Food and the Senses

AN39CH13-Sutton ARI 12 August 2010 21:7

Food and the SensesDavid E. SuttonDepartment of Anthropology, Southern Illinois University, Carbondale IL 62901;email: [email protected]

Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2010. 39:209–23

First published online as a Review in Advance onJune 21, 2010

The Annual Review of Anthropology is online atanthro.annualreviews.org

This article’s doi:10.1146/annurev.anthro.012809.104957

Copyright c© 2010 by Annual Reviews.All rights reserved

0084-6570/10/1021-0209$20.00

Key Words

gustemology, synesthesia, taste, distinction, categories

Abstract

This review makes the case for anthropological reflection on the in-tersection of food and the senses. Given that a focus on food and thesenses allows us to explore some of the most basic boundaries of insideand outside, private and public, individual and collective, this topic of-fers an excellent window onto that elusive notion of everyday life thatanthropologists wish to understand theoretically and examine ethno-graphically. At the same time, food is a key component of ritual, whichhas typically been understood as heightening or stimulating sensoryexperience to instill social or cosmological values. Food and the sensesoverlap in notions of taste as distinction and in an increasing recognitionof the culturally cultivated phenomenon of synesthesia. Furthermore, inmaking food and the senses central to understanding wider social issues,this review argues for the productivity of a concept of “gustemology”in opening up new realms of ethnographic and theoretical inquiry.

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INTRODUCTION

As anthropological topics, both food and thesenses were long confined to a sort of limbowhereby many anthropologists may have hadthe intuition that they were important but, forvarious reasons, did not have the language toaddress them either as topics of ethnographicanalysis or of theoretical development. As agraduate student in the mid-1980s, I had nei-ther “food” nor “the senses” on the radar screenin my coursework or other training; they were,with notable exceptions, consigned to the realmof ethnographic anecdote. When I began teach-ing a course on the anthropology of food inthe late 1990s, I still had to answer the ques-tion, posed by students and colleagues, of whatsuch a course could possibly be about. Roughly10 years later, explanations seem no longer nec-essary, and I am faced with a surfeit of excellentchoices for readings in a semester-long course.Over the past 20+ years, both the “anthropol-ogy of food” and “the senses” have exploded interms of scholarly production (on the senses, seeHowes 2003; and on the anthropology of food,see Mintz & Du Bois 2002, Holtzman 2006).Yet they have run largely on separate, paral-lel tracks, drawing from similar inspirations,but only occasionally intersecting in terms ofextended ethnographic analysis or theoreticalsynthesis. Thus, this review takes up some ofthose intersections within a developing, ratherthan fully mature, field of inquiry—a field withmany future possibilities.

EARLY EXPLORATIONS

Although sensory aspects of food may havebeen mentioned in passing in anthropologicalaccounts going back to Boas’s famed salmonrecipes, discussion of food and the senses in an-thropology is essentially inaugurated by Levi-Strauss and, later, Douglas. This is sensoryanthropology in a structuralist key: Basic fla-vors and other sensory properties (e.g., tem-perature) are seen in binary oppositions thatcode for other important structural oppositions.

As Levi-Strauss put it, “They [the senses] areoperators, which make it possible to convey theisomorphic character of all binary systems ofcontrasts connected with the senses, and there-fore to express, as a totality, a set of equivalencesconnecting life and death, vegetable foods andcannibalism, putrefaction and imputrescibility,softness and hardness, silence and noise” (Levi-Strauss 1983 [1964], p. 153). Thus, each of thesenses (Levi-Strauss assumes five here) are seenas codes that transmit messages. Interestingly,and in keeping with his interest in cookingas a basic prerequisite of the transition fromnature to culture, Levi-Strauss (1983) arguesthat the “gustatory code” is privileged over theother sensory codes: Its message “is more of-ten transmitted by the others than it is usedto translate theirs” (p. 164). Douglas, similarly,draws our attention to the properties of foodthrough a number of basic sensory contraststhat she sees related less to structures of themind than to structuring meals and, throughthem, social identities. Contrasts such as sweetversus savoury structure the ordering of a meal,and the taste of sweetness works, by analogy,across meals to relate the everyday pudding (i.e.,dessert) to the Sunday pudding or the holi-day pudding (Douglas & Gross 1981, p. 11).Douglas gives attention not only to flavor, butalso to texture, temperature, color, and othervisual patterning elements, once again group-ing them into sets of oppositions that structureparticular meals and the relationship amongdifferent meals, noting, for example, that “thesame recurring theme is visible in the sequencefrom thick gravy to thicker custard to solid icingsugar. One of the structural rules of this foodsystem is progressive desiccation and geomet-rification of forms through the day” (Douglas1982, p. 97).

Douglas thus presents an early possibilityof taking into account multiple sensory di-mensions of food. However, her work, likeLevi-Strauss’s, is oriented toward abstractingbinary patterns in sensory features that re-flect other structured aspects of “the food sys-tem” and its relationship to “the social system”

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(Douglas 1982), i.e., identifying degrees ofintimacy and distance and identifying groupboundaries (Douglas 1971; see Lalonde 1992for a detailed critique). Furthermore, her sen-sory categories, like those of Levi-Strauss, arebased on observation, not on informant de-scriptions or categories. She does suggest somepotential cultural variability in the “degree ofautonomy” of the rules of combining colorsand textures in the food system (Douglas 1982,p. 110) in a particular society, but this angleremains largely speculative in her work.

Bourdieu’s highly influential Distinction: ASocial Critique of the Judgment of Taste (1984)seems like it would be a fruitful avenue forgetting away from some of the problems ofstructuralist abstraction and exploring thesensory aspects of eating, especially given hisother work addressing questions of habitusand embodiment (Bourdieu 1990). AlthoughBourdieu does provide some examples of class-based taste, his analysis takes a wrong turnfor our purposes in subsuming gustatory tasteunder the wider category of aesthetic taste aspart of his theory of cultural capital. For Bour-dieu, tastes “are the practical affirmation of aninevitable difference” (1984, p. 56), “a system ofclassificatory schemes” (p. 174), or “the sourceof the system of distinctive features whichcannot fail to be perceived as a systematic ex-pression of a particular class of conditions of ex-istence” (p. 175). It is only very occasionally andbriefly in Bourdieu’s work that taste becomes“the faculty of perceiving flavours” (p. 474).1

This subsumption of taste to distinction is anissue discussed by a number of writers as part

1His discussion of food and eating, in which he argues that“the body is the most indisputable materialization of classtastes” (p. 190), is suggestive. He pays some attention to thematerial properties of food, noting that fish is a problematicfood for working-class French men because it is “fiddly” and“totally contradicts the masculine way of eating” (p. 190). Butin terms of sensory properties or perceptions, it is only the“lightness” of fish that is noted, or the greater interest forthe middle classes in the “shape and color” rather than the“consumable substance” of food (p. 196). Thus everything isplaced in the abstract oppositions of classification rather thanthe sensory fullness of experience.

of a western tradition that specifically devaluestaste (and smell) as a lower sense that promotesanimal appetites rather than reasoned judgmentand that blurs the basic western philosophicdistinction between “subjective” and “objec-tive” (Stoller 1989, p. 23; Howes & Lalonde1991; Borthwick 2000).2 Taste, then, becomesthe capacity to distinguish and name, orcategorize, flavors (and to make other aestheticjudgments), rather than an actual multisensoryexperience, which involves the dissolving ofthe object into the subject (Borthwick 2000,p. 135).

This latter process of tasting begins to beexplored in two much-cited pieces, Stoller &Olkes’s “The Taste of Ethnographic Things”(1989) and Seremetakis’s essays in The SensesStill (1994), both meant as a critique or, bet-ter, a throwing down of the gauntlet in the faceof mainstream anthropology’s lack of sensoryawareness. Stoller & Olkes (1989) claim that the“tasteful fieldworker” will eschew the search for“deep-seated hidden truths” and instead “de-scribe with literary vividness the smells, tastesand textures of the land, the people, and thefood” (p. 29). They provide one such vivid de-scription of Djebo, a Songhay woman—wife ofa younger, unsuccessful brother—and the so-cial frustrations, which she expresses in a saucecalled fukko hoy, that filled the anthropologists,as well as the other members of her compound,with disgust. The taste of the sauce, then, be-comes a form of social action, a way of “ex-press[ing] sensually her anger” (p. 22). It is,however, somewhat troubling that Stoller &Olkes oppose “analytical, theoretical” prose to“tasteful ethnographies [that] are descriptive,nontheoretical and memorable” (p. 32), thusconfining the consideration of the senses to

2As Borthwick (2000), following Derrida, argues, “InWestern thought the division of the senses into categoriesof objectivity and subjectivity allowed a dialectical process tolift and preserve the objective aspects of the senses to foundconceptual knowledge and to devalue what it cancelled, sincean immersion in subjectivity cannot found categories of con-ceptual knowledge. This is especially relevant to taste andsmell” (p. 128).

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the memorable evocative. In a subsequent arti-cle, Stoller & Olkes (2005 [1990]) substantiallyelaborate their description of the preparation ofthin and thick sauces, looking into some of theflavor combinations and the ways that spice andother key ingredients are influenced by season-ality, regional differences, and economic con-siderations. They also contextualize Djebo’s ac-tions within a taste scheme that resonates withDouglas’s, in which thin sauces typically expresssocial intimacy and thick sauces formality andthe social significance of meal events.

In some ways, Seremetakis’s work parallelsStoller & Olkes’s because the taste of food, inparticular a peach, is used as a kind of revelatorymoment (Fernandez 1986) to raise other ques-tions about the senses in anthropology. How-ever, Seremetakis moves considerably furtherin using this—and other ethnographic and self-reflexive vignettes of drinking a cup of cof-fee, gathering greens, memories of the tastesand smell of her grandmother’s house in thecountry—to develop an analysis of the rela-tionship of the senses to memory, material-ity, modernity, and local epistemologies. Shedoes not elaborate her approach with extendedethnography, but rather, it seems, means herwork to be suggestive and provocative. For ex-ample, she argues that both material objectssuch as food and the sense organs (eyes, mouth,etc.) are seen in rural Greece as actively con-taining and revealing meaning beyond humanintention and consciousness: “[T]he sensory isnot only encapsulated within the body as an in-ternal capacity or power, but is also dispersedout there on the surface of things as the lat-ter’s autonomous characteristics, which thencan invade the body as perceptual experience”(Seremetakis 1994, p. 6). Although it is difficultto do justice to Seremetakis’s approach in thespace of a review article, it should be noted thatSeremetakis is one of the first to raise a num-ber of issues developed further below, includingthe relationship of food and the senses to mem-ory, to synesthesia, and to place-making in thecontext of state regulatory regimes.

Another suggestive approach is provided byMintz’s extensive writings on sweetness (Mintz1985, 1996). Although the body of Mintz’s workfocuses on the political economy of sugar, andhe remains attentive to issues of chemical com-position and nutritive value, he does not reducesweetness to the biological, noting that a pre-disposition toward sweetness “cannot possiblyexplain differing food systems, degrees of pref-erence, and taxonomies of taste—any more thanthe anatomy of the so-called organs of speechcan ‘explain’ any particular language” (Mintz2005 [1985], p. 113). Thus, in tracing the his-tory of sugar in the west, specifically England,the United States, and the Caribbean, he in-cludes extensive discussions of how the tasteof sweetness, associated with sugar production,had a distinctive history that altered not only di-ets and meal practices, but also notions of time,gender and class, senses of self in relation tofamily, community and labor, and the “locus ofdesire” (1996, p. 79); indeed, Mintz sees it as atthe heart of the European transformations thatled to modern consumerist individualism. As hewrites, “The first sweetened cup of hot tea tobe drunk by an English worker was a significanthistorical event, because it prefigured the trans-formation of an entire society, a total remakingof its economic and social basis” (1985, p. 214).Mintz develops these ideas in tracing the rela-tionship of sugar and sweetness to moral ideas.The addictive taste of sugar made it difficult togive up, and, thus, a contentious item of anti-slavery boycott, whereas its taste once againled commentators to suggest it would lead theworking classes into idleness and women intoother desires and illicit pleasures (1996, pp. 72–76).3 The use of a particular flavor as a jumpingoff point for understanding society and its trans-formations dovetails in interesting ways withSeremetakis’s work and also with the conceptof “gustemology,” which I develop below.

3Compare Masquelier’s (1995) discussion of the illicit plea-sures associated with sugar and excessive sweetness as a com-mentary on contemporary consumption in Niger.

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A final precursor to recent work, but onemuch less cited, is Kuipers’s article, “Mattersof Taste in Weyewa” (1993 [1984] reprintedin Howes 1991). A linguistic anthropologist,Kuipers explores some of the specific wordsfor taste experience among the Weyewa ofhighland Sumba, noting a considerably greaterdiversity than those typical four or five, includ-ing words that he translates as “sticky,” “soggy,”“pungent,” “beady,” and “fresh.” He also notesthat many taste experiences do not have particu-lar words except for source identifiers, e.g., “thetaste of the mint plant” (1993, p. 545). Kuipersargues that taste terms are always embedded insocial and multisensory contexts, making it dif-ficult or pointless to study them in the abstract,as in the equivalent of a Munsell color chart.4

Like Stoller & Olkes, Kuipers shows the waysthat tastes are manipulated in host-guest situa-tions so that bad tastes are used as a marker or asan act of refusal of social intimacy. He raises animportant question of what social contexts al-low for the use of taste terms, or the discussionof taste, because in Weyewa host-guest inter-actions it is not considered polite to talk aboutthe taste of food (or other items such as beteland areca nut chew, which are given to guests)while one is consuming it, and any descrip-tive use of taste terms typically takes place onlylater, retrospectively. Kuipers also explores themetaphorical use of taste words in ritual con-texts to talk about the propitiousness of certainobjects and activities: a marriageable girl, or aplantable rice field, or a sacrificial animal areall described as bland to indicate their permissi-bleness or bitter if they are impermissible. Herethese taste terms seem partly to retain and partlyto lose their connection to taste experiences be-cause blandness is typically not seen as a goodflavor for food, but it takes its meaning in thisinstance from its opposition to bitterness. The

4Indeed, he notes the frustration of some of the few earlyTorres Straits’ researchers (Myers 1904), who complainedthat Melanesian “natives” could not “perform with accuracythe introspective task of labeling gustatory sensations” basedon abstracted flavors such as sucrose, salt, and HCl (Kuipers1993, p. 539). See also my discussion of synesthesia below.

notion of taste terms as descriptive of nonfoodexperience is further developed below.

These early works on taste, taken together,provide suggestive beginnings for some of themore recent work on food and the senses.5 Theysuggest three potential directions for furtherethnographic exploration and analysis: (a) thenotion of food’s sensory qualities as embodiedforms of social distinction; (b) the possibility ofanalyzing a society’s key flavor principles andoppositions in ways that suggest combinationsdifferent from the familiar salty, sweet, sour,and bitter; and (c) an approach in which tasteis central to exploring other aspects of culture.How have these ideas been developed in morerecent work?

THE TASTE OF DISTINCTION

Beginning with Bourdieu (see also Goody1982), a huge literature now explores food asa source and marker of social distinction, butrelatively few authors analyze the ways that thesenses play into these processes. Some notableexceptions do exist, however. Cowan’s workon sweetness in Greece exemplifies the pos-sibilities opened up by such a focus. At oncea reflection on the obligatory nature of hos-pitality in Greece and on changing genderedspaces, Cowan’s work is framed by an analy-sis of the ways that the sweetness of food takeson moral and gendered dimensions in everydaylife and neighborly exchanges. Typical after-noon food offered by women to women visitorswhere Cowan worked in northern Greece in-cludes a several-course delectation of chocolate,spoon sweets (fruits preserved in sugar water),heavily sweetened Turkish/Greek coffee, anda locally produced fruit-flavored liqueur called“the womanly drink” and served in “a richlyadorned thin-stemmed glass [of] silver or crys-tal” (1991, p. 183). As Cowan argues, by ingest-ing sweet substances, “Sohoian girls and women

5Even archaeologists, with much less data at hand, have be-gun to explore the sensory aspects of food (see, e.g., Hamilakis1999, Joyce & Henderson 2008, Outram 2007).


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literally produce themselves as properly femi-nine persons. Consuming sweets, they do whatthey ‘should’ (observe the etiquette of guest-host relations) as well as what they ‘want’ (sincethey are thought ‘naturally’ to desire sweets),a conflation of moral propriety and desire thatobscures the coercive aspects of such consump-tion” (p. 184). Cowan links sweet tastes withsweet feminine dispositions and salty ones withmale dispositions, and power with pleasure,suggesting the difficulty of contesting such for-mulations both because of their “naturalness”and their seeming “triviality” (p. 181).6

Another example of hegemonic sensoryregimes is Manalansan’s (2006) examination ofracial and ethnic differences in the context ofpost-Fordist New York City. Manalansan doesnot look at tastes of pleasure, but rather at theways that the smells of food are used to classify,denigrate, and self-exoticize Asian immigrants.While at some level paralleling other work onfood and immigrant experiences, Manalansanextends our understanding by focusing on theways that food smells are stigmatized by a pre-sumed odorless7 majority population. Odorsbecome such powerful markers because of theirsensory properties, in this case their lack ofconfinement: They do not stay put in kitchens,but mark houses and apartments, clothingand bodies, and thus potentially cross lines ofprivate and public, even potentially markingimmigrant neighborhoods as criminalizable aspart of New York Mayor Rudolph Giuliani’s“quality-of-life” campaign. Thus, Manalansan(2006) notes the embarrassment of a Filipinaimmigrant at the unexpected visit to her homeof her office supervisor after she had cookedbinagoongan, a pork dish made with fermentedshrimp paste: “She reasoned that, at work, shehad maintained the respect of her colleagues

6On gendered tastes see e.g., Ritchie (1991, pp. 196–97),Reitz (2007), and a recent theorization of the topic byHayes-Conroy & Hayes-Conroy (2008).7Or “odor-superior.” Manalansan (2006) recounts how aKorean American realtor told his informant to “cook some-thing American such as pot-roast, or even better, apple pie”prior to receiving prospective buyers (p. 47).

through a skillful accumulation of cultural cap-ital, such as having fashionable taste in clothes,speaking seemingly unaccented English andthe like. The unexpected visit virtually markedher as an FOB—an ignorant new immigrant‘fresh off the boat’” (p. 46; compare Cantarero& Medina 2000, Jones 2000, Law 2001,Walmsley 2005). Here, notions of distinctionand cultural capital, which may be treated asmetaphors for taste, are linked to the actualsmells of food in the negotiations of everydaylife.

Whereas these approaches focus moreon the hegemonic use of the senses, othershave been interested in tracking the ways thatsensory aspects of food do not have to conformto the hegemonic but rather can be releases orescapes from dominant sensory regimes, creat-ing and re-creating identities through sensorilydistinct experience and also often drawing onimmigrant contexts for their studies. As partof what she calls an alternate “sensory geogra-phy,” Law (2001) describes the “smellscapes”(compare Low 2005) of Filipina domestics inHong Kong and how they turn certain publicspaces into “sensory landscapes” throughsharing home cooking at Sunday picnics in apublic square (though watched over by securityguards). In my own work on immigrant taste, Iconsider how alienated Greek migrants “returnto the whole” (see Fernandez 1986) throughthe powerful experiences of taste and smell, en-capsulated in such objects as a small vial of oliveoil bought at a pharmacy in England (Sutton2001).8 In an interesting approach, Lee (2000)collects the stories of elderly first-generation

8A number of scholars have linked food to sensory mem-ory in the context of migration and forced migration bothas a balm against alienation and as an active promoter ofprotest/social change. See Ben-Ze-ev (2004), Choo (2004),Petridou (2001), and further discussion of synesthesia andmemory below. One emergent theme is postsocialist nostal-gia, showing that food can stand in for other time periods,not just distant places. See e.g., Dunn (2008) on how memo-ries of Soviet tastes drive Georgians to risk botulism in pro-ducing their own version of Soviet canned goods, Caldwell(2006) on Soviet restaurant nostalgia, and Lankauskas (2006)on the food nostalgia evoked at a Soviet history museum inLithuania.

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Korean immigrants in Japan who want to eatspicy Kimchee, a strong marker of ethnic dif-ference, but struggle with the gastric troublesit causes them. Lee recounts how one elderlyKorean man was “almost apologetic” about hisinability to withstand the spicy Korean dishesand his preference for the less spicy, “weaker”Japanese versions. The man explained thatafter so many years of living in Japan, perhapshis “tongue has changed” (p. 202; see alsoFerzacca 2004). This is a rare article in explor-ing changes in sensory experiences of food, anissue I address further below.

FOOD WORLDS:GUSTEMOLOGIES ANDTHE SENSES

Anthropologists and other scholars of food haveoften pointed out the ways in which food iscentral to cosmologies, worldviews, and waysof life. One interesting extension of such workis to focus on how taste and other sensory ex-periences of food can become central to suchcosmologies, suggesting, in Howes’s (2003) for-mulation, culturally different balances of thesenses. As Ritchie (1991), studying Hausa gus-tatory metaphors, puts it, “different culturesmanifest different degrees of ‘analytic ability’in different sensory modalities” (p. 192). Tak-ing the lead from Feld’s notion of “acoustemol-ogy” (Feld 2000) I coin the term gustemologyfor such approaches9 that organize their under-standing of a wide spectrum of cultural issuesaround taste and other sensory aspects of food.One intriguing example of such an approachis Farquhar’s Appetites: Food and Sex in Post-Socialist China (2002). Farquhar’s approach isto get at changing subjectivities in China fromthe Maoist to post-Maoist period. To do so,she develops the notion of a “flavorful tempo-ral formation” as a way of exploring changes inseemingly natural dispositions, emotions, andsensory experiences. In particular, she focuseson the experience of flavors in contemporary

9Apologies for the mixing of Latin and Greek here, but thestrictly Greek “yevmology” would not resonate in English.

Chinese food and herb-based medicine. Shesays that the different flavors are seen as morethan simply peripheral aspects of the medicine,the efficacy of which is found elsewhere; in-stead, “for a medicine to do anything very com-plicated it must assault the sufferer with a strongand complex flavor” (2002, p. 63). Thus, flavorhas a causal force: “[S]weet herbals build up ouroverworked spleens” (p. 75).10 And, “There isno quick, flavorless pill or injection but a wholetechnology of cooking, tasting and timing as pa-tients wait to feel the results” (p. 70). She thenapplies these insights about taste to sociopo-litical change. In focusing on the connectionbetween bitterness and history, Farquhar de-scribes the ways the concept of suffering in con-temporary Chinese literature is termed “eatingbitterness” (p. 63). As people experience theirchanging relations to others and to the Com-munist Party in relation to their experiences ofbitterness, this taste, grounded in their every-day experience of flavor, easily moves betweenthe personal and the political, the contempo-rary and their memories of “how much bitter-ness they or their family members have swal-lowed in the past” (p. 63). Farquhar, thus, doesan impressive job of grounding people’s chang-ing sense of themselves in relation to larger so-cial forces through their everyday sensory ex-periences of flavor.11

I see Farquhar’s approach, despite obvi-ous methodological differences, as similar toMintz’s in focusing on the causal force of aparticular flavor and the way this can be foundat the very heart of our understanding of so-ciety and its transformations. It is interestingto note that Farquhar, like Mintz, focuses on aflavor that borders on the universal. Althoughshe gives historical specificity to bitterness, the

10Compare Meigs (1984) and Seneviratne (1992) on the waysthat food properties are seen to transfer to bodies in differ-ent cultural food systems. See also Anderson’s (1988) richdescription of Chinese food categories.11A number of shorter writings on India are suggestive of thiskind of gustemological approach in which not just food butexperiences of taste become central to wider experiences ofsubjectivity, politics, and or/cosmology (see e.g., Appadurai1981, Pinard 1991, Khare 1992a, Seneviratne 1992).


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metaphorical uses of this flavor are instantlyrecognizable: Ingesting bitter food as a rep-resentative of bitter experience can be foundin many societies and rituals, not the least ofwhich being the Passover ceremony. The Hag-gadah makes clear, “These bitter herbs we eat,what is their meaning? Because the Egyptiansmade the lives of our forebears bitter in Egypt”(cited in Korsmeyer 2005). No doubt similarpoints could be made about some of the writ-ings on sweetness discussed above. An exampleof a gustemological approach that challengesthe basic tastes in a way similar to Kuipers’s is asuggestive piece by Weismantel (2005 [1994])on the tastes jayaj and mishqui among the peopleof Zumbagua, Ecuador. While at first glancecorresponding to bitter versus sweet, furtherexamination reveals that mishqui can includefoods that Weismantel characterized as salty orbland and are considered “tasty.” Weismantelshows how these tastes include sensory aspects,but also index male versus female foods, ex-tradomestic versus domestic foods, and foodsproduced locally through subsistence agricul-ture versus foods produced through male travel.Like Farquhar, Weismantel (2005) is interestedin social change and ties the visceral, sensory as-pects of tastes to “the social and economic struc-tures that make consumption possible” (p. 97).

Another approach to gustemology might befound in a number of writings that focus onthe sensory aspects of food as part of con-structions of senses of place or place-makingprojects. At a certain level, the attachment oftaste to place can be seen as one of the tau-tologies of food and identity: As one Muscoviteyoung woman explains to the anthropologist,“‘People from Russia like Russian tastes’”(Caldwell 2002, p. 307). A number of recentworks have begun to unpack these kinds of culi-nary/sensory sentiments. Trubek’s study TheTaste of Place (2008), which explores the con-struction of the notion of terroir in France, pro-vides the lead here. Trubek defines terroir asa “foodview,” i.e., a food-centered worldview.She shows how the concept of terroir—a tastethat is typically naturalized and associated witha specific local place and associated practices

of production and consumption—was, in fact,produced by a particular history of social prac-tices in France over the past two centuries, in-volving actors such as journalists, writers, chefs,artisans of various stripes, and changing infra-structure and practices such as tourism and railtravel (thus Trubek’s approach to taste recallsMintz, as discussed above). Trubek also usefullycontrasts the development of terroir in Francewith specific contexts in the United States (e.g.,winemaking in California, niche farming inVermont) and with an always-encroaching no-tion of modernity or globalization lurking inthe background (compare Seremetakis 1994).Trubek’s is the most detailed ethnography ofthe institutions and practices that shape theways that taste comes to define place and viceversa (but see also Demossier 2000, Leitch2000, Leynse 2006, Paxson 2008, Walmsley2005, and below).

Two innovative methodological approachesto the topic of sensory place-making are pro-vided by Pink (2008) and Marte (2007). Pinktakes her cue from phenomenology and fromthe Slow City movement, which she is study-ing in a Welsh town, to argue for a “slowethnography” that involves forms of attentionand thick description of the tastes and smells oflocal coffee shops, farmers’ markets, and otherplaces that people walk through and share withothers that she sees as “constitutive of place”(2008, p. 181; see also Lemasson 2006). Marte(2007) uses the seemingly more cognitivelyoriented concept of food maps in discussingthe place experience—domestic, public, na-tional, and transnational—of Dominicans andMexicans in New York City. But she suggestsways to use mapping to explore not only the vi-sual, but also multisensory dimensions of foodexperience, “mapping” different versions of fa-vorite dishes, mapping side-by-side past andpresent kitchen spaces, as well as routes takenin search of particular ingredients: “For me, thebeauty and productiveness of foodmaps residesin this capacity to encompass so many experi-ential, representational and geopolitical layers,and still allow one to focus on specific aspectsof food relations” (p. 283). Marte’s foodmaps

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would nicely complement Pink’s reflexive phe-nomenology in providing a grounded ethno-graphic approach to the centrality of the sensesin food-based place-making.

If work on terroir considers the productionof taste through the agricultural productionof food, a final suggestive gustemological ap-proach comes from a focus on the productionof taste in transforming the raw into the cooked,or the process of cooking in ethnographic worksby Adapon in Mexico (2008) and Weiss inTanzania (1996). Whereas Weiss largely takeshis cue from Munn’s (1986) concept of valuetransformations, Adapon adapts Alfred Gell’stheory of art and agency (1998) to thinkingabout cooking, but both works are rare ethno-graphic treatments of the production of the sen-sory aspects of cooking as total social facts, oras Adapon (2008) puts it, “an all encompassingsocial activity” (p. 115; compare Weiss 1996,p. 118).

Weiss’s approach is interesting because,while not ignoring other sensory aspects offood, he makes temperature, perceptions, andcategorizations of hot and cold, and the dif-ferent cooking processes involved in producingtemperature, central to his understanding of thesocial life and value transformations of what hecalls the “making. . .of the Haya lived world”(Weiss 1996, title page).12 Weiss explores, forexample, the different ways of cooking bananas(ripening by the hearth, roasting, boiling), bothin terms of different notions of temperature andintensity, and how these differences are over-laid with spatial and temporal contrasts, as wellas those of gender (men’s bananas are cookedslowly by roasting, typically take a long time,and are part of extradomestic circulation). Hotand moist foods are highly valued and typicallyproduced by women through the use of water,a substance associated with women’s ability to

12Although categories of hot and cold were central staples ofstructuralist anthropology, often they were not connected inparticular to food and not explored experientially but ratheras cognitive categories characteristic of certain parts of theworld [see Foster (1993) for a review in the context of histheory of the diffusion of humoral medicine].

“enclose” and transform a “dynamic potentialthat is then deployed in cooking” (Weiss 1996,p. 89). These distinctions fan out into manydomains of Haya sociality, including sexuality[hot spicy foods are said to excite sexual de-sire, and sexual heat, like cooking heat, can beintense or diffuse (1996, p. 97)], degrees of inti-macy, and processes of commoditization [many“hot” foods are seen as commodities rather thandomestic staples (133)]. By considering the sen-sory dimensions of cooking, then, Weiss showshow Haya objectify social values and “constructcritical dimensions of themselves and the objec-tive world they inhabit” (p. 126).

Adapon’s study explores the agency ofMexican women (and some men) in produc-ing socially valued sazon (flavor). Noting that arecipe simply provides a guideline, adjusted bymood and other social factors, she describes thesensory process of cooking as follows: “Ingre-dients are chosen, touched, and manipulated,assessed by sight, texture and smell, tasted andsavored” (2008, p. 16). It is this complex pro-cess that makes for the claim that no two cooksever produce the same flavor, even though theymay follow the same recipe and were taught bythe same person (p. 21). Adapon’s approach be-comes more than simply a sensory appreciationof cooking skill, but gustemological in her dis-cussion of cooking as an artwork through whichMexican women’s agency is expressed. Withoutunpacking the details of how Adapon appliesGell’s theory and terminology of art to cooking,the author proposes that both the cook and theeater of a meal recognize through a Maussiantransfer between people and objects the “so-cial relational matrix surrounding the achieve-ment of flavor and the development of cuisine”(p. 48). Flavor becomes a social agent in itselfand food a “trap” (p. 48) through which womencan exert power within families and in widersocial networks.

SYNESTHETIC CONTRIBUTIONS

Work on food and on the senses has usefullyconverged through the concept of synesthesia(also spelled synaesthesia), or the union of the


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senses. Synesthesia was implicit in a numberof earlier approaches, and it draws into ques-tion the western five-sense model (sight, hear-ing, taste, smell, and touch), making it a use-ful jumping off point for thinking about othersensory categorizations. Synesthesia also blursthe objectivity and passivity of western sensorymodels by showing the ways that sensory ex-perience is not simply passively registered butactively created between people.13 Synesthe-sia is a reminder of why food and the sensesshould be considered together: As noted inmy discussion of Kuipers, tastes are not sep-arable from the objects being tasted. Bous-field’s (1979) writing on the categorization ofwine tastes is also a good reminder of this in-terrelatedness. He argues that when multiplesenses and experiences (emotion, sexuality) areused as wine taste descriptors, it is not a mat-ter of assigning names to discrete categoriesof taste perception: “What is actually happen-ing is that new fields of relationships are be-ing clarified within which a particular taste-experience can be located. The more such rela-tionships can be established for some taste themore it can actually be characterized in its par-ticularity” (1979, p. 201). Finally, synesthesiahas been explored as a key to food memoriesthrough the notion that memory has multipleinteracting sensory registers. These points aresummed up by Kirshenblatt-Gimblett (1999):“From color, steam rising, gloss and texture, weinfer taste smell and feel. . . .Taste is somethingwe anticipate and infer from how things look,feel to the hand, smell (outside the mouth),and sound. . . .Our eyes let us ‘taste’ food at a

13As Chau (2008, p. 490) rousingly writes, “The process ofsocializing cannot be done without human sensorial pro-ductions of noise, heat, taste, smell, spectacle, etc. (throughspeaking, shouting, singing, drumming, making music, blast-ing the speakers, honking, chanting, clapping, dancing,sweating, getting hot, embracing, caressing, cooking, feast-ing, toasting, bathing, smoking, perfuming, dressing, settingoff firecrackers, lighting incense or candles, processing, en-gaging in games or battles, torturing, etc.). In other words,we sensorialize our world, especially through engaging in in-tense social activities.”

distance by activating the sense memories oftaste and smell” (p. 3).

Synesthesia is explored in a number of recentethnographic works. In my own study of foodmemories in Greece (Sutton 2001), I looked atsome of the ways that Kalymnian islanders em-ployed explicit synesthetic metaphors (“listento that smell”) and valued implicit multisen-sory experiences (Orthodox ritual) in construct-ing narratives about foods past and makingparticular ordinary food consumption memo-rable. As Bousfield’s discussion suggests, synes-thesia is not a faculty, but rather a sociallycultivated skill, developed in particular prac-tices and linguistic devices. And food is oftena vehicle for such synesthetic practices. Young(2005), for example, describes the social culti-vation of taste-smell-color synesthesia amongPitjantjatjara of the Western Desert of Aus-tralia: “Women ask one another, as relatives,holding out an open palm, for a piece of thekaputu, the quid or ball of chewed mingkulpa,and the quid or part of it passes from mouth tomouth in a mutuality of greenness-taste-odour”(p. 61; compare Seremetakis 1994, p. 26).

A different approach to synesthesia istaken by Meneley. She explores one partic-ular substance—olive oil—from the point ofview of some recent approaches to material-ity (particularly Keane 2003) to show how “thesensuous qualities of the olive oil itself. . .lendthemselves to participate in larger schemes ofvalue” (Meneley 2008, p. 308). She suggeststhat the nature of olive oil leads to “synaestheticbundling,” which has led to its use for rubbingon bodies (babies, Olympic athletes), preserv-ing other foods, and taking on the flavors ofvarious herbs and spices, as well as for anoint-ing in Mediterranean religious practices: “Oliveoil is a hybrid, sharing qualisigns of preservationthat resonate in both the gustatory and spiritualrealm” (2008, p. 316). Some of the characteris-tics of olive oil that she explores and elaboratesinclude its luminosity, immiscibility, liquidity,permeability, cleansing, and warming proper-ties. While recognizing the changing meaningsof olive oil as well, especially in the current

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connoisseurship of niche marketing (seeMeneley 2007), she argues that starting fromthese sensory qualities of the oil we can under-stand why in many different times and placesolive oil is not only good to eat, but good tothink, and to practice spirituality.

Much of the work cited in this article isat least implicitly synesthetic, recognizing thatfood is not just taste and smell, but color, tex-ture and temperature. But these explicit con-siderations of synesthesia remind us that it isboth socially cultivated and produced and thatsome of the distinct material properties of foodgo beyond the categorization of any five-sensemodel.

CHANGING TASTES

Whereas changing food habits and cuisinesis a staple topic in food studies, once againthe sensory aspects of changing tastes areethnographically underexplored. Rozin &Rozin (2005 [1981]) have written suggestivelyabout the forces of conservation versus bore-dom in tastes and the influence of sociallyshaped flavor principles in making innovationsacceptable or unacceptable. However, theirwork is based on social psychology and lacksethnographic elaboration. Studies of changingtaste—while provocative—have, by and large,been speculative about large-scale trends(Haden 2005, Classen et al. 2005 [1994]) orfocused on top-down mechanisms, such asofficial Soviet policies on luxury consumption(Gruknow 2005 [2003]) or Japanese corporatemarketing efforts (Cwiertka 2000). Even someof the work discussed above, which takes ahistorical perspective on taste, tends to befar better at noting change or comparingdifferent periods and to become most fuzzywhen it comes to on-the-ground ethnographicobservations of mechanisms of change. Wilk’s(2006) work on Belizean food is suggestive ofethnographic possibilities, looking at the wayBelizean migrant nostalgia and the openingof Belizean restaurants in U.S. cities create aconcept of Belizean food in the United States,the taste for which was then imported back to

Belize itself: “Just like the brown sugar thathad to travel to England for refining, Belizeancuisine was transformed into something muchmore respectable when the taste came backfrom abroad” (p. 179).14

Two interesting studies examine the roleof restaurants in reshaping tastes. Klein (2007)shows how talk about Cantonese cuisine andbasic flavor principles allows for the adaptionof different ingredients, flavor elements,and regional styles and cooking techniques.Displaying some of the tensions of work onnationalism and the “invention of tradition,”Klein argues that nonculinary factors such asregional status hierarchies in China and HongKong play a major role in reshaping restau-rant food and covering over basic changesin tastes with claims of flavor continuities.Karaosmanoglu (2009), by contrast, showshow the taste of the past is incorporated inrestaurants in Istanbul. The past in questionis the Ottoman past, and Karaosmanogluprovides a fascinating contrast between high-end restaurants and taverns. In the high-endrestaurants, historical research leads to there-creation of Ottoman dishes, with tastesthat customers greet with “astonishment” and“admiration” (p. 347), although these tasteshave been somewhat tweaked (less cinnamon,less mixing of salty and sweet) to be acceptableto contemporary palates. In the taverns, bycontrast, tastes from the past that have beenhanded down, apprentice-like from father toson, are preserved in “a modern, middle classsetting” so that they will not be “forgotten”(pp. 353–54). Here changes in recipes are moreabout concerns with global discourses such ashealth, but in contrast to the high-end restau-rants, Ottoman dishes “are defined througha historical continuation and through their

14Wilk (2006, pp. 105–127) also lays out one of the mostextensive schemes for interpreting the ways that foodsare localized, describing processes such as “blending,”“submersion,” “compression,” “alternation and promotion.”Norton’s (2006) work on cultural contact and change in in-digenous and European chocolate consumption is suggestivefor her focus on taste as sensory and not simply a mode ofdistinction.


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sameness rather than difference. The past is pre-served rather than discovered” (p. 354, emphasisin original). In some ways, this attitude towardthe tastes of the past could be captured inHobsbawm’s (1983) distinction between “cus-tom” and “tradition,” although Karaosmanoglusees active invention in both cases.

Finally, a promising approach can be de-tected in ethnographic studies of the processof taste enculturation, both for children and inniche-marketing/slow-food initiatives. Terrio(2000, p. 40) shows how various French gov-ernment and food-marketing sources work toreeducate French palates in the proper tastingof chocolate.15 In particular, Terrio shows howseminars on palate education rely on a wine-tasting model that rewards a vocabulary of dis-tinctions and objectify the five-sense view ofperception before suggesting that all the sensescome into play in the appreciation of chocolate.What is missing from Terrio’s ethnography ishow the participants in such a seminar actuallytake up or refuse such palate retraining. This iswhere Leynse’s work (2006, 2009) with Frenchschool children is potentially helpful. Leynseshows the different key settings—classroom,kitchen, dinner table, as well as class trips tovineyards and produce farms—where Frenchchildren learn cooking skills, skills for talkingabout food, and the particular categories andmodes of sensory appreciation of food. How-ever, she does not see this teaching as a passiveenculturation; instead, relying on phenomeno-logical and anthropological approaches to ap-prenticeship, she indicates some of the ways thatthese children act back, both through “mistakesand missteps” (2009, p. 15), and potentially in-corporate other, contradictory influences in de-veloping practices of taste.

CONCLUSION

Given the worldwide profusion of TV cook-ing shows, globalized products and ongoing

15See also Demossier’s (2005) ethnography of wine tastingand the creation of wine expertise in France.

debates about relocalizing food, commoditi-zation of taste distinctions at Starbucks, andeven widely reported “new” tastes such asumami, it is not surprising that the sensoryaspects of food are receiving increased atten-tion in academic scholarship. And althoughthis celebration of food is to be lauded, itshould also keep us aware of the politicsand economics of food and the potential forour research to fall prey to “Epicureanism”(Holtzman 2006, p. 364). In pursuing our in-terest in the sensual aspects of food, we shouldkeep our multisensory apparatuses trained onwhat anthropology has in one way or anotheralways been concerned with: everyday life andthe multiple contexts in which the culturallyshaped sensory properties and sensory experi-ences of food are invested with meaning, emo-tion, memory, and value. In reviewing the lit-erature for this article, it was striking to methat we have moved a long way, theoreticallyspeaking, from the problems of structuralismand other Cartesian approaches to mind andbody and outworn dichotomies between thematerial and the symbolic. The deployment ofrecent, intertwining approaches from the an-thropology of the senses, phenomenology,materiality studies, and theories of value,among others, provides exciting opportuni-ties for rich ethnographic elaboration. Andthe focus on sensory aspects—experiencedlike few other things both inside and out-side of bodies (and transformed in the cross-ing of bodily boundaries)—means that theseapproaches have much to gain from an en-gagement with food. But our theoreticalprogress has yet to be matched by any cor-pus of rich ethnographies that make thesensory aspects of food central to an under-standing of lives and experiences; many of thewritings on this topic remain in the form ofshort, suggestive articles or snippets of ethnog-raphy in larger works on other topics. In thisreview I suggest some of the ways that food andthe senses could become central ethnographicfoci in their own right. Much, indeed, remainsto be done.

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DISCLOSURE STATEMENT

The author is not aware of any affiliations, memberships, funding, or financial holdings that mightbe perceived as affecting the objectivity of this review.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I am grateful for the support of the Department of Anthropology at Southern Illinois University,which provided three excellent research assistants—Kaitlin Fertaly, Katie South, and QiaoyunZhang—during the course of writing this article. I could not have done it without you! Thanksalso go to a number of people who read outlines, rough drafts, and/or final drafts and offered manyhelpful suggestions: David Howes, Constance Sutton, Amy Trubek, and Peter Wogan.

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Marte L. 2007. Foodmaps: tracing the boundaries of “home” through food relations. Food Foodways 15:261–89Masquelier A. 1995. Consumption, prostitution and reproduction: the poetics of sweetness in bori. Am. Ethnol.

22:883–906Meigs AS. 1984. Food, Sex, and Pollution: A New Guinea Religion. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers Univ. PressMeneley A. 2007. Like an extra virgin. Am. Anthropol. 109:678–87Meneley A. 2008. Oleo-signs and quali-signs: the qualities of olive oil. Ethnos 73:303–26Mintz S. 1985. Sweetness and Power. New York: Viking PenguinMintz S. 1996. Tasting food, Tasting freedom: Excursions into Eating, Culture, and the Past. Boston: BeaconMintz S. 2005 [1985]. Sweetness and meaning. In Korsmeyer 2005, pp. 110–22Mintz S, Du Bois C. 2002. The anthropology of food and eating. Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 31:99–119Munn N. 1986. The Fame of Gawa: A Symbolic Study of Value Transformation in a Massim Papua New Guinea

Society. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge Univ. PressMyers C. 1904. The taste names of primitivie peoples. Brit. J. Psychol. 1:117–26Norton M. 2006. Tasting empire: chocolate and the European internalization of Mesoamerican aesthetics.

Am. Hist. Rev. 111:660–91Outram AK. 2007. Hunter-gatherers and the first farmers: the evolution of taste in prehistory. In Food: The

History of Taste, ed. P Freedman, pp. 35–61. Berkeley: Univ. Calif. PressPaxson H. 2008. Post-Pasteurian cultures: the microbiopolitics of raw-milk cheese in the United States. Cult.

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pp. 87–104. Oxford, UK: BergPinard S. 1991. A taste of India: on the role of gustation in the Hindu sensorium. In Howes 1991, pp. 221–30Pink S. 2008. An urban tour: the sensory sociality of ethnographic place-making. Ethnography 9:175–96Reitz JK. 2007. Espresso: a shot of masculinity. Food Cult. Soc. 10:7–21Ritchie I. 1991. Fusion of the faculties: a study of the language of the senses in Hausaland. In Howes 1991,

pp. 192–203Rozin E, Rozin P. 2005. Culinary themes and variations. In Korsmeyer 2005, pp. 34–41Seneviratne HL. 1992. Food essence and the essence of experience. In Khare 1992b, pp. 179–200Seremetakis CN, ed. 1994. The Senses Still: Perception and Memory as Material Culture in Modernity. Boulder,

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In Korsmeyer 2005, pp. 131–42. From FrenchSutton DE. 2001. Remembrance of Repasts: An Anthropology of Food and Memory. Oxford, UK: BergTerrio SJ. 2000. Crafting the Culture and History of French Chocolate. Berkeley: Univ. Calif. PressTrubek A. 2008. The Taste of Place: A Cultural Journey into Terroir. Berkeley: Univ. Calif. PressWalmsley E. 2005. Race, place and taste: making identities through sensory experience in Ecuador. Etnofoor

18:43–60Weismantel MJ. 2005 [1994]. Tasty meals and bitter gifts. In Korsmeyer 2005, pp. 87–99Weiss B. 1996. The Making and Unmaking of the Haya Lived World: Consumption, Commoditization, and Everyday

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Annual Review ofAnthropology

Volume 39, 2010Contents

Prefatory Chapter

A Life of Research in Biological AnthropologyGeoffrey A. Harrison � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 1

Archaeology

Preindustrial Markets and Marketing: Archaeological PerspectivesGary M. Feinman and Christopher P. Garraty � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 167

Exhibiting Archaeology: Archaeology and MuseumsAlex W. Barker � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 293

Defining Behavioral Modernity in the Context of Neandertal andAnatomically Modern Human PopulationsApril Nowell � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 437

The Southwest School of Landscape ArchaeologySeverin Fowles � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 453

Archaeology of the Eurasian Steppes and MongoliaBryan Hanks � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 469

Biological Anthropology

Miocene Hominids and the Origins of the African Apes and HumansDavid R. Begun � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �67

Consanguineous Marriage and Human EvolutionA.H. Bittles and M.L. Black � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 193

Cooperative Breeding and its Significance to the Demographic Successof HumansKaren L. Kramer � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 417

Linguistics and Communicative Practices

Enactments of ExpertiseE. Summerson Carr � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �17

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The Semiotics of BrandPaul Manning � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �33

The Commodification of LanguageMonica Heller � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 101

Sensory ImpairmentElizabeth Keating and R. Neill Hadder � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 115

The Audacity of Affect: Gender, Race, and History in LinguisticAccounts of Legitimacy and BelongingBonnie McElhinny � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 309

Soundscapes: Toward a Sounded AnthropologyDavid W. Samuels, Louise Meintjes, Ana Maria Ochoa, and Thomas Porcello � � � � � � � � � � 329

Ethnographic Approaches to Digital MediaE. Gabriella Coleman � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 487

International Anthropology and Regional Studies

Peopling of the Pacific: A Holistic Anthropological PerspectivePatrick V. Kirch � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 131

Anthropologies of the United StatesJessica R. Cattelino � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 275

Sociocultural Anthropology

The Reorganization of the Sensory WorldThomas Porcello, Louise Meintjes, Ana Maria Ochoa, and David W. Samuels � � � � � � � � � � � �51

The Anthropology of SecularismFenella Cannell � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �85

Anthropological Perspectives on Structural Adjustment and PublicHealthJames Pfeiffer and Rachel Chapman � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 149

Food and the SensesDavid E. Sutton � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 209

The Anthropology of Credit and DebtGustav Peebles � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 225

Sense and the Senses: Anthropology and the Study of AutismOlga Solomon � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 241

Gender, Militarism, and Peace-Building: Projects of the PostconflictMomentMary H. Moran � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 261

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Property and Persons: New Forms and Contestsin the Era of NeoliberalismEric Hirsch � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 347

Education, Religion, and Anthropology in AfricaAmy Stambach � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 361

The Anthropology of Genetically Modified CropsGlenn Davis Stone � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 381

Water Sustainability: Anthropological Approaches and ProspectsBen Orlove and Steven C. Caton � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 401

Theme I: Modalities of Capitalism

The Semiotics of BrandPaul Manning � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �33

The Commodification of LanguageMonica Heller � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 101

Anthropological Perspectives on Structural Adjustmentand Public HealthJames Pfeiffer and Rachel Chapman � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 149

Preindustrial Markets and Marketing: Archaeological PerspectivesGary M. Feinman and Christopher P. Garraty � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 167

The Anthropology of Credit and DebtGustav Peebles � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 225

Property and Persons: New Forms and Contests inthe Era of NeoliberalismEric Hirsch � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 347

The Anthropology of Genetically Modified CropsGlenn Davis Stone � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 381

Theme II: The Anthropology of the Senses

The Reorganization of the Sensory WorldThomas Porcello, Louise Meintjes, Ana Maria Ochoa and David W. Samuels � � � � � � � � � � � �51

Sensory ImpairmentElizabeth Keating and R. Neill Hadder � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 115

Food and the SensesDavid E. Sutton � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 209

Sense and the Senses: Anthropology and the Study of AutismOlga Solomon � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 241

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Soundscapes: Toward a Sounded AnthropologyDavid W. Samuels, Louise Meintjes, Ana Maria Ochoa, and Thomas Porcello � � � � � � � � � � 329

Indexes

Cumulative Index of Contributing Authors, Volumes 30–39 � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 507

Cumulative Index of Chapter Titles, Volume 30–39 � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 510

Errata

An online log of corrections to Annual Review of Anthropology articles may be found athttp://anthro.annualreviews.org/errata.shtml

x Contents

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AnnuAl Reviewsit’s about time. Your time. it’s time well spent.

AnnuAl Reviews | Connect with Our expertsTel: 800.523.8635 (us/can) | Tel: 650.493.4400 | Fax: 650.424.0910 | Email: [email protected]

New From Annual Reviews:

Annual Review of Statistics and Its ApplicationVolume 1 • Online January 2014 • http://statistics.annualreviews.org

Editor: Stephen E. Fienberg, Carnegie Mellon UniversityAssociate Editors: Nancy Reid, University of Toronto

Stephen M. Stigler, University of ChicagoThe Annual Review of Statistics and Its Application aims to inform statisticians and quantitative methodologists, as well as all scientists and users of statistics about major methodological advances and the computational tools that allow for their implementation. It will include developments in the field of statistics, including theoretical statistical underpinnings of new methodology, as well as developments in specific application domains such as biostatistics and bioinformatics, economics, machine learning, psychology, sociology, and aspects of the physical sciences.

Complimentary online access to the first volume will be available until January 2015. table of contents:•What Is Statistics? Stephen E. Fienberg•A Systematic Statistical Approach to Evaluating Evidence

from Observational Studies, David Madigan, Paul E. Stang, Jesse A. Berlin, Martijn Schuemie, J. Marc Overhage, Marc A. Suchard, Bill Dumouchel, Abraham G. Hartzema, Patrick B. Ryan

•The Role of Statistics in the Discovery of a Higgs Boson, David A. van Dyk

•Brain Imaging Analysis, F. DuBois Bowman•Statistics and Climate, Peter Guttorp•Climate Simulators and Climate Projections,

Jonathan Rougier, Michael Goldstein•Probabilistic Forecasting, Tilmann Gneiting,

Matthias Katzfuss•Bayesian Computational Tools, Christian P. Robert•Bayesian Computation Via Markov Chain Monte Carlo,

Radu V. Craiu, Jeffrey S. Rosenthal•Build, Compute, Critique, Repeat: Data Analysis with Latent

Variable Models, David M. Blei•Structured Regularizers for High-Dimensional Problems:

Statistical and Computational Issues, Martin J. Wainwright

•High-Dimensional Statistics with a View Toward Applications in Biology, Peter Bühlmann, Markus Kalisch, Lukas Meier

•Next-Generation Statistical Genetics: Modeling, Penalization, and Optimization in High-Dimensional Data, Kenneth Lange, Jeanette C. Papp, Janet S. Sinsheimer, Eric M. Sobel

•Breaking Bad: Two Decades of Life-Course Data Analysis in Criminology, Developmental Psychology, and Beyond, Elena A. Erosheva, Ross L. Matsueda, Donatello Telesca

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Hong Qian, S.C. Kou•Statistics and Quantitative Risk Management for Banking

and Insurance, Paul Embrechts, Marius Hofert

Access this and all other Annual Reviews journals via your institution at www.annualreviews.org.

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Food and the Senses

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Transcript of Food and the Senses