also the president of SFTU and chairman of SUDF, Barnes Dlamini was invited, but prevented from joining

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background was as a former member of the Swaziland National Students Union,

and as a current member of SUDF, and furthermore he has been part of the

struggle for freedom in South Africa. He has been out on bail since he was

imprisoned in 1993 for his political activities.

The FSEJ representative noted that a hindrance for their work is that chiefs

control rural areas and the population is mostly poverty-stricken with no official

rights to land. When opposing a chief it is seen as similar to directly opposing the

King, which consequently leads to arrests, police violence, torture, and then one

is also not eligible to receive scholarships or work in any government

department. Chiefs in Swaziland are appointed by family elders in the

community, as prescribed by traditional regulations, but the King is still in final

control, showing a lack of respect for the traditions of the communities. SUDF

supports these issues by education in civil rights of citizens and by bringing

different people together in dialogue. The lack of civil and human rights is worst

in the rural areas freedom of speech is not allowed, and only accepted a very

limited extent, and some have been brutalised or killed.

The activists from FSEJ and SUDF said that because many Swazis attend

traditional ceremonies, it is being used as a propaganda vehicle to prove support

of the King to the international community. The people identify themselves with

the culture and identity of being Swazi, but there is a difference between politics

and tradition.

International involvementThe EU has been talking about Swaziland and support the adopted constitution.

The activist from FSEJ noted that for EU delegates it seems like everything is in

order. They simply have accepted the King’s claims that Swaziland has its own

kind of democracy, and that it is going in the right direction. He stated that this is

not a statement representing the population, and that they wish that the people

of Swaziland indicating that he wish the population to be the ones in charge.

In many other African countries democracy is obtained through armed struggles

and much blood has been shed. The international community has been quiet in

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Zimbabwe to such a point where people died and the activists visiting Denmark

saw this as both amazing and terrible. But in Swaziland they try to avoid that

blood needs to be shed for the international community acknowledge what is

happening. The FSEJ representative pleads the international society not to wait

until the situation gets more brutal before they see the problems in Swaziland. It

is important that international actors come to experience the situation and that it

is not being done through government.

The SUDF representative agreed with his fellow activist that it is a brutal system

and explained that the organisations have joined hands to lead a more active

stance politically. He gave examples of arrests made only on the grounds of

positive remarks on the political organisation Podemo. However, they are still

cooperating with the banned political parties to drive the struggle for freedom

forward.

The movements are trying to collaborate with SADC20, but in 2008 SADC made

King Mswati III the head for security. Outwardly, he is fighting for democracy in

the neighbouring countries; he has for example been involved in political

processes in Madagascar. However, he does not want to speak to parties

internally.

Bad governance and lack of openness SUDF was formed to show that everybody is standing together. If the

organisations want to plan a march, the police will stop it as they say the social

movements collaborate with terrorists, even if is legal to demonstrate for the

unions involved. This is possible because all governments, also outside

Swaziland is hiding behind the threat of terrorism.

The two civil society activists explained that in December 2008 civil society

organisations tried to have a meeting with diplomats, but the police obstructed

the meeting. Furthermore, communication in the groups is recorded and

monitored by the chiefs. The SUDF activist explained that he is tired of the

terminology about Swaziland’s ‘unique’ form of democracy; as he sees it there is 20 SADC is an alliance of 15 countries in the Southern Africa region (SADC 2009).

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a government and there is house of assembly, yet the citizens are not

represented and all discussions about the King are not openly debated.

They further told the assembly that in 2008 Swaziland celebrated 40 years of

independence and the King’s 40 years anniversary and Swaziland, poor as it is,

spend millions on it. On top of that, some of the King’s wives, some eight or nine

of them, went on extreme shopping sprees to the USA and the Middle East

without a word said in the government about it. The newspapers were given strict

instructions not to mention these shopping sprees and the Swazis heard about it

from South African news.

Hope for international pressure The movements the two activists represent; SFTU, SFL, SUDF, and, FSEJ have

among other actions blockades of the borders by support from the South African

union federation COSATU21. This has not been heard; instead people are

abducted and driven around in the country, some left deep in the forests. The

democracy activist further explained that they are working internationally as they

believe that the regime despite its arrogance is fearful of pressure from the

international community. SFTU asked workers in USA to put pressure on the US

government to change preferences if Swaziland did not amend the laws and the

government of Swaziland reacted. The activist believe that pressure from the

EU, the USA and the UK will make the King and the government change.

Questions from the hearers Morten Nielsen has been in Swaziland a number of times, and what has made

the biggest impression on him is, that culture is used to oppress people. If you do

anything against the King your kids might get thrown out of school. There are a

lot of people that gain wealth, but it does not benefit the people in the rural areas.

Even if Swaziland is a middle income country, more people than in Malawi, who

has a GDP at 900 US dollars per year, are living under one dollar a day and that

shows how the government is. It is further necessary to know, that to be a

candidate for elections you need to be approved by the local chief who is

appointed by the King, in this way is the King in control in many ways. Nielsen

said that, it is interesting how a small country between two great political 21 COSATU is the main labour union federation in south Africa (COSATU 2010)

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developments; Mozambique and South Africa, can continue as nothing has

happened.

A question was raised regarding the position of women, and the FSEJ activist

explained that women are still treated as minors. The new constitution22 gives

some rights to women, but traditional authorities prevent them from exercising

these rights. However, women in Swaziland are actually coming together and are

forming a very strong movement, for example against King’s wives’ shopping

sprees. He added that, if a woman is moving from one chiefdom to another she

has to bring a male family member, for example a son, for even being considered

to be given a piece of land.

The respond to a question on freedom of the press was that The Times of

Swaziland is the only independent newspaper in Swaziland. The problem with

the Times is that Swaziland is a small economy and the newspaper is still

dependent on the government and they therefore act accordingly. Mario

Masuko23 was writing for the Times, but as he is said to be a terrorist he had to

quit. One is able to behave on most electronic media, but on the television most

is cut off if democracy advocates are interviewed.

On a question on the democracy, the FSEJ representative answered that it is

their democracy and not his, as he does not feel part of the current form of

governance. He emphasised further that civil society wants democracy through

peaceful means and that a multi- party democracy has support in all layers of

society. They wish a system that is not an import from foreign countries, but still a

multi-party system where the King is only a national symbol and is not interfering

in political issues. The Swazis still need something to identify with so they want a

constitutional monarchy.

22 The new constitution is from 2005, instituted in 2006 (Swaziland 2005).23 Mario Masuko is the leader of the banned party PODEMO. He was rewarded with the Danish Democracy award 2010. The Swazi government says he is a terrorist and they are disappointed of Denmark (Times of Swaziland, Nxumalo & Mabandla 2010)

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He elaborated on how this can be achieved: The secret is that the ongoing

meeting was part of the process, as well as when people from abroad are writing

to the Swazi government. Another type of intervention that helps is from the

Danish government, who via for example Africa Contact supports the

empowerment in the rural areas. The movements educate people who are

respected in the different areas about democracy and human rights. These

people move from door to door in their rural communities with the message, and

this method has been beneficial for the mobilisation and support. Moreover, the

organisations take advantages of the community based organisations and they

talk about democracy and human rights in peaceful manners.

Some movements choose to go to the streets but FSEJ explained that their

community based activities have been beneficial and more people are now

demanding for their rights. They gave an example where an organisation

because of the empowerment went to court and won on a case of free primary

education24. It cannot be emphasised enough how important the civic education

conducted on the ground is and they stress that more and more people are

coming together and speak up.

I asked the guests if it was possible to make a change only with this bottom-up

approach and if international involvement is needed. The FSEJ representative

replied that it is very important to confront the enemy from all fronts. He

explained that they need to suffocate the monarchy to such an extent that it

cannot breath. They need so much pressure from inside as possible, but they

still need the compliment from the international society, who has to listen to how

civil society wants Swaziland to move forward.

A representative from LO/FTF council, who was participating at the meeting

stated that, observing the situation from a Danish labour movement perspective

the progress in the development of the organisations and in unity are

remarkable. In addition the movements have achieved international recognition

and attention. He posed a question on their relations to the South African

24 The court ruling was more symbolic as primary schooling is still not free.

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governments party ANC and the Mozambiquan Frelimo25. The representative

from SUDF said the relationship between the governments is important, but that

they need an even more united front in Swaziland and a significant alternative for

them to collaborate. Nielsen added that it has been the same problem in

Zimbabwe as the MDC26 has not presented a sturdy and stable enough

alternative.

The activists admitted that it has been challenging to form a united front, and

SUDF acknowledged that one organisation can do it alone. However, it is

important to stand together, to show all the affiliates that the front is clear. The

guests said the government is working tirelessly for the people to stand

disunited, but that they are fighting to the infiltrate this.

Sum up on empirical data There are two different sets of first hand empirical data, first a survey undertaken

in Swaziland in 2009 and second the informational meeting with Swazi activists

in Denmark from 2010. Both are summarised in the following paragraphs.

The majority of the respondents in the survey were women, with a broad age

span ranging from 19 to 72. The difference in results between the questionnaires

shows that the management to a larger extent are men and are older than the

general respondents. Most associations are recently started and there is

generally a high level of expectations for growth, both in memberships and

activities. Most associations and members see themselves as members of

CIEAS and they react positively to the unity and support CIEAS gives. They have

suggestion for further mobilisation; display development and results, dialogue,

and training and capacity building. SFTU and democracy are sensible subjects to

Swazis, but the survey shows that people in general are positive to the subjects,

although they feel the support from SFTU reach only formally employed and in

urban areas and that democracy need to be founded through participation and

communication. A majority of respondents believe that democracy can lead to

more freedom, employment, progress, and independence. These overall results

25 ANC and Frelimo are respectively the South African and Mozambican government party. 26 MDC is the biggest oppositional party in Zimbabwe, the leader Morgan Tsvangirai shares the power with the president Robert Mugabe (MDC 2009).

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basically match with the activities and aims that are show in the bigger and more

political organisations as well, although the informal workers emphasise their

practical needs highly.

The main topic for the meeting was how to remove the despot and the two

activists, who represented movements trying to form a collective front in the

struggle for multiparty democracy in Swaziland, clarified the obstacles they

faced. They underlined that the unity is extremely important, both for getting

international support and for winning the struggle from the bottom-up. It is very

important to educate and empower the rural population, to give them awareness

of their basic civil rights and to build adequate support. The meeting also

included personal stories of arrests, abductions and police violence and their

hopes for support from the international community.

Now both the background, the theoretical framework and the empirical data has

been presented, and to get the full idea of the complexity of the challenges civil

society face, the elements will be analysed in the following chapter.

5. Analysis of the challenges The analysis will give answers to the research question on the challenges social

movements in Swaziland face in organising the populations to demand change.

Challenges for democratic change are related to both to rational forces of a well-

functioning organisation or threats of being sent to prison, but also strongly

embedded traditional structures and discourses within society and national

identity. These recognised challenges are based on the first-hand empirical work

of the survey and the meeting with social movement leaders, which are

examined in a framework of my own research, observations on, and

communications with civil society actors in Swaziland. The arguments about the

Swazi society are supported by secondary literature about the Swazi culture. To

understand all this crude data to the fullest, the range of theories and

approaches presented above will be used in different ways in the analysis. The

theories will be used to address various dimensions of the research question in

the most expanded way possible. The theories explain how a leader stays in

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power and continues to remain legitimate. Also examined will be how an

organisation is strongly formed, and how social and national identity and

traditions are extremely important factors that are not easily changeable. A main

observation from this research is that in relation to democratic transformation, l

democracy is a mindset and not simply a system of institutions. That is to say

that even if the system became democratic, democratic principles would not

necessarily be followed by the people.

The analysis is divided into subheadings according to the issues considered and

the theories and the empirical data will be employed in the analytical arguments.

The issue of a strong social movements One of the more practical issues is about the formulation of a strong movement,

as a political shift beginning from the grassroots level can only be achieved with

a strong movement. Both the respondents in the survey and the social

movement leaders acknowledge the urgent need for national unity and an

inclusion of rural Swazis. In the survey question regarding how democracy can

be achieved; 17% replied unity and membership of one of the bigger

organisations, mainly SFTU, could prove to be beneficial to democracy. In

general the respondents focussed on education, empowerment, and

communication. A strong social movement is therefore a necessary tool for

education, discussions, and advocacy that can lead Swazis to embrace

democracy.

Different organisational elements of a movement need to be present for attaining

a strong and noticeable social movement. For structuring the elements the

components from Charles Tilly will lead this section (Tilly 1978, Tilly, Wood

2009).

As defined in the introduction, social movements are the active part of civil

society and therefore are the common organised goal, or campaign, elementary

for a social movement. In Swaziland the common campaign among most social

movements is the desire for multi party democracy and implementation of human

rights, although, the strongest entities are based on the labour movements

whose main focus is labour rights. The campaign of activities of the movements

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is concrete and as the struggle for democracy is a process the activities are not a

restricted to single events. A clear focus in the organisation is helpful in their aim

to get both internal and external attention. It is, however, still an obstacle that the

goal is not easily accessible for the organisations due to the sensitivity of political

issues (Olson 1971, Tilly, Wood 2009).

The main campaign is divided into a repertoire of several actions, and the

different movements have both their own and the collective ones (Tilly, Wood

2009). In Swaziland all politically oriented events and even newspaper writings

are dangerous; Mario Masuko from Podemo was forced to stop writing articles

for the Times and people have been arrested for small crimes such as wearing a

t-shirt with political statements. The newest event is that a Podemo member,

Sipho Jele, allegedly was killed in custody for wearing a t-shirt with the Podemo

logo (Sowetan News, Lekota 2010). Despite the danger, participants of the social

movements keep writing petitions, hold meetings, strikes and demonstrations. As

the representative from FSEJ explained, their activities are related to civic

education, discussions and empowerment projects – which match the requests

of the informal economy workers in the survey in order to achieve democratic

development. As presented in the meeting in Copenhagen these are activities

that are not welcomed by all, especially the chiefs and police. Public activities

are in general limited in civil society, especially for most political organisations.

The lack of open rallies and hence possibility to declare or sell their positions to

the general public give significant challenges for the mobilisation in social

movements (FSEJ & SUDF activists 2010).

The third component in Tilly’s terminology is the participants’ concerted public

representations he described in the WUNC displays. To elucidate different

obstacles for the civil society movements in Swaziland to form a strong

movement each of the WUNC elements are elaborated on in the case following

(Tilly, Wood 2009).

The worthiness is important for the social movements to gain momentum among

the average Swazi, who through the media and chiefs are presented with the

view that all progressives are terrorists (Tilly, Wood 2009). If activities continue to

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be non-violent and supported by students, the elderly, mothers and the

international community, the public will acknowledge the movements are for the

common good and not for terrorist activities. 3,000 grandmothers from all over

Southern Africa have recently marched together in Manzini27 to act for human

rights in Swaziland, this elevates the value of these actions, domestically and

internationally (AllAfrica.com, Phakathi 2010). The importance of worthiness is

proven in the voices of the informal economy workers in the survey. The

significant majority in the survey supported the democracy developments but

several of the responses indicated the importance of debates rather than

revolutionary or violent implements with the vast majority emphasising

communication specifically.

Unity is a main element in the establishment and retention of strong social

movements, both in each individual group and in the common battle of civil

society. All groups of participants in the survey, both common association

members and the leaders of FSEJ, SUDF, and SFTU from the meeting underline

unity as a main factor. Unity is both important on a practical level to get shelters

at the market place, and for changing the political situation in the country (Tilly,

Wood 2009). The unity aspect will be further examined later in the analysis.

What is relevant here is how the movements make their unity explicit. Unity is

part of a discursive battle between government supporters who focus on the

disunity of the movements and alienates them from each other while civil society

actors present themselves as united. The symbols that are being used are often

symbols belonging to the labour movement and therefore represented to the red

flags, for example but in public the flag and cloth are not used often. Singing,

collective prayer, and rallying cries are important and are used in gatherings for

movements. Rallying cries and clenched fists are closely related to the freedom

battles from apartheid South Africa and the cry ‘Amandla! Awethu!’28 which these

movements feel closely related to. As seen in the meeting the activist from FSEJ,

as many others, actually took part in previous battles for freedom, so bonds

between struggles are therefore strong. Another cry: “Viva Podemo, Viva

27 Manzini is the biggest city in Swaziland. 28 The cry means ’power! To the people!’ and the speaker cries Amandla where upon the crowd cries Awethu.

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SWAYOCO”, is a statement of solidarity to political parties that are illegal, and

activists have been arrested for using it (FSEJ & SUDF activists 2010).

The N in the WUNC displays stands for numbers or the ability to have and show

support. It is of highest importance for the democrats to have support for

democracy, as it is obviously a main element in democratic change. The

headcounts at strikes and demonstrations is important, but the consequences for

participating in political activities is so harsh, that only the most committed actors

can show their views in public. So the actual support and opinion of the

population are difficult to ascertain, and as seen in the survey amongst the

informal workers an explicit political opinion is hard to gather or at least prove.

Social movements try to deal with this by unionising informal workers and

introducing empowerment projects and education in the rural areas (FSEJ &

SUDF activists 2010). The headcount of supporters will most likely increase, if

the population is provided with more information and the tools necessary to

understand the societal and political situation in a more complex way so that,

they will have the option to choose (Tilly, Wood 2009).

The fourth part of Tilly’s WUNC displays is commitment, and commitment is

crucial in a harsh environment for political collective action. Tilly mentions

‘braving bad weather’ as an example of commitment but commitment is taken to

another level in an environment where activists are forced in exile, or arrested, or

disappear under suspicious circumstances. The general condition in Swaziland

hinders one’s ability to make choices to commit, as these issues are a gamble

that can cause severe consequences and sacrifices. As the participation in the

survey showed, even giving one’s opinion is not simple, as between 1/4th and -

1/3rd of the respondents did answer the two questions on democracy in the

questionnaires with one indicating directly that he or she did not dare to answer

it. Commitment into actually go to the streets and act in Swaziland is therefore

more than just braving bad weather (Tilly, Wood 2009).

This exposition of the social movement situation using Tilly’s breakdown has

shown that these movements of Swaziland are aware of the problematic

elements. But that the circumstances for living up to such standards of strong

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social movements are harsh and that public support is difficult to get when

resources are scarce and public display of opinion is dangerous. It takes an

extraordinary amount of commitment to fulfil the role of a movement that can

change the political structure and to a certain amount, the national identity, of

Swaziland.

The first step to develop more democracy in Swaziland is to have a strong civil

society represented in organisations. As seen here there are several challenges

for the movements in Swaziland to live up to such elements due to the

circumstances, and that becomes challenging as a whole for democratisation.

The first step in overcoming these challenges is lowering the legal restrictions.

The organisations are to some extent able to contribute to the process despite

the restrictions as they are aware of the basic and important components relating

to an efficient organisation.

The issues of the Kings legitimacy Leadership in Swaziland face silent resistance since the King is still supported by

the majority as being a figure in a position of respect. This is surprising regarding

the presentations to several cases of bad governance and the undermining of

basic human rights in Swaziland, there is a question as to how the monarchy

retains the legitimacy to reign. As seen in the background chapter, the king has

not shown enough skills as a political leader for that to be the only reason for

legitimacy. His legitimacy is shaped by other reasons. One obvious reason for

his control of power is pure rational fear. When the current political system has

experienced resistance from civil society it has retaliated with harsh legislation,

police violence, and long prison sentences. Since these repercussions are for

merely being connected to political organisations, it is one of the main reasons

for the lack of possible political change. But according to Weber’s ideal types of

legitimacy (Weber, Gerth & Mills 1991, Weber 1978, Weber 2005) rational fear of

consequences is only one of three main aspects in legitimacy. Both the aspects

of charisma and especially tradition play an enormous role in the case of Mswati

III as well as his predecessor Sobhuza II. First, the issue of tradition is examined,

then charisma, and then briefly the rational domination aspect.

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Of the three ideal types of legitimacy, the one that is based on tradition has the

largest influence on the Tinklundha system and surrounding the King in

Swaziland. While the world around the Swazis changes, the monarchy and its

supporters rely heavily on the tradition, nationalism, and the history and national

identity of the Swazis. Traditional power structures, ceremonies, rites and even

clothing are important factors in the nation-building process. It is in the favour of

the monarchy that the national identity continues to be built on traditions more

than processes of modernisation or westernisation. It is, although, interesting

that the system in its current version is no more than a few generations old, but

is formed around a romanticised nationalistic historic narrative from pre-colonial

times. The calculated use of discourse and narrative and invented traditions will

be analysed later. But the King’s respect is not, at least not entirely, based on

manipulations and ignorance: the King is a symbol of independence and national

pride, which constitute necessary aspects of nation-state building for every

country. A rapid change of institutions, structures, and symbols, for example the

King, would most probably cause unrest. My own observations including Kuper’s

and Booth’s research suggest a nation in transition, but combined with a strong

sense of belonging and proud culture (Kuper 1947, Kuper 1972, Booth 1983,

Booth 2000). Even if they believe in democratic developments only the most

progressives believe the King should be removed totally. As indicated in the

meeting in Copenhagen, it is a constitutional monarchy the democracy activists

are looking for with the King as a strong national symbol without political power.

This delicate balance is hard to control for the civil society actors, but Denmark

can be taken as an example where it functions quite well. It is furthermore an

example of a monarchy where the monarch has no political power. The

population might want more influence on their own life situation – but without

losing any national characteristics. And for most Swazis the traditional cultural

foundations are legitimate (FSEJ & SUDF activists 2010).

The quality of a charismatic leader is an aspect for Weber’s legitimacy

terminology as well. Mswati III is rarely seen in public, the amount of political

speeches is low, and most political statements are published directly from the

King’s office either in newspapers or online, this creates a strong mythological,

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symbolic and narrative charisma. Perhaps due to the limited level of contact with

the general population, the appearances he does make him seem exceptional

and powerful to the population. Controlling the media also helps him to maintain

this ideal picture of his close to him thus keeping his superhuman status29. His

predecessor, Sobhuza II, partly built this strong image that Mswati III is gaining

from today. Sobhuza II, a nationalistic traditionalist, had opponents to his reign,

but then became the revolutionary liberator who freed Swaziland from British

rule, and formulator of the new Swaziness which earned the monarchical leader

respect. This kind of charisma is hard to take away of the King as an institution

and national symbol. In my interactions with Swazis, I noticed that few, even

democracy advocates, spoke badly about the King Mswati III, it is rather the

system and power structures that were criticised, and not the icon, the King. The

charisma aspect is also important for the social movements, as strong icons gain

trust. This relates especially to the former secretary general of 28 years, Jan

Sithole who was a charismatic fighter, well-known and liked for his commitment

to union rights. This type of charisma was less related to a divine status, and

more to his status as a revolutionary leader and as a symbol of freedom. More

examples of both the shaping of a divine status, around the King and symbolism

around Jan Sithole are covered in the following sections of the analysis.

The aspect of rational domination is ending the section on Weber’s terminology

on legitimacy (Weber 1978). After studying the circumstances for political

activists in Swaziland and talking to the actors it is clear that it takes lot of

courage and commitment to fight the status quo. A low level of direct replies on

the questions on politics in the survey indicated this and as one wrote it directly;

“I’m too afraid to even speak about it”. Swazis are not democratic minded – they

are fearful. As mentioned earlier, the low level of expendable resources

especially for the rural families cannot be jeopardized in illegal or semi-illegal

activities, thus the effect is acceptance of status quo and focus on basic needs.

All three aspects, tradition, charisma, and rational legitimacy, show the

underlying reasons for the challenges faced when attempting political change.

The King’s legitimacy is based on aspects that are not directly political, which

29 All stores or public institutions are required to have a picture of the King and the Queen Mother shown.

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elucidates that there are considerable challenges in the other aspects as well.

Especially the issue on tradition is worth looking more into, and it will be explored

further in the following sections.

Social identity and self-categorisation It is relevant to examine the social identification process as part of an

empowerment, unionisation, and democratisation process, as democracy is

understood as a socially constructed mindset of the people. To execute

democracy one needs not only to understand the premises but also to accept

them as a part of one’s culture and national identity. The following part is a

theoretical section that answers the research question by explaining the

individual, often unconscious, reasons for not just changing a mindset over night.

Staying within a well-known social identity and group gives a cognitive, or

emotional, security of one’s identity. This theoretical argumentation relies on

Hall’s explication of how identities are in constant change, and always directed

by the constitutive outside (Hall, du Gay 1996).

The self-categorisation theory by Terry and Hogg can explain some of the

complexity in social identification and why national, social, and individual identity

has such a big impact on the struggle for democracy in Swaziland. The national

identity transformation that follows a revolutionary like change in society will

affect the self-categorisation processes. This either as a dynamic and collective

response, as a group or as a destructive element, in a desired unification

process. What had happened in Swaziland is that there are groups that are

strongly separated, traditionalists and social movements. Both parts are proud

Swazis, but the battle lays in the formulation of the national identity (Hogg, Terry

2000).

As social identity processes are motivated by subjective uncertainty reduction, it

is thus the goal for progressive social movements to develop a strong united

identity. The risk is that increased subjective uncertainty among the population is

what makes them stick to the safe and well-known prototypical traditional

Swaziness (Hogg, Terry 2000). A new societal and political system therefore has

to involve a strong social identity that reduce uncertainty, but rather develops

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unity and a common Swazi national feeling that is not deviant, strange, or un-

Swazi for the individuals.

According to Terry and Hogg, the second point in the theory, a group member

leaves parts of his or hers personality to shape a new identity, that fits the ideal

type of the group and be one of them. According to the terminology it is a

prototype-based de-personalisation that happens when one enters a group and

adopts to it according to the mainstream idea of such a group (Hogg, Terry

2000). A native Swazi adapts more or less automatically to what is the Swazi

prototype by carrying traditional clothing, following family structures, churches,

and norms and of course respecting the monarchy as part of the group as a

Swazi where he belongs. His personal will is not erased, but the risk of deviance

and alienation keeps him consciously or unconsciously close to the prototypical

Swazi. On top of this is the rational legal issue of physical punishment for

deviance, as discussed earlier.

Some people come together and deviate collectively, in groups as unions and

movements. A single person bringing changes or new ideas to a group becomes

an outcast, but as soon the individuals form a group with their own prototypes,

ideals, and identity the group will be alienated from the other group and together

they have a social identity that forms them as a new cohesive group. The group

has to shape a social identity that speaks for its members but at the same time a

social identity that separates them from other groups. This process is both

present in smaller unities among the different unions who are separated via the

profession they covers and by their names, songs, and symbols. A worker is

thereby part of a social identity; much along the same lines as a unionist from for

example the textile industry that is underlined by him carrying the prototypical red

t-shirt with their logo on it. It deviates from being the traditionalists and it deviates

from the miners. In a bit broader picture the textile worker and the miner might

both be part of SFTU, who are then part of the collective progressive civil

society. The textile worker and the miner no longer deviate from each other, as

they are both carrying the symbol of SFTU, the red t-shirt and both believe in a

multi-party system which separates them from the traditionalist. Even if alienated

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from the traditionalists the worker has now reduced his fear of leaving the

classical group by reformulating his identity to fit into the new group.

The challenge for the democracy progressives is the balance between being a

real opposition to the royal power and to include as many Swazis as possible.

The challenge is to formulate a prototype that clearly separates them from the

traditionalist but on the other hand does not demand a change too large between

the identity as a proud nationalist Swazi and the identity as a democratic Swazi.

The self-categorisation theory shows that unity is highly important for individuals,

as well as for the group. Empirical wise both the informal workers asked for unity

in the survey and two Swazi activists mentioned it as extremely necessary for

progress (FSEJ & SUDF activists 2010) (appendix C). The unity reduces

subjective uncertainty, and it makes you feel safe and makes you belong to a

strong social identity. Further, it makes a clear social identity that separates your

group from the other, and hence become more powerful in reaching a goal.

Even if the group of traditionalist, Swazis embraces status quo and alienates

modernisation, a group is still, according to Terry and Hogg (ad3) internally

structured in terms of perceived or actual group prototypicality of members. On

the basis of the observations from Hilda Kuper (Kuper 1963, Kuper 1947), Alan

Booth (Booth 1983) and myself the Swazi culture, even among the traditionalist,

does not stand still. Traditions, customs, symbols, and ceremonies are kept but

as the societal environment changes the Swazis (members of the groups of

Swazis) slowly develop accordingly. This national group consists of 1,000,000

people and has really strong borders towards other national groupings. Even the

democracy progressives are still part of the group of Swazis, as they are not

South African or Mozambiquean – even if the King discursively tries to alienate

from society. Developments in the social self-categorisation processes do not

happen fast. As the group of Swazis both consists of progressives, a western

minded youth and traditionalist the process of collective self-categorisation is

slow. Smaller groups of individuals are able to develop their common prototype

faster as individuals are more subjective uncertain than groups. A big and

relatively strong group as a whole nation is therefore not easy to change (Hogg,

Terry 2000).

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A King of a society or a charismatic and strong leader can deviate somewhat, if

he distinguishes positively and if the organisational prestige is important. The

leadership necessarily demands some kind of deviance, but in an in-group type

of way with the positive and strong features obvious.

SFTU has handled such a problem practically because they have acknowledged

that when the number of formally employed dropped, and SFTU has now

reformulated its identity as a federation of formally employed to a federation that

also embraces informal economy workers. The prototype of a unionist will

thereby develop from ‘a male formally employed worker in a red t-shirt’ – to any

worker, which then also include the gender aspect as a prototypical unionist no

longer most often is a male. As long as the old unionists accept this merge the

social identity of all members are slightly changed. However, this theoretical

discussion elucidates the reasons for why mobilisation can be problematic for the

social movements, even when the ideas they stand for can be backed up. Other

approaches for analysing the importance of identity in social changes follow.

It is here examined that identity is a meaningful issue and even if it is changeable

it changes slowly and according to its surroundings and its circumstances. The

self-perception and group identity is significant for people’s actions and

mindsets. The change that is needed for democratic development and

modernisation is therefore difficult to move. The democratic mindset is not just a

matter of political arguments, but especially a matter of identity. The challenge in

reformulating such issues a extensive but possible to overcome, however it

demands lot of time and work on the grassroots level.

National identity This chapter on national identity is a broader headline that includes four sections;

the identity as a democrat, traditionalism and invented traditions, symbolism and

ceremonies around the King and the Kingship, and finally a section on national

narratives and discursive battles. Every section builds on empirical data, up to

date examples, and on theorists within culture, identity, and discourse. It will

collectively indicate how personal and social identity and a national narrative

strongly affect individuals’ viewpoints and group mentality. Hence it will examine

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what the challenges for civil society are in their struggle for a political change and

thereby shed light on the possibilities for progress.

Democratic identityOne of the problems for the progressive groups in Swaziland is shaping unity

within civil society and to make the common Swazi take a stand on political

issues. As the representative explained at the meeting a democratic change

cannot take place without it and for the international society to participate it

needs a proof that this is what the population wish for. The assumption of the

progressive social movements is that the main population is not actually

supporting the monarchy as such but they are indentifying themselves in this

picture of Swaziness. The support for democracy is there and can be found

through empowerment projects of the populations, as the representative from

civil society organisations FSEJ and SUDF explained (FSEJ & SUDF activists

2010). The point about democracy is actually not political unity, as this removes

the necessary individuality of the democratic process. Instead empowerment is

needed in order to facilitate people into formulating their own stance and thereby

claim their democratic rights. The unity lies in the common goal of a democratic

system that paves the way for such mentalities and strengthened individualistic

mindsets.

The Swazi culture is not necessarily to be changed per se to introduce

democracy, but as it is now clear that democracy is more than institutions the

mindset of the people needs to be change for the sake of sustainability in an

eventual political and social change. As the SUDF and FSEJ representatives

said, it is highly important that it is a democracy developed to fit the Swazis,

rather than a copy of Western democracy institutions. The classic political

modernisation theory has been criticised broadly for not being aware of this30

(FSEJ & SUDF activists 2010, Tipps 1973). For practical reasons the model the

Swazis aim for is a multiparty democracy, but all underlying structures and

customs need to be in line with the mentality in Swaziland. The traditionalists

30 Political modernisation theory has many definition, here it is a reference to development and political theories that assume history is evolutionary and less developed countries presumable develop towards a liberal democracy as western countries have, and with the normative assumption that this is the best, and only, way to take. The newer debates try to open up for the idea that African countries are able to formulate its own path for development.

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know that nationalism is a key issue for both parties and they will naturally fight

to be the one to formulate its meaning.

The challenge for the democrats lay in the development of such a redefinition

without losing their national uniqueness. Swazis are identifying themselves via

the traditions that in many cases are bound by the symbol and leadership of the

King. For the democrats to succeed they are obliged to reformulate elements of

the discourse of the Swazi national identity. Said briefly; the social identity of

being a Swazi has tremendous importance and since that includes monarchical

features it takes more than good political arguments for the Swazi on the ground

to change the perception of their group identity as Swazis.

Invented traditionsTraditions are therefore important and according to Hobsbawm invented

traditions are seen more often when a group or nation is in a position of change

or strained (Hobsbawm, Ranger 2010). There are examples of the invented

traditions from especially in the period of formation of the state right after

independence from Britain but also more recent examples today when the King

in some aspects is becoming more strained. Most of the complex system of rites

reflects a sincere old national and conservative pride, that in some instances

have been strengthened more than weakened because of modernisation.

A typical example is the flag that was first introduced in 1967 and was adopted

as a part of the nation state building in the beginning of independence31 (Maps of

world 2010). A flag is to a large extent practically unnecessary for a state it is

though highly meaningful for any nation building process (Hobsbawm, Ranger

2010). In pre-colonial and colonial times the Swazis relied on the narrative of

history, Kingship and kinship, and praise songs (Kuper 1963). But after

approximately 70 years where the monarchy had had a secondary place the

monarchy had to assert itself as strong regency and as a symbol of

independence. The flag was a symbol of this process and part of the new nation

building. SFTU held a mass action in 1995 that indicated the growing distress. 31 The flag of Swaziland consists of three horizontal stripes, blue stripe at the top, red in the middle, and again blue in the bottom. The red stripe of the flag of Swaziland is edged in yellow colour. On the centre of the red stripe, there is a horizontally placed large black and white shield covering two spears and a staff decorated with feather tassels. The blue colour stands for peace and the tassels are symbolic to the monarchy. The yellow colour represents mineral wealth of the country and the red colour symbolises battle.

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As a symbol of the frustration a flag was burned by the striking mob – a strong

and extremely provoking statement through a simple act. The aforementioned

then leader of SFTU, Jan Sithole, had at the time a strong popularity and was

carried around on shoulders. Another interesting detail is that he was greeted

with what the authorities considered a traditional royal salute reserved for the

King (Mzizi 2005a). A simple gesture that had a strong symbolic value, an

invented tradition twisted to represent that the shift in the power balance the mob

wished for.

Invented traditions are not per se problematic and they are a natural part of the

building of a nation state as Swaziland was in doing in the 1960’s. It is not

necessarily problematic for the civil society activists who are trying to change the

society – the amount and power of old and invented traditions unites the country

and retain its form and structures. As seen with rallying cries et cetera several

symbols are attached to the social movements as well.

In the period of independence, the King wanted to prove that the Swazi preferred

a monarchy rather than the then political democratic system and had a

referendum. The referendum had that symbolic peculiarity that he was

represented by the symbol of a lion, and his opposition as a reindeer, a weaker

foreign animal symbolising the British’s control. Obviously, ‘the lion’ got more

votes32. The election was, though, not accepted; the independence and the

power to the King were first handed over a few years after (Kuper 1972). The

story is a clear example of how symbols are used to manipulate a population.

Kuper explains further, that the King additionally is not only connected to, but

even identified with the sun and the moon. Moreover, there are a number of

praise songs where the king is portrayed as both patriarchal and as a lion (Kuper

1944). Booth further explains how the king is connected to and symbolised by

the Sun (Booth 1983).

An interesting example of how the King tries to hold the nation together and

maintaining him as the central actor is the 40/40 celebration, presented in the

background chapter. The celebration was an attempt to emphasise both the

32 The monarchy got 122.000 votes; the Westminster model 154.

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monarchy and independence. However, it had an almost reverse effect as the

expensive festivity became widely criticised as explained by the SUDF

representative in the Africa contact meeting (FSEJ & SUDF activists 2010). The

celebration became associated with extravagant over-spending instead of

accepted as a tradition. The celebration was an example of an attempt of an

invented tradition, seen in the light of Hobsbawm’s terminology.

In the case of Swaziland, whose independent history is so short and whose

geographically location is intimidated between its bigger neighbours, a loud and

powerful marking of its uniqueness and independence have been necessary.

The current state is built on romanticised nationalistic historic narrative from pre-

colonial times, but it is at the same time what has formed relatively united and

proud people. However, some civil society actors have high hopes of redefining

and modernising – and not deleting – some cultural and political structures in

Swaziland. A reformulation of this self-perception is not easy for a population that

is raised with these ideas and maybe have become ignorant about other things.

The strong conservatism is emphasised by a broad range of symbolic traditional

ceremonies. Many of them have diminished during the years, but the biggest

have survived and many participate, especially the iNcwala ceremony still has

impact on the Swazi (Booth 1983).

The iNcwala ceremonyThe iNcwala ceremony33 is the main national traditional gathering point and the

core of the rituals surrounding of the Swazi kingship. Hilda Kuper has seen only

minor changes over the years and the innovations have been extension not a

contradiction of the ritual. However, this ceremony should not be seen as an

invented tradition because, it expresses more fundamental and enduring beliefs.

The ceremony takes several days and the role of the King is emphasised by a

complex series of rites (Kuper 1972, Kuper 1944).

However, the meaning of the iNcwala has changed as the circumstances have

and Kuper says: “With the approach of self-government, preliminary to

independence, the iNcwala was used as a focus of an intensified Swazi

33 The iNcwala ceremony is the central annual ritual in Swaziland. Its dominant theme is in the nature of a first fruit ceremony relating the rulers to the agricultural productive circle as indicated by the sun and the moon.

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nationalism” (Kuper 1972, p.614). The strong necessity to symbolise the

independence and totality in this period extended the symbolic meaning of the

ceremony. The ceremony is still today an integral part of Swazi life, despite

modernisation and maybe as a backlash of is. It has to some extent become a

backlash and a tool for holding the nation together, and can as well be termed an

invented tradition according to Hobsbawm’s terminology (Hobsbawm, Ranger

2010). As the representatives from civil society said at the meeting in

Copenhagen; the ceremonies and rites are used as a direct prove of the King’s

side that the monarchy and traditionalists have full endorsement. Though, it is

from their viewpoint a sign of national unity and festive celebration of a tradition

and not an indication of political support (FSEJ & SUDF activists 2010).

Such ceremonies and traditional entanglements thus show how symbolism

changes according to circumstances. Moreover, how it can be twisted according

to the eyes of the observer as well as being used intentionally. The ordinary

Swazi might be unconscious of to what extent the ceremonies and traditions are

genuine traditions that celebrates nationalism and what is political mechanisms.

Both versions might reflect a counterattack on modernism. The King as an

institution has symbolically monopoly of the traditions and the national narrative,

and this structure has to be reformulated for a societal change to emerge.

Concurrently, the power elite, King and government, has to maintain and

strengthen the type of nationality that supports its position. The retention of the

power structure has to be to an ongoing growing extent, because the population

of Swaziland slowly change their mindsets according to the campaigns and

activities in civil society and developments in the neighbouring countries. As

seen in the survey, it is meaningful for the population how the surroundings

changes. The wave of democratisation in Southern Africa in the 1990’s definitely

made it harder for the monarchy to retain its position. This effect is also shown in

the survey where several respondents refer to democracy positively because

their knowledge about other countries.

Discursive battle As examined earlier, the unity and group identity are important element for both

the traditionalists and the social movements. The goal for each party is thus to

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scatter the other part. Outside the scene of arrests and ceremonies there is a

battle between the two fronts that takes place discursively, via invented

traditions, and via a battle of narratives and mindsets. It will not be a discourse

analysis per se that follows, rather an analysis of examples where discursive

elements are used as a tool to alienate and tear the other apart. Discursive acts

can contribute to restoration and legitimisation of social status quo, as well as it

can be destroying and transforming it (De Cillia, Reisigl & Liebhart 2010).

The monarchy has had success in controlling the discourse and the mental

narrative to such an extent that they have been able to set a scene that is hard to

change. As shown, this has been possible due to the time of colonialism as it

was important for the population and leaders to dissociate themselves from. The

current political system was formulated in a period when the border between

nationalism and the colonial power was highly important for formulating a

national identity and all structures and symbols that were Swazi and not British

were embraced. What was happening was an emphasised alienation of the

British. Fredrik Barth explains this process as a dichotomisation of others like

strangers (Barth 1969).

The discourse can both be formulated consciously from the King’s office, but

also among civilians. One example is from an article from Swaziland Democracy

Campaign whose representation of the democracy activists and of the struggle

for democracy is presented with a strongly positive tone, and not as the

conservatives who label the democracy advocates as terrorist of the nation. The

article is about the activist who recently died in custody, Sipho Jele, and other

victims of police crime and further and request from the world to take action. It is

written from the clear political, pro-democracy, and pro-activism standpoint. The

incident of the death of Sipho Jele is here explained as the; “ruthless killing of

our patriot and comrade” (Mbhele, Ndebele 2010), even if the official statement

is suicide. But both parties claim the right to be more nationalistic than the other

and the conservatives claim that the trade unionists are un-Swazi. Both parties

also have a fight about who has more support and both argue that they can

prove that the majority of the population supports them (Mbhele, Ndebele 2010).

At a meeting for the launch of the Swaziland Democracy Campaign in

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Johannesburg several democracy advocates participated, however the Prime

Minister Sibusiso Barnabas Dlamini said that; “If you look at the number of these

people who go to these meetings, it is so small a number it doesn’t outnumber

the fingers on my hand [...] These people go there after hearing that there is fun

there and would also get to sleep in hotels for free,” (Times of Swaziland,

Simalane 2010). The formulations are condescending to show the readers that

the political activists are a fragile minority. On the other hand Jan Sithole in the

same article expounds the meeting as a serious and political important meeting.

The battle of who is able to control the democracy debate is therefore effective in

convincing an unenlightened population who has not taken a stance yet. It is

problematic for civil society to control the discourse about the political system

and the democratisation process compared to the conservatives, the

government, and the King, as the control over the media.

Sum up on the analysis of national identityThese four sections exemplify and examine the different aspects of how culture

and symbolism for unity is used to strengthen and manifest power structures in

the society. The idea of a nation and the narration of nationalism and identity are

most certainly constructed and it is formed in a discursive web of historical

memory. These ideas have been reflected in examples from Swaziland with the

background in ideas and theories of Geertz, Hall, and Barth (Geertz 1993, Hall,

du Gay 1996, Barth 1969). The following part examines the dilemma of

international intervention. The political activists feel an urgent need for the

international community to take action, but it is constrained by the risk of an

eventual western top-down political modernisation.

Discussion on international pressure and modernisation The democracy activists from FSEJ and SUDF emphasised that there is a need

for international awareness and support to change the political system. This is

also the same for the Swaziland Democracy Campaign who asks for action from

the international community, even boycotts on the country (FSEJ & SUDF

activists 2010, Gina, Ames 2009). As the previous analysis has shown the

challenges are wide spread for the social movements in Swaziland even though

they have a potential majority of supporter for a multi-party system. In spite of a

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range of activities for empowerment, civic educations, and campaigns the

challenges are significant for the democracy progressives. As several sources

have indicated is a combined solution of bottom-up approaches and external

support on the top is necessary if a solution should be reached soon and before

blood is shed (FSEJ & SUDF activists 2010).

European Union as an actor in the process was mentioned at the meeting in

Copenhagen by the activists, and they saw it as a disappointment that no action

has been taken (FSEJ & SUDF activists 2010). The European Commission gives

macroeconomic sectoral support to Swaziland and has formulated a strategy

paper explaining the collaboration. The focus of the collaboration is mainly

economically with the “...particular attention to the Millennium Development

Goals (MDG’s). Human rights and good governance are recognised as other

important objectives.” (European Communities, Kingdom of Swaziland 2007, p.2)

Good governance and human rights issues are of relevance but activities

regarding these perspectives are budgeted secondarily as a non focal area. The

strategy paper lists the Swazi government commitments for receiving the funds

and it includes among other things commitments to implementation of UN human

rights conventions and independency to the judiciary. Thus, the commitments

are not focused directly at democracy issues and the European Commission

accept the political status quo. Even the signed commitments seem not to be

ratified soon (European Communities, Kingdom of Swaziland 2007).

From the perspective of the activists for democracy whom ask for international

action against the monarchy this approach from the EU seems weak and

indifferent and unconcerned. On the other hand an essential and normative

discussion can be taken on whether the EU ought to get involved in internal

political issues in Swaziland that are not interfering with international issues.

Whether international donors should put up demands for the receiver country is a

central and sensitive issue in development policies and arguments can be found

for each side.

The issue of interference in Swaziland was debated at the ILO conference in

Geneva in the middle of June 2010. Both representatives from the labour

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organisations; Gina and Ncongwane and four from the relating ministries

attended34.The ILO is strong, but not in a position to execute any interference in

national political issues. However, Swaziland is on special paragraph in ILO

auspices that does not give direct possibilities for sanctions, but indicates that if

Swaziland stays on this list, the country could be referred to the United Nations

for investigations. The ILO has to have a common position; on the one hand

especially Norway called for action but on the other the neighbouring countries

South Africa, Zambia, and Mozambique supported the government of Swaziland.

They argued by saying that the country was fostering dialogue (Times of

Swaziland, Nxumalo 2010). This elucidates the dilemma of whether the western

countries should interfere with the risk of taking a normative stance or let the

country and its neighbours handle the issues in their own way, with the risk of a

passive acknowledgment of the suppressions.

The problem with political modernisation is the fear of interference in other

countries’ issues and force a normative set of ideas upon citizens who have not

formulated the ideas themselves. There is the risk of an ideological neo-

colonisation if the donors or other parts of the international community interfere

in national issues.

One would argue that it is another situation when the population asks for

interference and they have a hope and an explicit plan for another political

opportunity. Moreover, civil society stands relatively united and a collective hope

is a process where violent conflicts are limited and the change happens through

dialogue, empowerment, and diplomacy. Then comes the issue that SUDF and

FSEJ explains; the unity and the collective voice of the Swazi society has to

become to firm and clear (FSEJ & SUDF activists 2010). There is a risk that the

situation will develop into a more conflictual and ever intensifying environment.

The latter has focused on top-down approaches ending the section it is worth

mentioning that factions of the international society are active in bottom-up

approaches as well. These are for example the two organisations who have

34 As a reflection back to the section on discursive battle this is another example on how positive mention is used to manifest an idea of holding a strong position. In the article the minister Mamba says explicitly that positive mention also internationally is important.

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contributed to this research; the LO/TFT council who supports the unions and

their activities relating to empowerment and democracy and the Africa Contact,

that supports the social movements in their activities and strengthens the

organisations. This approach is fundamentally more democratic and less

problematic in relations to international interference in national governance. It is

also less directly effective in a regime change. As examined in the challenges, it

is shown that a bottom-up approach in the democratisation process is both

possible and sustainable. A combination of international support on both the

system and to civil society would be more efficient for democratisation to occur.

It is therefore a challenge for the social movements to encourage a political

change, as the international society is not in a position to interfere with national

issues. A moderate pressure for human rights would support the process but a

regime change needs to be in collaborations with the bottom-up approaches.

6. Conclusion The research has given answers to what the challenges are for civil society to

play a role in the process of democratisation in Swaziland. Furthermore, the

research has examined how civil society can contribute to this process.

The analysis continuously reflected the empirical data alongside with a set of

theories, to reach an understanding of the situation in Swaziland. The empirical

data was an independently collected survey among Swazis at the grassroots

level and a meeting with leading civil society actors. The data has been

supplemented with secondary sources and up to date newspaper articles. The

theories have been complementary and reflected different areas of the empirical

data to answer the research question as multifaceted as possibly.

Swaziland is a monarchy but according to the conservatives and the constitution

of Swaziland it is a participatory based democracy too (The Kingdom of

Swaziland 2005). However, this research is based on the assumption that

Swaziland is not a democracy; as it is here defined as a multi-party system

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where human rights are abided to and institutions are formed according to

representative democratic systems and where citizens are participating and are

democratic minded. Civil society is active to reach this goal and the goal for the

research has been to examine what the main challenges are and thereby how

the democracy advocates can succeed.

The research has had the main objective that it should not be purely theoretical

but include first hand empirical data directly from the citizens and the activists to

get the right impression of the issues. The method of triangulation in data

collection, in theory, and in method of analysis has been applicable to get the

most nuanced research possible. The surveying of 100 informal workers; mainly

rural poverty stricken women, gave a taste of insight in their situation and their

relation to the social movements’ activities and democracy. I furthermore

attended and recorded a meeting with two main actors in the democracy

process, to reflect the other side of civil society and to get direct information on

views, ideas, and the work.

This first hand material showed a desire for openness, communication, freedom,

and democracy and both the informal workers and the social movement leaders

hope for prosperity for their personal lives and for Swaziland. If the assumption is

that the majority in Swaziland wish for more democracy, why is it so difficult to

execute that change? The main challenge is of course the legal actions that are

taken against the activists, but there are other even more influential challenges

than the obvious rational ones. In order to find and examine these, a range for

different theories on tradition, organisation, and power structures were chosen.

The challenges can be explained as partly due to the power of tradition and

political modernisation.

The analysis explained these clashes in different ways. It has been divided into

five parts, where the empirical data has motivated the analysis of the challenges

and the theories has helped the structure and terminology of it.

The first section examined the challenges of civil society organisations in

Swaziland to execute influential organisational premises. Charles Tilly has

formulated a set of elements to find the key areas that organisations should meet

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to become significant. The circumstances for living up to these elements in

Swaziland are harsh because of a range of rational and cognitive challenges.

The organisations are though aware of many of these challenges. The empirical

data underlined explicitly these needs. The elements elucidated the need of a

common campaign, a repertoire of actions, and what Tilly calls the WUNC

displays, that include: worthiness, unity, numbers and commitment. The

conclusion on these issues elucidated the challenges of the limitation of public

actions, the recourses that are scarce, and the sacrifices for getting involved in

politics are high, consequently the level of commitment that is needed is high. In

spite of these challenges, the organisations have an impact on the population

and the democracy process.

The second section elucidates the challenges by dividing them into three

sections, according to the terminology on ideal types of domination of Max

Weber. Weber has a classic terminology on legitimacy in which he divides

domination into, rational, charisma, and traditional. Each of them is examined in

relation to the King who has legitimacy on all three levels. The rational element is

the obvious one; the fear of sanctions. The second shows that the King is

thought of as a person with a high level of symbolic respect and charisma, and

history is used to form and keep this picture. This is combined with the third type,

the legitimacy that relates to tradition, which is a significant element in the Swazi

case. The element of how tradition is a vehicle for legitimacy has been analysed

in the succeeding sections.

The third section in the analysis employed the theoretical framework of Terry and

Hogg to examine the meaning of social identity and self-categorisation. The

section brought up the issue of identity and the sense of belonging which is so

crucial for human interactions. The section showed that individual or social

identity becomes a challenge for introducing a political change in the mentality of

individuals and groups. Identities are not firm and they change according to the

circumstances and surroundings, however, this is a process of many factors that

develops through a long period of time. One thing is the challenges of changing

the political institutions in Swaziland, but an even larger and equal necessary

challenge is changing the mentality and national feeling in human beings. The

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process of changing the mentality of the Swazis has to exercise caution and

prudence.

The fourth section took these ideas on identity from a personal to a national

level. A variety of theorists were used here, Hobsbawm, Barth, Geertz, and Hall.

The section was divided into four parts: The first presented democratic identity or

mentality as a term and explained the challenges in introducing it in a nation built

on collectively and traditional power structures. Following, the term of invented

traditions by Hobsbawm was examined in the settings of Swaziland. This was

followed by an analysis of the iNcwala ceremony that is an example of the

manifestation of tradition as a means for unity, national identity, and as a tool for

keeping power structures. Ending this section there was a study of how the

discourse has an impact on the national narrative and on the political debate. All

in all they elucidate how the national identity can be affected and not the least

how the formulation and understanding of national identity affects mindsets. As

stated the mindset of the citizens are a key issue in formulating a sustainable

democracy from the bottom-up.

The fifth section of the analysis was formed as a discussion. A main challenge

for civil society actors to succeed in their goal is the lack of international support.

This is a key area of debate in development debates regarding political

modernisation. The international community, here understood as for example the

ILO, UN, and the EU, stands passive and are not able to interfere directly in

national affairs. From the viewpoint of the democracy activists in Swaziland they

are not able to succeed without international support such as sanctions on the

government and et cetera. But international actors are in risk of being normative

or maybe even neo-colonial if interfering with an agenda that supports multi-

party systems without respect for the uniqueness of the current system and

society. The international actors have therefore said that they are not able to act

before the collective civil society stands united with one single alternative to the

status quo. This debate has been taken without any other conclusion than that it

is a problematic issue that affects the possibility for success for the democracy

activists in civil society. Other international factions, for example Africa Contact

and LO/TFT council though support the process on a grassroots level, which

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might not directly result in a system change although it supports the ongoing

process from the bottom up.

In conclusion, the reasons for which challenges the democracy process includes

and how they can be overcome by civil society are manifold. The dilemma of the

discussion involves issues in the power of tradition versus political

modernisation. For reaching democracy the institutions have to change and the

power structure needs to be redefined. But additionally and fundamental is the

issue of national identity and democratic mindsets. Democracy is as identity and

nationalism cognitive and social constructions. Neither of them are tangible

issues, and the way to success for the democracy progressives is to balance

between tradition and Swazi uniqueness and proud on the one hand and political

modernisation and democracy on the other. A revolutionary change in Swaziland

that through away all unity would scatter the Swazis and rebound on the process

for democracy. Trying to ignore that times are changing and that some version of

modernity is coming, as it can be argued is what is happening now, will as well

only cause trouble, and as the representatives fear, cause blood. The survey

showed that the Swazi are optimistic, they hope to gain progress and they want

to do it through communication and education, and this is shown in the analysis

of the challenges. Civil society will contribute to the process with a continued

struggle and with empowerment activities among the Swazi population.

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Bibliography

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Appendix A

Reading directions of results

The full questionnaires with answers included in an English version are collected in

appendix B. A narrative summery is presented in the pertaining data chapter in the

thesis, but the full amount of collected results is gathered here in appendix B. The

following part will explain how the results are presented.

In order to systemise the information each respondent is marked with a number so

each respondent gets a letter and a number. The numbering of the questionnaires is

made according to age the youngest is first and thereby the youngest leader will

have the number code of A1, the youngest association member B1 etc35. In each

questionnaire are every answer gathered under each question and the responses are

indicated by a number, in this way it is possible to follow the answer from each

respondent throughout the questionnaire. In question 1 and 2 the answers are

started together: a female of age 47 is indicated as F47. In questions where it is

possible to tick one’s answer the respondents are not shown unless they responded.

In some questions the respondents are encouraged to formulate an answer, the

answers that were not understandable or empty space are indicated by a dash ( - ).

The answers are written as exact as possible according to the translator’s versions,

only changing minor things to make it readable.

35 Birthdays are not celebrated as in the western countries and some respondents do not know their age; respondents without and age indicated are last in the numbering after the eldest.


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Appendix B

ResultsQuestionnaire A – for leaders of an informal sector association.

What is the size of the informal economy, and how many people are organised?

A1: We are 44. A2: - A3: 40-50. A4: We have gender in our organisation, few is youth. A5: 30,000 or more. A6: It consists of 2000 people. A7:- A8: 4000- 5000 A9: - A10: There are many of those who are self employed and there are six organisations in Swaziland. A11: There are a lot of people in the informal economy. A12: Self working all of us. A13: There are so many organisations and they are six. A14: - A15: We are six, 2 women and 6 men. A16: We are 6; 2 females, 4 males. A17: We are 6; 4 males and 2 females. A18: We are 10, 6 men and 4 women. A19: -

Dear worker and association leader, please answer the following questions as thoroughly as possible. Your comments are personal and you will not be quoted directly. If you wish to elaborate on an answer, please refer to the number of the question and write on the back.

1) Male:_______ or Female:_______ (Please indicate by cross/tick)

2) Age: _______

A1: M30 A2: F34 A3: F35 A4: F35 A5: F38 A6: F38 A7: F39 A8: F41 A9: M44 A10: F45 A11: F46 A12: F47 A13: F48 A14: F50 A15: M54 A16: M62 A17: M62 A18: M63 A19: F-

3) Name and sector of the association:

A1: Inhlakanipho Development Enterprise. A2: NS Vendors A3: Umtjezo farmers. A4: Mtjezi Farmers co-operative – Farming. A5: Timeleni Bomake. A6: Timeleni Bomake. A7: National Street Vendor. A8: National Association of Street Vendors. A9: Inhlakanipho Development enterprise – farming. A10: Tjutjuka Women association, Siyatjunga. A11: Hlakaniphani bomake. A12: Year 2000 variety society. A13: Tjutjuka Women Organisation, Siyatjunga A14: National Street Vending of Swaziland. A15: Bhanganoma Community Police – prevent crime. A16: S.D.L.M Investment, agriculture. A17: S.D.L.M Investment, agriculture A18: Sichubekela embilili Farmers co.ops. A19: Timeleni Bomake association.

4) Your position/ role in the association:

A1: Secretary. A2: Secretary. A3: Chairperson. A4: Chairlady. A5: Treasurer. A6: Chairperson. A7: Just a committee member. A8: Chairperson. A9: Chairperson. A10: Secretary. A11: Chairperson. A12: - A13: Committee member. A14: Committee member. A15: Chairperson. A16: Director. A17: Director. A18: Chairperson. A19: Secretary.

5) How many members are there in the association?

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A1: 12. A2: 40 to 50 members A3: 10 members. A4: 10 members A5: 200 A6: 100 members A7: 400 members A8: 4000-5000 A9: They are still 12. A10: 10 are members. A11: 20 A12: 20 A13: There are 10 members A14: 400 members. A15: 26 members. A16: 6 A17: 6 A18: 10 A19: Close to 100.

6) How many do you hope to recruit in a year from now?

A1: 30 A2: to 100 people A3: 10 and above. A4: Maybe more at least 20 or above. A5: 300 A6: We want to be 200 members A7: More than 1000 A8: Is that we are more than now. A9: We wish to be 20 in the association. A10: - A11: We are expecting 20 more people. A12: - A13: We want to be 15 in the organisation. A14: More than 1000. A15: - A16: 50 A17: 50 A18: Our organisation operates with 10 members. A19: We are expecting 500.

7) When was your association established?

A1: 2009 A2: In 1999 A3: 2009. A4: August 2009. A5: September 2009 A6: September 2009 A7: 1999 A8: 1999 A9: In August 2009 A10: In 1999 A11: 2005 A12: 2000 A13: 1999 A14: At 1999 A15: 1985 A16: 2005 A17: 2005 A18: September 2007 A19: It was started on September 2006

8) Is the association a member of CIEAS or other coalitions? (Please indicate by cross/tick and elaborate)

8A) Yes: __________, and why?

A1: Yes, Networking with other informal economy associations and sharing ideas with people in this sector. A2: Yes it is a member of CIEAS. A3: Yes. A5: Yes, I’m member because they want us to be one. A6: Yes, indeed a member of CIEAS. A7: Since we are also the informal sector. A8: Yes. A9: Because CIEAS has more chances to help on our works and some funds to improve the work we are doing. A10: CIEAS is our umbrella just since we are soft self-employed or self-employer. A11: Yes, we like the help from CIEAS. A12:- A13: Yes, because it is an organisation of those who are self employed and we are so.

A14: Yes, since we are all informal sector. A16: Yes, to uplift the small bared associations.

A17: Yes, CIEAS helps in the development of informal economy associations into rural areas.

A18: We want to improve the communities of the organisation. A19: -

8B) No: ___________, and why not?

A4: No, we have just started, hoping that as time goes on we need to join. A15: We are still collecting the joining fees.

9) What kind of benefits and activities does the organisation have?

A1: We do farming for business. A2: We Buy and sell goods that is how we live with our families. A3: I got help from the King’s foreign donors by sharing ideas on farming. A4: There is

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still none, since we have not yet collected, maybe next time. A5: To improve our lives and upliftment. A6: The members ... to work has we see through the way in which they do it. To meet the requirement of the organisation. A7: Through having workshops we get money and lend it within the members. A8: We safe, we lend within the members and save. A9: These are still none since we just started and we don’t even have all the working equipment. A10: There is a very little profit since we sew clothes and knit jerseys. A11: We do savings and cooperatives, we feed the orphans. A12: - A13: There is very little profit since we sew clothes and knit jerseys A14: Of course since we are able to feed our families by selling vegetables. A15: We are trying to deal with crimes, there is still no profit, maybe as time go by. A16: It gains to uplift myself and others in the community. A17: I get better ideas of running my business. A18: The profits are that we sale maize and built a poultry for chickens. A19: -

10) Do you think the activities have been successful and beneficial for the members? (Please indicate by cross/tick)

Yes, very: A5, A6, A16, A17, Yes, to some extend: A1, A2, A4, A5, A7, A8, A9, A11, A14, A15, A18,

No, not really: A5, A10, A13, A14, No, not at all: ________

11) Do you have activities planned for the next year? (Please state the nature of the activities)

A1: Yes we do have, we were planning to have more business, like breeding indigenous chicken. A2: Yea we wish to have a cold room if we can find help. A3: Farming. A4: We are hoping to buy lorry.... to transport our maize to the market. A5: We want to bread chickens and pigs and sewing projects. A6: Yes we need to keep chickens, to lend money, to sew, and to cultivate a garden. A7: We wish that the town council can give us a place for starting our project of sewing clothes. A8: We wish to open a warehouse, cold room, and have a stock. A9: We wish to have money and buy a grinding mill so that we can grind maize and sell the products. A10: Yes, we hoped to knit more jersey. A11: We have envisaged having a saw mill and doing farming of all kinds. A12: A13: These are like sewing school uniforms and jerseys. A14: We need to find a wholesale if we can find any help. A15: We proposed to have some hiring tents, to earn a profit. A16: To employ people to get and to help disabled (grandfathers and grandmothers and OVC’s (Author: Orphans and Vulnerable Children) A17: Yes, employing others. A18: We wish to grow maize and sell it as mealy meal. A19:-

12) How much is the membership fee in the association?

Nothing: _______ Less than E5: A2, A7, A11, A15, More than E5: A1, A3, A4, A5, A6, A8 (E50), A9, A10, A13, A 14, A12, A17, A18 (E120),

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13) How does the membership of CIEAS affect the association and the activities?

A1: CIEAS helps us in our development and built our capacity as associations. A2: CIEAS is the leader of all the organisations in Swaziland. A3: Help us to be in connection with the King’s foreign donors. A4: It helps us through workshops and gives us money to improve our works. A5: It opened our eyes. A6: Through telling us to work on our own and improve our community. A7: We hope that CIEAS can charge E150.00 each year since it helps us. A8: Since CIEAS is the one above all the organisations of those who are self employed. A9: By being a member of CIEAS you get knowledge and money to run your businesses. A10: It does since CIEAS is an umbrella for these who are self employed and we are just that. A11: They help us in capacity and development. A12:- A13: CIEAS is a coalition of our coalition. A14: We can be helped if CIEAS can provide some funds to improve our businesses.

A15: CIEAS can help if it gives us money to buy what we need. A16: CIEAS helps our association and it must go at our communities where we are. A17: CIEAS helps us developing ourselves because they also come to the rural areas. A18: - A19: -

SFTU is an alliance of CIEAS and a collaborating partner with the Danish funder LO/FTF, whose main objective is to improve the work and living conditions of the workers in both informal and formal economy; it is involved in poverty alleviation through decent work.

14) What is your impression of the work of SFTU?

A1: The SFTU is the voice of the people. A2: Is that SFTU is the coordinator of workers and employers. A3: It improves our welfare and helps us to be open minded. A4: SFTU helps workers to work on the right conditions (it looks for the worker’s rights). A5: It looks for welfare of workers. A6: They fight for the rights of the worker’s working conditions and wages. A7: It fights for the rights of the workers in all aspects. A8: It fights for the worker’s rights. A9: It is an organisation that fights for the workers right in working conditions, working hours and wages. A10: It is an organisation that fights for the rights of workers in all the aspects. A11: It helps to improve the welfare of workers. A12: - A13: It is an organisation for the workers it helps us as workers too. A14: It helps through negotiating with the government and gives us rights to sell our goods. A15: It looks after welfare and helps people to get their money. A16: It is the voice of the workers in the country. A17: SFTU is a worker’s organisation. A18: We only know that it works for the welfare of all the workers. A19: -

15) Is SFTU playing a meaningful role in the development of Swaziland?

A1: I don’t know. A2; It is helpful for the workers and ordinary people. A3: Yes.

A4: Yes, for helps for workers to have those who look for the worker’s rights. A5: Yes.

A6: Indeed, we are together this is because of SFTU. A7: It improves the laws of employees and those who are self employed. A8: Yes. A9: Yes, because of those who are in ... and these

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is no money at all. A10: Its work are evident, there are funds for the aged people and the free education. A11: Only in towns and not in rural areas. A12: - A13: Indeed it is evident. A14: It helps us especially the workers, even ordinary people. A15: It speaks on behalf, to get what we need. A16: Yes. A17: Yes. A18: It helps the urban areas only. A19: -

16) Do you appreciate the efforts made by SFTU to democratise in Swaziland?

A1: Yes, but only to those people living in urban areas. A2: Yes, for the workers. A3: - A4: SFTU is good since even if you work for individuals that person knows how to treat you and your wages. A5: Yes by helping our upliftment. A6: Their work is evident and we thank SFTU very much. A7: Indeed it is evident since it fights for the rights of the workers. A8: Yes. A9: Yes because there are employers who were taken to court betraying their employees. A10: It is evident indeed. A11: Yes it is visible. A12: - A13: It is evident because there are aged funds and there is also free education in primary school. A14: Yes, since it is trusted by the government. A15: Its works are evident since it fights for human rights. A16: Yes, it is visible. A17: It can be seen. A18: It helps in the urban areas only. A19: -

17) Do you think the informal economy is a major employer in Swaziland? (Please indicate by cross/tick)

Yes: A2, A3, A4, A5, A6, A7, A8, A9, A10, A11, A13, A14, A15, No: A1, A16, A17, A18.

I have no idea:_______

18) Are there more women than men in the informal sector?

A1: Yes, there are more females. A2: Yes, there are more women than men.

A3: - A4: There are more women since they are more in nature and they easily get to understand things easier then. A5: Females are many. A6: Yes, there are more women than men. A7: There are more women than men. A8: Yes. A9: There are more women than men. A10: These are more women. A11: Yes there are more females than men. A12: - A13: There are more women A14: They are in numbers since there are not jobs for all. A15: There are more women than men in all sorts of works. A16: Yes, there are many. A17: They are many. A18: There are more women than men. A19: -

19) Are there many children in the informal economy? (Under the age of 15)

A1: There are few of them. A2: There are very few small most of them are in school.

A3: - A4: No they are few A5: There are very few below that age. A6: There are none, most of them they are above 15 years. A7: There are none since they are in school.

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A8: They are not that many. A9: No they are few. A10: They are very few most of them are at school. A11: People below 15 are at school. A12: - A13: There are very few, most of them they are in school. A14: Yes, from the age of 15 years and so on. A15: There are few of them. A16: Very few. A17: They are few. A18: They are all in school. A19: -

20) Are there many young people in the informal economy? (Between the age of 15- 35)

A1: There are a few. A2: They are so many. A3: - A4: They are few most of them are looking for employment in towns. A5: They are 30 A6: There are some, but most of them are above 35 years. A7: There are many. A8: They are many. A9: They are but very few. A10: There are very few, most of them want to be employed. A11: Quit a large number. A12: A13: There are very few, most of them they are looking for jobs. A14: There are so many. A15: They are very few. A16: Not many. A17: They are few. A18: There are few. A19: -

21) Is it a problem that the informal economy is so huge, why?

A1: It is not a problem, as the economy grows when a lot of people work. A2: Most of them they are uneducated so they do not work. A3: - A4: It’s because there are no jobs and decentralisation sends people back home. A5: - A6: No, that is wonderful, we really appreciate it. A7: It is a problem since the government of Swaziland does not help us. A8: There are no employments and the country itself does not have any democracy. A9: They are too because there are no job and most of them found themselves working for themselves. A10: It is not a problem since there are no jobs, so it is better to be self employed. A11: Yes, it is a problem because there is no money to support the people. A12: A13: It is not a problem because there are no job opportunities. A14: It is because there are no jobs in Swaziland. A15: There is no employment at all. A16: It is not a problem as the economy goes up if a lot of people are working. A17: It’s not a problem because the economy grows. A18: Most of them they are employed in towns and it is not a problem. A19: -

22) How can these issues be best handled?

A1: It would not be a problem only if the people are foreigners and that would take all the wealth for their own countries. A2: We need to come together and share ideas. A3: - A4: If there can be job opportunities and skills to empower people on their surroundings. A5: - A6: Most of the people are reluctant; hence there is no life without work these days. A7: If we can come together we can achieve a lot. A8: Only if the country can be more democratic. A9: There are no problems except there are no capital and skills A10: - A11: Only if we can be assisted with funds. A12: - A13: - A14: If the government can help us. A15: There should be more employment opportunities, especially in the rural areas. A16: It is a problem if a lot of people are not Swazi, as the money is taken out of the country. A17: - A18: - A19: -

23) What do you think needs to be done for further organisation of informal workers in Swaziland?

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A1: There has to be one association that represents all the others. A2: We need to talk problems that we face so that we can work and achieve more. A3: - A4: We need workshops and more markets so that we can be empowered from working. A5: Workshops. A6: We need more workshops to improve our knowledge on self-employment. A7: Only if we come together. A8: We need to organise people especially those in rural areas. A9: We need workshops and have more debates and look at what we can do to prosper. A10: Is that each constituency centre have a selected member. A11: Capacity building for the association through workshops. A12:- A13: By having CIEAS members in all communities of Swaziland A14: We can do it if we can come together hand in hand. A15: Let them have workshops and share ideas. A16: All the associations must be one, which can be the voice of everyone. A17: There should be one association where we can affiliate. A18: It is that get more help for starting more jobs. A19:-

24) How do you think the association and CIEAS could get more members?

A1: We can get more members if the other people see CIEAS really helping the people. A2: On my view, we need more members to the organisation. A3: - A4: Is that CIEAS’ members are in good status in life so that more people can wish to join. A5: Working co-operatively together. A6: By being faithful to work and through doing it in the proper manner. A7: It needs to improve terms of the members and educate more people. A8: Organising, lobbying. A9: She can do this by improving the lives of those who are members. A10: It can find more members if we as members explain more about CIEAS to those who are not members. A11: By seeing others develop. A12: A13: We can have members by educate them about CIEAS and then ask them to join. A14: It can get more members but even now we are many.

A15: This can be achieved if CIEAS can help those who joined, so that others can see that prosperity and wish to join also. A16: By that, the associations who recruited help must help people to see that it works. A17: By helping the people with their needs so that other people would want to join. A18: by improving the terms of the workers. A19: -

25) Do you wish Swaziland was more democratic? (Please elaborate your answer)

A1: Yes, freedom brings good welfare to the people and the economy is sustained. A2: My opinion is that we need of majority is important so that we can work together. A3: -

A4: Yes especially those who are in rural areas and where we can buy with our little money since we are still starting our businesses. A5: Yes, I want it to be free. A6: We wish to be free so that we can work efficient. A7: I wish people can be taught more and the government can play a good role to the people. A8: We wish to be in one accord. A9: It helps all people but it must help especially those on the rural areas. A10: Yes because we are not independent in all aspects of life. A11: Yes, I so much wish Swaziland was democratic. A12:- A13: I wish very much. A14: I want mostly because as for now are oppressed. A15: Indeed, through having more opportunities of employment especially in the rural areas. A16: Yes I wish, because if people are free, their lives are free and job opportunities are opened. A17: Yes I so much wish we were free, because we would have better lives and have more job opportunities. A18: - A19: -

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26) If yes, how could it be achieved?

A1: We can get democracy when the “voiceless” the government and force her to remove laws that oppress the people. A2: We need to discuss the issues together. A3: - A4: Through speaking and getting better lives even though we are on the rural areas. A5: We need to be one and be together to get freedom. A6: We need to speak with our government in the way that she will hear us. A7: By teaching people their rights. A8: To work hand in hand. A9: Especially concerning money that will help us small business people. A10: If we come together working hand in hand. A11: Equal distribution of funds. A12: - A13: Through working hand in hand. A14: Is that the SFTU speaks more of our welfare. A15: Only if we can come together, wishing a single thing. A16: People of Swaziland must be one and tell government to change worker unfriendly laws, for job opportunities to be opened. A17: The civil society must unite and force government to remove all oppressive laws. A18: - A19: -

Thank you so much for your kind participation, and I wish you good luck.

Questionnaire B - for informal workers, who are a member in an association.


B1: So many. B2: - B3: 100s of people. B4: 100s, they are a lot. B5: 100 people. B6: 100s peoples. B7: 100s, they are a lot. B8: They are approximately

5000 members. B9: - B10: - B11: There are 50 of them. B12: - B13: We are six; two females, four males. B14: They are ten. B15: 100s of

people, they are many. B16: A lot of unions and a lot of self-employed. B17: 100s of people. B18: 100s, they are many people. B19: 100s, they are a lot. B20: 100s of people. B21: Ten members; five men and four women. B22: Only 49 people who work in our organisation. B23: There are a lot of people in this sector. B24: - B25: More women. B26: - B27: Not much. B28: - B29: 100’s (many). B30: 100’s B31: 4000-5000 B32: 100s of people. B33: They are ten. B34: Many. B35: 100s, they are many people. B36: There are a lot. B37: - B38: - B39: 100’s they are a lot. B40: There a many. B41: 100’s they are a lot. B42: 100’s they are a lot. B43: 100s of people. B44: 100’s they are a lot. B45: 100’s of people, they are a lot. B46: 100’s of people, they are a lot. B47: Many of them. B48: - B49: It’s big and there are many. B50: - B51: - B52:- B53: 100’s of people, they are a lot. B54: 4000-5000 B55: - B56: 4000- 5000 B57: - B58: - B59: Ten members, there are 5 men and 5 women. B60: More associations. B61: 6 females, 3 males and 4 associations. B62: 4000- 6500 B63: - B64: - B65: - B66: 100’s of

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people, they are many. B67: There are many of them. B68: 10 members; constituting of 6 men and 4 women. B69: - B70: - B71: - B72: 30,000.

Dear worker, please answer the following questions as thoroughly as possible. Your comments are personal and you will not be quoted directly. If you wish to elaborate on an answer, please refer to the number of the question and write on the back.

1) Male:_______ or Female:_______ (Please indicate cross/tick)

2) Age: _______

B1: F19 B2: F2 B3: M23 B4: F23 B5: F23 B6: F24 B7: F25 B8: F25 B9: F26 B10: F27 B11: F27 B12: F27 B13: F29 B14: F29 B15: F29 B16: F29 B17: F30 B18: F30 B19: F30 B20: F31 B21: F31 B22:F31 B23: F32 B24: F32 B25: F32 B26: F32 B27: F32 B28: F33 B29: F35 B30: F35 B31: F35 B32: F35 B33: F35 B34: F38 B35: F39 B36: F39 B37: F40 B38: F40 B39: F40 B40: F40 B41: F41 B42: -42 B43: F45 B44: F45 B45: F45 B46: F46 B47: F46 B48: F47 B49: F48 B50: F48 B51: F48 B52: F49 B53: F50 B54: F50 B55: F50 B56:F50

B57: F50 B58: F50 B59: F53 B60: F54 B61:F56 B62: F58 B63: F63 B64: F63 B65: F64 B66: F65 B67: F67 B68:M67 B69: M74 B70: F - B71: F- B72: F-

3) How do you earn a living?

B1: Market. B2: Marketing. B3: Self-employed. B4: Hairdresser. B5: Self-employed. B6: Self-employed. B7: By working. B8: Through Marketing. B9: Through selling. B10: Market. B11: Through selling from the market. B12: Baking. B13: Street vendor. B14: By selling goods. B15: Self-employed. B16: Market. B17: Self-employed. B18: Self-employed. B19: Self-employed B20: Selling clothes. B21: Farming and poultry. B22: Through selling fruits. B23: Self-employed. B24: - B25: Selling on markets. B26: Market, vegetables. B27: Teaching children. B28: By selling. B29: Selling clothes. B30: Self-employed. B31: - B32: Working. B33: Selling goods. B34: Market. B35: Self-employed. B36: I sell atcha, buns, and fruit. B37: Fruits and vegetables. B38: Marketing. B39: Self-employed. B40: Selling in the market. B41: Self-employed. B42: Self-employed. B43: By selling clothes. B44: Self-employed. B45: Self-employed. B46: Self-employed. B47: Selling in markets, fruits and vegetables. B48: Market. B49: Selling second hand clothes. B50: Though marketing. B51: Market. B52: Street vendor. B53: By selling clothes. B54: Through marketing. B55: I live of selling fruits and vegetables. B56: Through selling on the streets. B57: Street Vendor. B58: Making Vaseline and aloe ageoa. B59: Through cultivating and raising chickens. B60: Market. B61: Street vendor. B62: By being a street vendor. B63: Market. B64: I am a street vendor. B65: Through marketing. B66: Self-employed. B67: Through selling clothes. B68: Farming. B69: Metal works. B70: Market.

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B71: Street vending. B72: Hawker and marketing cleaning materials and producing Vaseline with aloe agaue.

4) For how long have you been sustaining yourself?

B1: 1 year 3 months. B2:15 B3: - B4: 2 years. B5: For about 10 years. B6: For 2 years. B7: It’s been 2 years. B8: Only 3 years. B9: 10years. B10: 15 years. B11: Only 2 years. B12: 6 years. B13: 1 year. B14: 8 years. B15: For 7 years. B16: From 13 years till today. (1992 - 2009) B17: For 4 years. B18: It’s been 10 years. B19: 6 years. B20: For 3 years. B21: 2 years. B22: Only 3 years. B23: 9 years. B24: - B25: 3 years. B26: 15 years. B27: 5 years. B28: 10 years. B29: 3 years. B30: For 5 years. B31: 10 years. B32: 8 years. B33: Approximately ten years. B34: 18 years. B35: For 17 years. B36: I have done it 2 years. B37: 22 years. B38: For ten years. B39: 5 years. B40: From 1999- 2009. B41: For 5 years. B42: It’s been 15 years. B43: 25 years. B44: For about 20 years. B45: About 10 years. B46: For 8 years. B47: From 1986 B48: 20 years. B49: 2001 B50: 10 years. B51: 15 years. B52: 2 months. B53: 35 B54: 20 years. B55: 10 years. B56: Since 1999. B57: 3 years. B58: 5 years. B59: 2 years. B60: 6 years. B61: 20 years. B62: I started in 1999. B63: 20 years. B64: 4 years. B65: Started in 2007. B66: For six years. B67: 20 years. B68: 2 years. B69: 3 years. B70: 15 years. B71: 30 years. B72: 5 years.

5) Which organisation are you a member of?

B1: Philani Bomake B2: Philani Bomake. B3: Setama Kuphila Hawkers Association. B4: Shikitelani Bomake. B5: Setama Kuphila Hawkers Association. B6: Setama Kuphila Hawkers Association. B7: Shikitelani Bomake. B8: Swazi National Street Vendor. B9: Swazi National B10: Phililani Bomake. B11: A market member. B12: Market association. B13: S.D.L.M Investment. B14: Madlangenpisi market. B15: Setama Kuphila Hawkers Associations. B16: Philani Bomake, Madlangempisi gruits and veg. market. B17: Setama Kuphila hawkers Associations. B18: Setama Kuphila Hawkers Association. B19: Setama Kuphila Hawkers Association. B20: Setama Kuphila Hawkers Association. B21: Sichubekela Emblili Farmers co-ops. B22: Ngitilung ie Inhlakanipho Development Enterprise. B23: Setama Kuphila Hawkers Association. B24: Phililani Bomake Street Vendors B25: Phililani Bomake. B26: Phililani Bomake. B27: Neps School. B28: Swazi National Street Vendors. B29: Setama Kuphila Hawkers Association. B30: Setama Kuphila Hawkers Association. B31: Swazi National Street Vendors. B32: Shikitelani Bomake. B33: Madlangampisi Market. B34: Phiani Bomake. B35: Setama Kuphila Hawkers Association B36: Timeleni B37: National Street vendors. B38: Phililani Bomake Street Vendors B39: I buy vegetables. B40: Phililani Bomake Street Vendors B41: Shikitelani Bomake. B42: Setama Kuphila Hawkers Association. B43: Shikitelani Bomake. B44: Setama Kuphila Hawkers Association. B45: Setama Kuphila Hawkers Association. B46: Shikitelani Bomake. B47: Tfutfuke Women association. B48: Phililani Bomake. B49: Sitamakuphila B50: Phililani Bomake. B51: Phililani Bomake market association. B52: -

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B53: Shikitelani Bomake. B54: Swazi National Street Vendors. B55: Swazi National Street Vendors. B56: Swaziland Street Vendors National Association. B57: Phililani Bomake.

B58: Timelem + Organisation work, university service. B59: Sictubetela embili Bhanganoma co-ops. B60: Phililani Bomake Association. B61: Year 2000 Variety association. B62: Swazi National Street Vendors Association. B63: Phililani Bomake.

B64: Madlangampisi Market. B65: Philani Bomake Fruit Market. B66: Setama Kuphila Hawkers Association. B67: Phililani Bomake. B68: Sichubekela emblili Farmers co-ops. B69: Madlangpisi Metal Workers. B70: Philani Bomake B71: Phililani Bomake Street vendor. B72: Individual.

6) Which benefits or activities are there for you in the associations?

B1: Food, water. B2: Money. B3: We save and invest money. B4: We save the money. B5: We save the money and invest. B6: We save and invest our money. B7: Savings and cooperative. B8: To meet my needs. B9: I’m hoping that the organisation will help us. B10: None. B11: ... is but not enough. B12: I get a little and buy bread. B13: I’m uplifted, I can live. B14: I maintain life of my family. B15: We save and invest the money. B16: Attending workshops. B17: We save and invest. B18: It’s a savings cooperative. B19: Savings and cooperatives. B20: We save and invest. B21: Selling maize and chickens. B22: We want to see development in all organisations. 23: Savings and development. B24: I get a little profit. B25: There is none. B26: Money. B27: Nothing. B28: I hope that the organisation will help me in life. B29: - B30: We save the money and invest. B31: I only afford buying food for the children. B32: It’s a savings co-operative. B33: In order to survive. B34: Survive with children. B35: I save and invest the money. B36: It borrow me money to finance my projects. B37: None. B38: Nothing. B39: Savings and cooperatives. B40: I get profit from the goods and sell. B41: Savings and cooperatives. B42: Savings and cooperatives. B43: Savings and cooperatives. B44: We save and invest. B45: We save clothes and sell them. B46: We save and invest. B47: Discussions on what we can do. B48: Food and water. B49: We save and borrow. B50: We get money. B51: I get a little and buy food. I also pay school fees. B52: - B53: We save and finance the money. B54: To meet my needs. B55: Teaching kids, food and other aspects of life. B56: School fees and buying fees. B57: Yes. B58: I’m able to work with other people and raise my family. B59: We sell maize cobs. B60: Very little. B61: We plough and help those who are needy. B62: Oneness and money lending. B63: None. B64: I can afford to feed my family. B65: Very little profit. B66: We save and invest. B67: School fees and buying food. B68: I get money. B69: Profit. B70: None. B71: Feed myself. B72: Money.

7) Which of these benefits or activities have you used or gained from?

B1: Looks after my homestead. B2: Buying school fees for the kids. B3: I buy clothes and sell clothes. B4: Buying materials. B5: I stock clothes and sell them to people. B6: We buy and sell clothes. B7: Buying clothes. B8: I buy food and clothes. B9: Profitable. B10: Groceries and school fees. B11: We save and led for profit. B12:

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- B13: Through budgeting. B14: I feed my children. B15: We stock clothes and sell them. B16: Teach others. B17: We buy and sell clothes. B18: We buy and sell clothes for profit. B19: I buy second hand clothes to sell. B20: We buy and sell clothes. B21: Keep organisation and oversee needs. B22: The organisation is still new, so we have not yet profited of a thing. B23: I buy and sell clothes. B24: I educate, buy cloth for my family.. B25: School fees and buying food. B26: School fees and food. B27: - B28: Sending children to school, buying food, and clothes. B29: It caters for my kids. B30: Buy stock of clothes and sell them. B31: By saving and shaving with others. B32: Buy and sell clothes to people. B33: Taking care of my children. B34: School fees. B35: I stock clothes and sell them. B36: I put it in the bank. B37: Only for food. B38: I will try, but not yet. B39: I buy clothes and vegetables. B40: I lend to people for interest in the month end. B41: I get interests though shy locking the money and I grow vegetables. B42: I buy clothes and sell them. B43: I buy clothes and sell them to people. B44: I buy clothes and sell them. B45: I stock clothes and sell them. B46: I stock clothes and sell them. B47: Very little profit, one only feed the family. B48: Teach people about food. B49: I buy clothes. B50: For paying school fees for children. B51: It helps me survive. B52: - B53: I buy clothes and sell them.

B54: In meeting my needs and paying school fees for my children. B55: - B56: Profitable, because we are able to survive. B57: I learn, take children to school, and feed them. B58: Most of the benefits go to the bank and the rest stays at home. B59: I save for my seeds and try to meet my needs. B60: Helps at home. B61: OVC are given. B62: I support my family. B63: School fees and groceries. B64: I take care of my family. B65: To meet my needs. B66: I stock clothes and sell them. B67: Very little profits (due to the above). B68: To meet other farming needs. B69: I do farming and educate my grand children. B70: Buying food and school fees. B71: To feed myself and the children and also take them to school. B72: Pay school fees.

8) Is the association a member of CIEAS or other coalitions? (Please indicate by cross/tick and elaborate)

8A) Yes: and why?

B1: Yes, someone has been teaching about CIEAS. B2: Yes, they can teach us. B3: Yes, we need financial help so we can develop ourselves. B4: We want help and development. B5: Yes, we want financial help so that we can develop our business. B6: Yes, we need help so that we can develop ourselves. B7: Yes, we need help to develop. B8: Yes, we find the greatest help from CIEAS. B9: Yes, from CIEAS’ help. B10: Yes, because they come to educate. B11: Yes, It is our umbrella. B12: Yes, they come to teach. B13: Yes, because first help come from CIEAS. B14: Yes, this is the organisation. B15: Yes, we want help so that we can develop ourselves. B16: Yes, will get financed help and upgrade us mentally and much more. B17: Yes, we want help so we can develop ourselves. B18: Yes, we need help so that we can develop ourselves. B19: We want CIEAS to help us develop. B8: Yes, we want help and development. B21: Yes, it helps in self employment. B22: Yes, we are members of CIEAS and need more help from it. B23: Yes, .... , B24: Yes. B25: Yes, for they care for teach us. B26: Should come teach about CIEAS. B28: Yes, I need

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help from CIEAS. B30: Yes, we want help so that we can develop ourselves. B31: Yes, I’m a member of CIEAS because it is an umbrella to those who are self-employed. We want awareness with members of the other organisations in Swaziland. B32: Yes, we want help and development. B33: Yes, it really provides us with the help we need. B34: Have been educated about CIEAS. B35: We want financial help so we can develop ourselves. B36: Yes, CIEAS comes first. B39: We want to help develop ourselves. B40: It is an umbrella to those who work for themselves. B41: Yes, we are asking for help so that we can develop. B42: Yes, we need help and development. B43: Yes, we need help to develop ourselves. B44: Yes, we want financial help so we can develop ourselves. B45: Yes, we need financial help so we can develop ourselves. B46: Yes, we want help so we can develop ourselves. B47: Yes, let them give us ideas on how to progress. B48: Yes, bring people to teach about it. B49: Yes, we need help so that we can develop. B50: Yes, they once came to teach us. B53: Yes, we need help so that we can develop. B54: Yes. B55: Yes, for it is self-employed just like us. B56: Yes, it is an umbrella for other organisations. B57: Yes. B58: Yes. B59: To improve my life and community. B60: Yes, CIEAS combine informal sector. B61: Yes, because we join. B62: Yes, it’s because CIEAS is an umbrella organisation which look for other organisations. B63: Yes, they have come to teach. B64: Yes, to find financial assistance and often needs that we have. B65: Yes, for it helps those who work for themselves. It built us clean market. B66: Yes, we need help so that we can develop. B67: Yes, since we are an organisation just like it. B68: Yes, we need funds to improve our projects. B69: Yes. B70: Yes, women come to learn. B71: Yes, we think CIEAS will help develop us.

8B) No: and why not?

B29: No, we don’t know about it. B38: No, we are an organisation that needs to be taught about CIEAS. B51: No, because CIEAS is an organisations that is not close to us. B72: No, because such an organisation was still not in the community.

9) What kind of benefits and activities does the organisation have?

B1: Shelter, water, toilets. B2: We are asking you to build us some shelters. B3: We lack funds to sustain our business. B4: We lack the capital. B5: We lack money to stock clothes. B6: We don’t have enough money to stock the clothes. B7: We lack capital to start the business. B8: I wish the organisation could install electricity and water to improve our fruits and vegetable gardens. B9: I expect help to improve in life. B10: To help finance. B11: We would like them to build some shelters. B12: I wish they could build shelters in our market. B13: Educational workshops on how we can work well. B14: It must give us save funds or ... what we need. B15: We lack money to buy more clothes. B16: Wish to get advanced, get supplies close. B17: We don’t have enough money for buying and making markets. B18: We don’t have funds. B19: We are short of money/ capital for stocking a lot of goods. B20: We don’t have enough money to start business. B21: Organisation wishes to own a truck to send maize to the market. B22: In the organisation we need a tractor and there is no water as all the community. B23: - B24: Shelter, water, toilets. B25: I wish it to help me with funds to improve my project. B26: Short of money. Should fund organisation. B27: I would wish it would provide education opportunities. B28: I need help to improve my organisation. B29: I lack money to develop my business. B30: We don’t have enough funds to stock enough clothes. B31: I wish to see progress here in our organisation. B32:

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We don’t have enough money to buy the goods for selling. B33: I need and help that will make my life better. B34: Shelter, water, toilet. B35: We don’t have enough money to stock our clothes. B36: I want to improve in my project work to end poverty. B37: There is not enough money to sustain life with our families. B38: It can help me by giving me money to start my business. B39: We lack capital. B40: I would like it to help us in finding water and other market place. B41: We lack capital for us to grow lots of vegetables and sell them to supermarkets. B42: We lack capital to buy the clothes. B43: I lack funds to buy and sell the clothes. B44: We lack funds so we can stock the clothes. B45: We lack money for buying our stock to sell. B46: We don’t have enough money. B47: We would like them to help us we need some sewing machines since we are sewing clothes. B48: No money. B49: We don’t have sufficient money. B50: We are asking for shelters where we can sell our goods. B51: To upgrade our organisation. B52: - B53: We lack capital for buying clothes and sell them. B54: I wish the organisation could provide us with electricity and security in our homes. B55: We run short of money to improve our works. B56: We need oneness in all we do. B57: Shelter, water, store rooms for our wares, and toilets. B58: If they could assist in providing me with an office and also help me start my one project. B59: I need a lorry to transport foods to market. B60: We wish to have water at our homes and electricity. B61: We wish to buy a tractor. B62: My opinion is that we cooperate together in peace. B63: To help financially. B64: Water, shelter, and capital. B65: As for now it must improve the profit we are doing and improve our lives as members. B66: We lack money to stock clothes. B67: We run short of funds, to teach others, we don’t have shelter. B68: We run short of funds. B69: - B70: Should help with financing. B71: Shelter, new market, water, capital. B72: I wish that the organisation could help me with money so that I can help others in turn.

10) Do you think the activities have been successful and beneficial for the members? (Please indicate by cross/tick)

Yes, very: B8, B11, B13, B36, B54, B58. B61. Yes, to some extend: B1, B2, B3, B4, B5, B6, B7, B9, B10, B12, B14, B15, B16, B17, B18, B19, B20, B21, B22, B23, B24, B25, B26, B29, B30, B31, B32, B34, B35, B39, B40, B41, B43, B44, B45, B46, B47, B48, B50, B53, B56, B57, B59, B62, B63, B64, B66, B67, B68, B71.

No, not really: B9, B14, B28, B37, B38, B51, B55, B60, B65, B70. No, not at all: B14, B27, B33.

11) Do you have activities planned for the next year? (Please state the nature of the activities)

B1: Yes, built a new market, and sewing. B2: We also need houses for renting for interests. B3: Buy and sell clothes. B4: It’s making green-bar, Vaseline, candles, polish, and star-soft. B5: To stock clothes and make soap, polish, candles, and star-soft. B6: Buy and stock clothes for selling. B7: To make green-bar, Vaseline, candles, polish, and star-soft. B8: There are so many needs, and we wish to own a wholesale. B9: - B10: We have a market and sewing. B11: - B12: We wish to own flats. B13: - B14: So that there must be some development. B15: To stock clothes. B16: None. B17: Selling clothes. B18: Stocking clothes to sell. B19: Stocking clothes to sell.

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B20: Buy and sell clothes. B21: We wish to leave a milling machine. B22: We wish to have a place for gardening and even a cultivator for the community. B23: - B24: Yes we do, upgrade business, but there a no capital. B25: We in market and sewing clothes. B26: Market security. B27: Yes, teaching children. B28: Yes, we need a wholesale. B29: Yes, I build house for selling my house. B30: Buy clothes. B31: We want to be more successful than we are right now. B32: We have through of making soap, Vaseline, star-soft and polish. B33: We need funds to start chicken, and we don’t have poultry. B34: Built new market. B35: To stock clothes. B36: Yes it is to have diary course. B37: We wish to have a wholesale to store up goods that we sell. B38: We need to form a better organisation and sell vegetables. B39: To continue buying and selling clothes. B40: We needed it to improve our lives more than it is now. B41: To make green-bar, soap, Vaseline, candles, polish, and star-soft. B42: We have through of making green-bar, soap, Vaseline, candles, polish, and star-soft. B43: We have through of making green-bar, soap, Vaseline, candles, polish, and star-soft. B44: Stock clothes and make green-bar. B45: We stock up clothes and make green-bar, Vaseline, candles, polish, and star-soft. B46: We want to make green-bar, soap, Vaseline, candles, polish, and star-soft. B47: We build a shelter to attract tourists in our area. B48: Market, sewing. B49: To buy clothes. B50: More houses for hiring ......get interest. B51: Build a new market. B52: - B53: We through of making green-bar, soap, Vaseline, candles, polish, and star-soft. B54: We wish to have a wholesale. B55: We wish to have a mortuary and a shower for visitor. B56: We want to raise chickens and operate with others. B57: None, because we don’t have money yet. B58: Yes, breeding chickens. B59: We wish to have a grinding mill and to raise chickens. B60: Build brigs and herd cattle. B61: We have to build a mini supermarket. B62: Indeed according to the will of God. B63: Yes, we have on markets and sewing. B64: We had a wish to build structures and get more space for story of wares. B65: We still need more space for the project. B66: To stock up clothes. B67: To continue with marketing, raising chickens. B68: We do have and we want to buy a tractor for the project. B69: - B70: We have, market and sewing. B71: None. B72: -

12) How much do you pay for being a member per month? (Please indicate by cross/tick)

Nothing: B29. Less than E5: B1, B12, B14, B16, B34, B38, B40, B51.

More than E5: B2, B3, B4, B5, B6, B7, B8 (E50), B9, B10, B11, B13, B15, B17, B18, B19, B20, B21 (E120), B22, B23, B24, B25, B26, B28 (E50), B30, B31 (E50), B32, B33, B35, B36 (E50), B39, B41, B42, B43, B44, B45, B46, B47, B48, B49, B50, B53, B54 (E50), B55, B56 (E50), B57, B58 (E20), B59 (E120), B60, B61 (E50). B62 (E50), B63, B64, B66, B67, B68, B70, B71.

13) How does your membership in CIEAS affect you?

B1: Has not helped. B2: - B3: It helps us to come together and develop. B4: It helps because we combine together and develop ourselves. B5: It helps us, we unite and develop ourselves. B6: It is helping us in making us come together and develop and save ideas. B7: It helps us to go together and develop. B8: We do similar activities under informal sector. B9: - B10: - B11: I like it very much. B12: - B13: It helps us with our needs at

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home. B14: In the sense that we unite to them. B15: It helps with unite and develop ourselves. B16: CIEAS is like an umbrella to all organisations. B17: It helps us, we unite and develop ourselves. B18: It helps by putting us together and develops ourselves. B19: We work hand in hand in CIEAS for our development. B20: It helps us, we unite and develop ourselves. B21: - B22: Through the membership we are able to ask whatever we need from the organisation. B23: We need to work hand in hand for our development. B24: - B25: - B26: - B27: By getting assistance from CIEAS. B28: This is because we and CIEAS are alike. B29: It helps us mix together and develop. B30: It helps us, we unite and develop ourselves. B31: It does well because CIEAS is proud of other organisations. B32: It helps us unite and develop ourselves. B33: The main issue is that the organisation is there to help us. B34: Has not changed. B35: It helps us we come together and develop ourselves. B36: CIEAS is the way and link. B37: - B38: CIEAS will help us through teaching us. B39: It helps us to be together and learn from each other. B40: We really appreciate it. B41: It helps us to be together and learn from each other. B42: It helps us we come together and develop ourselves. B43: We come together and develop ourselves. B44: It helps us we unite. B45: It helps us we unite and develop ourselves. B46: It helps us, we unite and develop ourselves. B47: It is an organisation which helps people. The membership is only E100. B48: - B49: It helps us to be one and so that we can develop. B50: - B51: To help financing and upgrade. B52: - B53: We help each other and develop ourselves. B54: - B55: We do have similar jobs with the informal sector. B56: It brings oneness within us as street vendors. B57: -‘ B58: Yes it affects us because we work with CIEAS. B59: - B60: Being in the informal sector. B61: To uplift us. B62: It is an umbrella for the other organisations. B63: - B64: CIEAS is an organisation we are hoping will help assist us in developing our livelihood. B65: Yes I’m a member. B66: It helps us to unite and develop. B67: The membership is that we are informal sector. B68: CIEAS helps us in various ways. B69: - B70: - B71: - B72: -


14) Do you know SFTU, and if yes, what is your impression of the work of SFTU?

B1: Workers Union that helps organisation and peoples. B2: It helps workers and it a good organisation. B3: SFTU helps associations that are non-governmental. B4: SFTU empower associations that are non-governmental. B5: SFTU help or empower associations that are non-governmental. B6: SFTU helps associations that are non-governmental. B7: SFTU empower associations that are non-governmental. B8: The SFTU helps both workers and ordinary people. B9: - B10: I know it helps employees, I don’t have problem with it. B11: I’m okay with it works. B12: Yes. B13: SFTU is the voice of the workers in the country. B14: I don’t know. B15: SFTU helps associations that are non-governmental. B16: Union that looks after only its members. B17: SFTU help associations that are non-governmental. B18: SFTU helps associations that are non-governmental. B19: SFTU helps associations that are non-governmental. B20: SFTU helps associations that are non-governmental. B21: SFTU is a body that look out for employers. B22: I know nothing about SFTU except that it fights workers rights. B23: - B24: - B25: They help workers in their problems.

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B26: It helps employees. B27: - B28: SFTU speaks the rights of workers hence we are just street vendors. B29: SFTU empowers associations that are non-governmental. B30: It’s a worker’s organisation that also assists non-governmental organisations in urban and rural areas. B31: - B32: SFTU help associations that are non-governmental. B33: I don’t know anything about the organisation. B34: It helps employees and people with different objectives. B35: SFTU helps associations that are non-governmental. B36: SFTU represent workers. B37: - B38: I know nothing. B39: SFTU empowers associations that are non-governmental. B40: It fights for the rights of workers. B41: SFTU empowers associations that are non-governmental. B42: SFTU is an organisation that helps associations that are non-governmental. B43: SFTU is an organisation that helps associations that are non-governmental. B44: - B45: SFTU helps associations that are non-governmental. B46: SFTU helps associations that are non-governmental. B47: I know that it’s an organisation that fights for the worker’s rights. B48: Workers. B49: SFTU it is the way for associations that are non-governmental and in communities. B50: It helps workers and it is a good organisation. B51: It helps unions. B52: - B53: It helps organisations that are non-governmental. B54: - B55: They fight for the rights of the workers and of those who are self-employed. B56: SFTU helped us to be able to sell in the streets. B57: I don’t know about them. B58: It is a workers representation organisation. B59: We know that it fights for the rights of the workers. B60: SFTU is an umbrella to employees. B61: To look for the welfare of the workers and the mass. B62: I know that it fights for the worker’s rights. B63: All I know is that it’s a worker’s organisation. I have no problems about it. B64: I am not sure about SFTU. B65: It helps the workers where necessary. B66: SFTU help associations that are non-governmental. B67: I know that it helps workers. B68: It looks for the welfare of the workers. B69: I don’t know. B70: I only know that it helps employees. I don’t see anything wrong with it. B71: I don’t know. B72: -

15) Is SFTU playing a meaningful role in the development of Swaziland?

B1: Yes. B2: Yes. B3: Yes. B4: It assists in the development of people in the rural and urban areas. B5: It plays a great role in developing rural and urban people. B6: Yes. B7: It plays a great role in developing rural areas and urban. B8: Yes, but the government does not trust it. B9: - B10: Yes. B11: The prevailing issue in Swaziland is poverty, there’s no money in Swaziland. B12: Yes. B13: Yes. B14: Yes. B15: Yes. B16: Yes. B17: Yes. B18: Yes. B19: Yes. B20: Yes. B21: It only helps people living in towns. B22: I don’t see their role in improving people’s lives in the country. B23: Yes. B24: - B25: It played a very good role. B26: Yes. B27: - B28: Yes it plays a very big role. B29: Yes. B30: Yes. B31: I think it is an organisation which is above other organisations in Swaziland. B32: It plays a great role by developing people in rural areas. B33: It plays a good role because there are those who got help. B34: Yes. B35: Yes. B36: Yes, it plays a major role. B37: - B38: It plays a role of improving the workers. B39: Yes. B40: Yes. B41: It plays a great role in developing the rural and urban people. B42: It plays a great role in developing the rural and urban people. B43: It plays a great role in developing the rural and urban people. B44: - B45: It plays a great role by developing people in rural areas. B46: It plays a great role in developing the rural areas and also in town. B47: It plays a very important role since it teaches on rights of workers. B48: Yes. B49: Yes. B50: Yes. B51: Helps unions. B52: - B53: It plays a pivotal role in developing the lives of the Swazi people and urban areas. B54: - B55: Yes for

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you can realise the weakness of the Swazi government. B56: Yes, for they looks for our wellbeing. B57: - B58: Yes. B59: As for now it helps those who are in urban, not in rural areas. B60: Only helps employees not us. B61: Yes. B62: Indeed for we are also under its privileges B63: Yes. B64: - B65: Especially to the workers. B66: - B67: Yes. B68: Yes it does. B69: - B70: Yes. B71: - B72: -

16) Do you appreciate the efforts made by SFTU to democratise in Swaziland?

B1: Yes. B2: Yes. B3: Yes, we are thankful and we see the difference. B4: Yes there is. B5: Yes, we are thankful and we see the difference. B6: Yes, we are thankful and we see the change. B7: Yes, we are very grateful, we see the changes. B8: Indeed. B9: - B10: Yes, it is clear. B11: Yes, it is evident. B12: SFTU is workers union. B13: Yes. B14: Yes. B15: Yes, we see the changes and we are grateful. B16: Yes. B17: Yes, we are thankful and we see the difference. B18: Yes, we are thankful and we see the difference. B19: Yes, we see the job done by SFTU. B20: Yes, we are thankful and we see the difference. B21: It helps in urban settlement. B22: We don’t see its role for there is no freedom in the country. B23: - B24: - B25: Yes, its role is evident to anyone. B26: Yes, it’s clear. B27: - B28: Yes, it is evident. B29: Yes, we are grateful and we see the changes. B30: Yes, we are thankful and we see the difference. B31: Yes, it is good in my view. B32: Yes, we are thankful and we see the changes. B33: Its role is evident. B34: Yes. B35: Yes, we see the difference and we are grateful. B36: Yes, because it fights for workers rights and there exploitation. B37: - B38: The works of SFTU can be seen if we can be independent. B39: Yes, we thank them and we see the difference. B40: Yes. B41: Yes there is. B42: Yes, we are thankful and we see the chances. B43: Yes, we see the changes. B44: - B45: Yes, we see the chances and we are thankful. B46: Yes, we see the difference. B47: Its work is evident, but is being hindered by the government somehow. B48: Yes, it’s shown. B49: Yes it works commendable and it’s visible. B50: Yes. B51: It’s seen. B52: - B53: Yes, we see change. B54: - B55: Yes, for they are trying to bring change. B56: Yes, but not that much since we are not free here in Swaziland. B57: - 58: Yes. B59: It helps only in towns. B60: Lately it is invisible. B61: Yes. B62: Indeed for without it we do not know where we could have been. B63: Yes... B64: - B65: Only to the workers. B66: Yes, we see the chances and we are thankful. B67: Yes, it can be more evident. B68: SFTUs role is evident. B69: - B70: Yes, the works done by SFTU can be seen. B71: - B72: -


Yes: B1, B2, B3, B4, B5, B6, B7, B8, B10, B11, B12, B15, B16, B17, B18, B19, B20, B23, B24, B25, B26, B27, B28, B29, B30, B31, B32, B34, B35, B36, B39, B40, B41, B42, B43, B45, B46, B47, B48, B49, B50, B51, B53, B54, B55, B56, B57, B58, B60, B61, B62, B63, B64. B65, B68, B70, B71. No: B13, B21, B22, B59, B68, I have no idea: B14, B33, B37, B38, B69.


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B1: Yes. B2: Many women. B3: Yes, females dominate. B4: Yes, a lot of females. B5: They are many females. B6: Yes, they are many females. B7: There are more females than men. B8: There are more women B9: Yes they are in numbers.

B10: More females. B11: There are more women. B12: Many females. B13: Yes, they are many who works for themselves. B14: We are equal. B15: Yes, they are many. B16: Yes. B17: Yes, there are many females. B18: Yes there are many females. B19: Yes, there are many females. B20: Yes, there are many females. B21: More women than men. B22: More women than men. B23: Yes there are many females. B24: female. B25: More women. B26: More females. B27: Yes. B28: Yes, they are many. B29: Yes there are many females. B30: Yes, they are many. B31: There are more women than men. B32: Yes, females dominate. B33: In my group we are equal. B34: Lots of females. B35: Yes, they are many. B36: Yes, they are more than men. B37: More women. B38: The women. B39: Yes, they are a lot. B40: They are too many. B41: Yes, there are more females than men. B42: Yes, there are more females than men. B43: Yes there are many females. B44: - B45: Yes they are many females. B46: They are many females. B47: More women. B48: Lots of women. B49: Yes, there are a lot of people. B50: More women. B51: Most are females. B52: - B53: Yes they are many. B54: They are in numbers. B55: Women. B56: More women than men. B57: Females. B58: More women than men. B59: More women than men. B60: Females. B61: Females are many. B62: There are more women than men. B63: - B64: Female. B65: More women. B66: Yes they are many females. B67: More women. B68: They are many. B69: - B70: More female. B71: Yes. B72: -


B1: None. B2: They are very few. B3: None. B4: None. B5: None. B6: None. B7: None. B8: Most of them are above 15 years. B9: They are not many. B10: Yes a lot. B11: They are above 15. B12: Yes. B13: Very few. B14: There are many. B15: None. B16: No. B17: None. B18: None. B19: None. B20: None. B21: None, they are still in school. B22: There are very few. B23: None. B24: Yes, but they are sent parents to do the job. B25: There are many. B26: Yes a lot. B27: Yes. B28: From 15 and above. B29: None. B30: None. B31: There are some, but not that much for most of them are in schools. B32: None. B33: There are many children. B34: None. B35: None. B36: No, there are not many. B37: There are more of them. B38: They are above 15. B39: None. B40: Yes. B41: No. B42: - B43: No, there are none. B44: - B45: None. B46: No. B47: few of them. B48: - B49: None. B50: There is none of them. B51: Lot. B52: - B53: no. B54: Most of them are above 15 years. B55: They are. B56: They are many because they are not at school due to the lack of money for sending them to school. B57: None. B58: There are a lot. B59: None, they are in school. B60: A few most are at school. B61: - B62: No, since most of them are in schools. B63: Yes, there are many. B64: No, there’s none. B65: They are many due to lack of work. B66: None. B67: Very few, for they are at school. B68: They are very few. B69: - B70: Yes a lot. B71: No. B72: -


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B1: Lots. B2: They are in numbers. B3: They are many. B4: They are a lot. B5: They are many. B6: They are many. B7: They are a lot. B8: Most of the youth are self employed. B9: They are in numbers. B10: Lots of them. B11: They are many. B12: So much. B13: Not many. B14: There are many. B15: They are many. B16: A lot B17: They are many. B18: They are many. B19: There are a lot of youth. B20: Many B21: Few. B22: They are in numbers. B23: There is a lot of youth. B24: Quite a lot. B25: They are in numbers. B26: Lots of them. B27: Yes. B28: There are many of them. B29: Many. B30: There are many of them. B31: There are many of them. B32: Many. B33: There are plenty of them. B34: Lots. B35: They are many. B36: They are there, but they are not many. B37: 4000- 5000 B38: There are so many. B39: Yes, they are a lot. B40: They are many. B41: They are a lot. B42: Many. B43: They are many. B44: - B45: They are many. B46: They are many. B47: Few of them, for don’t like to be self-employed. They want to be hired or employer. B48: Lots. B49: They are many. B50: Many of them B51: Lot. B52: - B53: Many. B54: They are in numbers. B55: They are so many. B56: They are many since there is no work at all. B57: A lot of youth. B58: There are a lot. B59: Very few. B60: They don’t like working. B61: About 50. B62: They are the ones who are needy. B63: Lots of them. B64: - B65: There are many since there are no jobs at all. B66: They are many. B67: They are in numbers. B68: They are not many. B69: - B70: Lots. B71: - B72: -

21) Is it a problem that the informal economy is so huge, why?

B1: It’s a problem because if some people have finished school they would be getting good jobs. B2: There are works at all in Swaziland. B3: It is a problem there are no jobs. B4: No, it is not a problem. B5: Yes it is a problem because there are no jobs. B6: It is a problem because there are not sufficient jobs. B7: Yes it is a problem because there are not enough jobs. B8: The main issue is that there are no job opportunities in Swaziland. B9: There are no problems. B10: Problem due to unemployment. B11: It is not a problem. B12: Problem is there is no work. B13: Economy rises when people are in business. B14: Due to the lack of jobs. B15: It is a problem because there are not enough jobs. B16: Problem because there are no jobs. B17: It is a problem because there are no jobs. B18: It is a problem because there are not sufficient jobs. B19: It’s a problem there are no formal jobs for us all to get employed. B20: It is a problem because there are no jobs. B21: Most works for whites. B22: I see no problem in they can be more people who work for themselves in Swaziland. B23: - B24: It’s not a problem because we all working for and getting money. B25: There are no jobs in Swaziland. B26: No jobs. B27: - B28: There are no jobs in Swaziland. B29: It’s a problem because there are no jobs. B30: They are many. B31: Yes, because here in Swaziland we are alike with those who are educated. B32: Yes, it is a problem that there are no jobs. B33: It’s not a problem at all. B34: Problem is unemployment. B35: It is problem because there are no jobs. B36: - B37: We are more compared to those who should buy. B38: They don’t get jobs and prefer to be self- employed. B39: It’s a problem because there are insufficient jobs for us all. B40: It’s a problem because there are insufficient jobs in Swaziland. B41: Yes, it is a problem that there are not enough jobs to get hired. B42: It is problem because there are no jobs. B43: No, it’s not a problem.

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B44: - B45: Yes, It is problem because there are no jobs. B46: Yes, it is a problem that there are not enough jobs. B47: It is because most of the people are self-employed. B48: No jobs. B49: It is a problem because there are no jobs. B50: The problem is that there are no jobs. B51: Problem due to no work. B52: - B53: No, it’s not a problem. B54: It is because there are no jobs in Swaziland. B55: It’s a problem because there are more youth. There are no jobs in Swaziland. B57: It is not a problem because you are not held down of employers but you are a businessman of your one. B58: Yes, it is a problem.

B59: Most of them are working in towns. B60: Not a problem. B61: We are trying to earn a living and the bigger problem is the shortage of working tools. B62: It’s a problem, but we don’t know why we’re not taken care of. B63: Problem of employment. B64: It’s not a problem because it’s also a form of employment too like any other. B65: Due to the lack of funds I can’t do anything. B66: It is a problem because there are not enough jobs. B67: Because there are no jobs in Swaziland. B68: It is not a problem. B69: - B70: Problem because no jobs. B71: It is not a problem because you are not regulated by anyone else. B72: -

22) How can these issues best be handled?

B1: Take people into good jobs B2: We need funds to improve our lives. B3: If we can propose funds from business people. B4: - B5: If we can propose business people to help us financial. B6: Propose finances from business people. B7: By asking business people. B8: We hope that these organisations will negotiate with the government. B9: - B10: Government should create jobs. B11: Borrow us some money. B12: We should be given money to progress. B13: It is a problem when people are not Swazis as they take the economy out of the country. B14: To have more job opportunities. B15: If we can propose business people to come to our people. B16: Get financial help to be able to survive. B17: If CIEAS can visit rural areas. B18: If we can propose business people for their help. B19: - B20: If we can propose business people for their help. B21: - B22: I don’t see the problem. B23: - B24: - B25: Only if government can create more job opportunities in Swaziland. B26: Government should create jobs. B27: - B28: By having those who will speak for our rights. B29: None. B30: To propose business people to get help. B31: By making some agreements with the Swazi government. B32: To propose business people to get help. B33: Let the SFTU give support to those who need it. B34: Take educated people and give them employment. B35: If we can propose business people to help. B36: - B37: We need cold rooms to keep our goods. B38: In finding money to meet their need in life. B39: To ask help from developed countries. B40: We first work for ourselves. B41: If CIEAS can visit the rural. B42: If we can ask or negotiate with business people. B43: - B44: - B45: To propose business people to get help financial. B46: - B47: Through creating more job opportunities. B48: Government should provide more jobs. B49: To propose business people to help. B50: Is that we need money to improve our lives. B51: have money. B52: - B53: - B54: I think if we can ask SFTU to negotiate Swazi Government. B55: If we can meet in many areas to come up with different ways that will bring change. B56: We need to become one in all we do. B57: - B58: We should work together. B59: - B60: - B61: If we can get working tools. B62: It could be better if we can come together we can win. B63: Should have organisation in small and big businesses. B64: Availability of jobs would be best thing so as to eradicate crime. B65: We need to cooperate

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with the powerful business people. B66: To propose business people B67: Only if the government can open more job opportunities. B68: It is not a problem. B69: - B70: Government should focus on job creation. B71: - B72: -


B1: Should have people within employers. B2: We need more workshops to empower us. B3: If CIEAS can visit rural areas. B4: - B5: If CIEAS can visit communities. B6: If CIEAS can go visit rural areas. B7: If CIEAS visit people in rural areas. B8: We need to cooperate in all things we as organisations. B9: - B10: Unions between young and old businessmen. B11: Borrow us some money. B12: There should be meetings in big businesses. B13: All associations must be combined to one. B14: I don’t know. B15: If CIEAS can visit rural areas. B16: To create objectives and stick to them. B17: If CIEAS can visit rural areas and communities. B18: If CIEAS can visit rural areas. B19: - B20: If CIEAS can visit those people out there in rural areas. B21: To be educated on certain jobs. B22: I think that if we can form some wholesales that can link us with others (organisations). B23: CIEAS should go around all the places where there is informal sector. B24: I don’t know. B25: We need cooperation between small businesses and the bigger areas. B26: Should have meetings, young businessmen and young. B27: - B28: Only if the 4 regions can meet and discuss issues. B29: If CIEAS can visit rural areas. B30: If CIEAS can visit rural areas. B31: By being taught on how important it is to be in one accord. B32: If CIEAS can visit communities. B33: We need to come together and discuss issues. B34: Should have union employers. B35: If CIEAS can visit rural areas. B36: - B37: We need to be one in all that we do. B38: We need to come together and discuss on solutions on the issues. B39: If CIEAS visits rural areas. B40: More workshops are needed to teach them on how to face life. B41: If CIEAS can visit communities in the rural areas. B42: If CIEAS can teach urban and rural people. B43: - B44: - B45: If CIEAS visits rural areas. B46: If CIEAS can visit rural areas. B47: We want more workshops for more knowledge. B48: Should have meeting between small and big business men. B49: If CIEAS can visit communities. B50: We can do it if we can hold workshops with the prosperous business people to share with us how they cooped. B51: Unions should come together. B52: - B53: - B54: We should share ideas and cooperate in all we do as organisations. B55: We are requesting those organisations which are well organised to help us also. B56: We have to listen to one another in order to prosper. B57: We need to assist each other in bargaining. B58: - B59: Is that they need some funds to start their own projects. B60: I don’t know what to do. B61: Through workshops which can make us to one. B62: Being well taught in Swaziland for it is very important. B63: By creating jobs. B64: Bring in investors that will help develop the livelihood of the informal economy workers. B65: We need to be members of CIEAS as our leaders. B66: CIEAS can visit rural areas. B67: Through sharing ideas between small and big business owners in the country. B68: They should form one organisation for the workers. B69: - B70: Organisation in young businessmen and old. B71: I don’t know. B72: -

24) How do you think your association and CIEAS could get more members?

B1: Should show its objectives to people. B2: - B3: It must go out and teach people. B4: By teaching rural areas. B5: If we can learn more. B6: If

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people can get knowledge about this. B7: By teaching people. B8: It should teach about the benefits of being a member. B9: - B10: Job creation. B11: Provide more opportunities for job. B12: Meeting between businesses. B13: Associations must get help to that others can see what is happening. B14: Through teaching them. B15: To go and teach them about the development. B16: Sensitise more communities and those being helped should invite more people to join. B17: They must go and teach them. B18: If we can teach a lot of people. B19: - B20: If we go and teach them. B21: Should show more developments on members. B22: It needs to visit all the consistency centres explaining on how they operate. B23: We need to train and capacitate. B24: - B25: Through more job opportunities. B26: Must have meetings with businessmen. B27: They can get members starts produce and giving. B28: Through teaching those who are in the rural areas. B29: By teaching people. B30: If people can have knowledge. B31: Through teaching those who are in rural places about CIEAS. B32: If we can teach the people. B33: We need to go and teach those who are blank about CIEAS. B34: Should show its objective to people. B35: If we can teach the people and share our ideas. B36: - B37: Through some discussions. B38: To meet members of the other organisations and have some discussions. B39: If we get educated. B40: Through workshops. B41: If they can continue teaching people and visit rural areas. B42: By teaching them. B43: By teaching people in rural areas. B44: - B45: If we can visit people and share our ideas. B46: If we can teach all the communities. B47: We can try to teach those who are not members. B48: Should be more jobs and organisations. B49: Talk with the government. B50: - B51: Show the use of their job. B52: - B53: By teaching people that are in rural areas. B54: - B55: Lobby and advocate. B56: It should go and teach in the rural areas too. B57: We need to help each other. B58: By that we tell more people about CIEAS. B59: Really it helps the community. B60: Should conduct workshops. B61: If those who requested first are given, they can get. B62: We need the side of the majority and that it can help. B63: I wish to see more, as some countries have a better living. B64: By meeting and working with an organisation that would be of great multitude so as to lobby for better chances. B65: It can get more members through visiting rural areas. B66: To teach people and share ideas. B67: Through advocating its products. B68: If the current members can get help, others can also wish to join because of the benefits they’ll see. B69: - B70: We should have jobs. B71: - B72: -


B1: Yes, independence to abused children at schools and women at home.

B2: Yes, for in other countries they lead a better life. B3: Negotiate with our government. B4: - B5: Talk to government. B6: Talk to government to sponsor. B7: If we can communicate with the government. B8: I wish it to be more democratic so that people can be free. B9: Yes we need so much. B10: I wish because some countries have better jobs. B11: Yes I want. B12: I wish because some countries have freedom. B13: Yes, I wish because opportunities of work will be sufficient. B14: Indeed I wish. B15: Have some talks with the government. B16: Yes, because even if we get a little, only one, and the same people get. B17: Have talks with the government. B18: If we can negotiate with government. B19: - B20: Talks and communicate with the government. B21: - B22: I wish that we are free so that we can be given what we want by the government even

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individuals. B23: Yes, I do. B24: Yes, we do want democracy. B25: I wish, for other countries are in peace B26: I wish. Some countries have a better life. B27: - B28: Yes, we wish very much. B29: If we can talk and tell the government. B30: Negotiate with government. B31: Yes I wish that the government would accept my requests. B32: Talks and communicate with the government. B33: I want to see Swaziland prospering. B34: Yes, good life. B35: Talk with government. B36: - B37: - B38: I wish for it to be independent through the help from SFTU. B39: If we can communicate with the government. B40: If more jobs opportunities are created we can be free. B41: - B42: If we can talk and negotiate with the government. B43: Yes. B44: - B45: Talk with the government to ask for financial help. B46: - B47: We would like to be independent in the country. B48: Because some countries are having a good life. B49: Talk with the government. B50: Yes, they can join if our lives are improved. B51: We want independence. B52: - B53: - B54: - B55: Yes. B56: I wish for the majority to rule in the country. B57: Yes. B58: - B59: - B60: Yes. B61: Yes I wish. B62: Through being together we can win. B63: Yes I wish. B64: - B65: I think we are comfortable with what we are. B66: Talk with the government. B67: Yes because many countries are not in good state at all. B68: I wish. B69: No, I dispute a lot. B70: I wish. Some countries have better lives. B71: Yes I wish. B72: -


B1: We should all join SFTU. B2: - B3: Negotiate with our government. B4: - B5: Talk to government. B6: Negotiate with government. B7: Communicate with our government. B8: I wish that SFTU will negotiate with Swaziland’s government for our wellbeing. B9: - B10: - B11: Make announcement in case there are some jobs. B12: - B13: People of Swaziland must be one and tell government to change laws that are not people friendly and so that we can get good job opportunities. B14: I don’t know. B15: Talk with the government. B16: We should all join CIEAS. B17: Have some talks with the government. B18: Have some talks with government. B19: - B20: Negotiate with the government. B21: - B22: This can be achieved through counselling the people’s needs in communities. B23: There needs to be genuine dialogue. B24: I am not so sure. B25: Through cooperation and members. B26: - B27: - B28: The organisations should negotiate with the Swazi government. B29: Have some talks with government. B30: Negotiate with government. B31: Through cooperation here in Swaziland. B32: Talks and communicate with the government. B33: I really do not know. B34: Join SFTU. B35: Talk with government. B36: - B37: - B38: - B39: If we can communicate with the government. B40: Through applying on CIEAS. B41: If we can communicate with our government. B42: If we can talk and negotiate with the government. B43: If they can get proper teaching. B44: - B45: Talk with government. B46: If we can talk with the government. B47: We can do it by being one in all we do. B48: We should have a president. B49: Talk with the government. B50: - B51: Join SFTU. B52: - B53: - B54: - B55: We can be able to come up with solutions through discussions. B56: If the government could listen to us. B57: I’m not sure what we can do. B58: - B59: - B60: Nothing we can d o. B61: For the country to develop. B62: - B63: - B64: Dialogue with the government, not fight

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against them. B65: Through discussions only. B66: Talk with the government. B67: On if we can be led by a president. B68: - B69: - B70: - B71: I don’t know. B72: -


Questionnaire C - for informal workers who are not in an association.


C1: - C2: There are a few people working than those who are not, and those who do business are few because they don’t have money. C3: - C4: I’m alone. C5: - C6: I’m alone. C7: - C8: One. C9: We are 10, 4 females and 5 males.

Dear worker, please answer the following questions as thoroughly as possible. Your comments are personal and you will not be quoted directly. If you wish to elaborate on an answer, please refer to the number of the question and write on the back.

1) Male:_______ or Female:_______ (Please indicate by cross/tick)

2) Age: _______

C1: M32 C2: F32 C3: F38 C4: F48 C5: F49 C6: F51 C7: F52 C8: M63 C9: M72

3) How do you earn a living?

C1: - C2: Hand weaving. C3: Sewing. C4: Sewing. C5: Street vendor. C6: Sew aprons and bags. C7: - C8: Maize and cotton farmer. C9: I plough mealie and breed chickens.

4) For how long have you been sustaining yourself?

C1: 15 years. C2: 10 years. C3: 10 years. C4: 10 years. C5: 2 months. C6: 1984 - 2009 C7: - C8: 35 years. C9: 2 years.

5) Do you know of any associations you could choose to be a member of? (Please indicate by cross/tick and if ‘yes’ elaborate)

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Yes: ________, which?

C1: Yes. C2: Yes, member of CIEAS which is new. C5: Philani Bomake Street vendor. C6: Yes. C7: Yes.

No: ________,

C3: No. C8: No. C9: No.

I have no idea: _______

If ‘yes’ in question no. 5:

5 a) Why are you not a member?

C1: Don’t like being in an organisation. C3: Yes. C4: No one has shown interest. C5: I don’t have joining fees. C6: No organisation to join so far.

If ‘no’ or ‘I don’t know’ in question no. 5

5 b) Would you wish join an association?

C1: no. C3: Yes, if there is any. C4: Yes if there is any available. C5: Yes.

C6: If we can see success. C8: I don’t know.

6) How much would you be able to pay for being a member of an association related to your field of work? (Please indicate by cross/tick)

Nothing: _______ Less than E5 _________ More than E5: C3, C6, More than E10: C5 , C7. C8,

7) What would you expect to get out of your membership?

C1: - C2:- C3: Development. C4: So much. C5: I can be able to get more money. C6: I can get CIEAS from it. C7: - C8: Good life. C9: -

8) What would make you interested in becoming a member of an association?

C1: - C2: - C3: Capacity building. C4: To show commitment. C5: Seeing development in that organisation. C6: Being successful. C7: To have money can make me happy. C8: To be taken care of my problems. C9: -

9) How do you think more people would join an association?

C1: - C2: - C3: More education. C4: To show progress. C5: - C6: - C7: -C8: To be helped financially, educationally until they can sustain themselves. C9: -


10) Do you know CIEAS? If yes how is your impression of the work of CIEAS?

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C1: - C2: - C3: - C4: I don’t know CIEAS. C5: I don’t. C6: - C7: - C8: I don’t know. C9: I have heard, and I will them.

11) Do you know SFTU? If yes, how is your impression of the work of SFTU?

C1: - C2: - C3: - C4: Nothing. C5: - C6: - C7: It comes that they toytoyi (demonstrate) and workers get expelled and SFTU is not helping them in any way. C8: I know they help people who are needy. C9: -

If ‘yes’ in question no. 11

11a) Is SFTU playing a meaningful role in the development of Swaziland?

C4: They play a major role in employees and us people. C5: I don’t. C7: To develop the country. C8: Yes, especially in 27 demands. Grandmothers and grandfathers are now paid grants.

11b) Do you appreciate the efforts made by SFTU to democratise in Swaziland?

C4: No. C7: No. C8: Yes. C9: -


Yes: C4, C5. No: C7, C8, C9. I have no idea: _________


C1: - C2: - C3: Females. C4: Yes. C4: - C5: Females. C6: Female. C7: No. C8: None. C9: Females are more than males.


C1: - C2: - C3: None. C4: No. C5: None. C6: Some sell eg. Liqusha36 C7: No. C8: They are few. C9: No they are not working.


C1: - C2: - C3: Lots of them. C4: - C5: Quite a lot. C6: Too much. C7: Nothing. C8: Very few. C9: Very little.

16) Is it a problem that this group is so big, why?

C1: - C2: - C3: Yes, because if there is no employment you don’t have money but when you are employed you get paid at the end of the month. C4: Shortage of employment. C5: Yes. C6: It is a problem. C7: Very few. C8: Nobody care about them. C9: - 36 A green nutritious vegetable.

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17) How can these issues best be handled?

C1: We should be given a chance for open an organisation. C2: - C3: Employment opportunities C4: If we could get help. C5: - C6: - C7: To get help from the King’s foreign donors (friends). C8: We must be together and one. C9: -


C1: - C2: - C3: We have to have a major meeting and discuss all our problems. C4: They should be one. C5: - C6: We must form organisation. C7: All regions must be one. C8: People must stand up and work. C9: -

19) How do you think your association and CIEAS could get more members?

C1: - C2: - C3:- C4: They should inform us about the organisation and we can join. C5: - C6: - C7: Workshops must be done and that they must be one.

C8: Through dialogue. C9: CIEAS must help this association so that others can see,


C1: - C2: - C3: Yes, but I’m scared to even talk about it. C4: Yes we need more independence. C5: Yes I wish. C6: We wish to get freedom. C7: - C8: Yes I wish, and communication is essential. C9: -


C1: - C2: - C3: I don’t know but I’m really afraid. C4: We wish to join. C5: I don’t know. C6: If I get money in market. C7: - C8: Communication must be done. C9: -


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