Fomenting the Radical Imagination with Social Movements _ Max Haiven.pdf

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Fomenting the Radical Imagination with Social Movements: Towards a Prefigurative

Research

Max Haiven and Alex Khasnabish

Our book The Radical Imagination: Social Movement Research in the Age of Austerity isa set of reflections on an experiment. Our experiment began, as most do, with questions. What if

researchers studying social movements understood their role as less about gathering reliable

data to share with other scholars and more about catalyzing and convokingthe radical

imagination? What if, instead of distanced observers, researchers understood themselves to be

integral, generative and critical parts of how movements reproduced themselves? What if

researchers--and here we dont just mean gainfully employed academics but somehthing far

braoder--were committed to enlivening and empowering those most important forces for social

transformation: the social movements which, though sidelined and belittled in mainstream

history, are and have always been the motors of historical change? What if we saw ourselves

and our work as borrowed from a future that we must, in turn, help usher into being?We began The Radical Imagination Projectin 2010 with two key theoretical assumptions.

The first is that social movements are, at their hearts, animated by the radical imagination. The

radical imagination is not a thing one can possess, no matter how outside the box ones own

personal thinking is or how many clever books one has read (or written). The radical imagination

is a collective process, its something we do together. It is a shared landscape of political refusal,

a mutually reinforcing agreement to question the social order and the roots of exploitation,

inequality and oppression. Beyond merely a feel-good slogan, the radical imagination emerges

out of questions, conflicts, friction and debate. It is a constant, always unfinished process and

while it may occasionally crystalize into a particularlyinspiring idea, or a particularly acute theory,

or a particularly compelling text, these are the products of (and, in turn, help reproduce) asubterranean flow of ideas, arguments, relationships, organizational forms and shared

memories.

A double crisis of social movement reproduction

The second assumption is that today social movements are caught in what we

characterize as a double crisis of social reproduction. For Marxist-Feminist philosophers like

Silvia Federici, a critical understanding of contemporary capitalism needs to be based on an

analysis not only of the forces of production (labour, capital, machines, globalization, economics,

etc.), but also the way these depend on and are interwoven with the forces of social

reproduction--that labour that produces social beings and social life itself. Beyond merely thebearing and raising of children (the next generation of workers who will produce surplus value for

capital), reproduction also speaks to that much broader field of social norms, institutions,

practices and relationships that make human life possible.

In this sense, capitalism has always fundamentally relied on and enabled patriarchy to

harness and exploit womens reproductive labours in the home, though recently we have seen

the expansive commodification of reproductive labour in the still largely feminized (and, hence,

devalued) service sector. At the same time, we have seen the current crisis-ridden form of
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neoliberal capitalism enclose or extinguish many forms of common life-support (the privatization

of services, the eviction of people from land, environmental destruction, the attack on unions and

wages, etc), which has led to a widespread crisis of reproduction in society at large. Simply put,

in this age of austerity, the reckless reproduction and acceleration of capitalism comes at the

expense of the reproduction of our lives, with untold millions being made to pay the costs of

capitalist-driven climate change, or of the austerity policies aimed at stabilizing the capitalisteconomy in the wake of the financial crisis.

Social movements today recognize the effects of this crisis of reproduction acutely, and

hopefully recognize that those effects are not shared equally: those who labour under the burden

of systemic oppression (people of colour, Indigenous people, women, trans folks, people with

disabilities, migrans) almost always suffer the worst, for their reproduction is worth far less to

capital. In any case, social movements aim, at some level, to confront this crisis of reproduction

and, for the most part, demand society be reproduced otherwise, based not on capitals

monolithic value of accumulation (at a compound rate no less), but on values such as justice,

solidarity, autonomy, and ecological sustainability.

But in a highly alienating, oppressive, and exploitative capitalist world, social movementsalso often serve as subcultures of solace, offering oases of friendship, meaning, value and

relationality in a blighted and lonesome world. In the course of our research, we saw time and

again that participants found in their movements vehicles not only for social change, but for

personal survival, for a more intentional, rewarding, and just practice of collective reproduction.

Sometimes this took the form of physical survival as activists shared housing, meals,

finances and companionship. More often, it took the form of mental and spiritual survival:

movements offer a place to reaffirm ones values and commitments in a world deadset against

them, they offer an avenue for relationships and peer support, and they offer a means to be (or at

least feel) effective against a system that seems so powerful and monstrous as to be

unstoppable. This is clearly the case with the more recent wave of anarchistic movementsthatplace a high value on internal democratic process. But it is no less true of more formal and

structured movements, even if they openly disavow their social and human dimensions in favour

of a hard-nosed and depersonalized approach.

But there is an inherent conflict here, which, in the course of our research we saw play

out time and again. The role social movements play in the reproduction of the lives of their

participants all too often comes into conflict with their role as agents striving to transform the

reproduction of society at large. Often, otherwise promising social movements decline into

cliques or sects of mutual aid and affirmation, which have a hard time addressing broader

publics and often reproduce themselves largely by defining other similar movements as their

enemies.Other times, even more ecumenical movements can become obsessed with their own

internal processes, endlessly self-questioning their own reproduction and seeking to refine their

internal dynamics in the (mistaken) belief that only a perfected movement can hope to effect

social change more broadly. More prosaically, many movements suffer when individual

members come into conflict with one another, leading to festering and rancorous interpersonal

conflicts that undermine the reproduction of both the movement and its participants.
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The successful reproduction of movements often breaks down because they reproduce,

within them, the patterns and practices of oppression and exploitation that are present in the

broader society of which they are a part. These include the perpetuation of patriarchal attitudes

and masculinist behaviour, subtle (and not-so-subtle) reaffirmations of white-supremacy and the

devaluation of non-white people, ignorance or indifference towards disabilities (especially

invisibilized disabilities like mental health), or the refusal to contend with the politics, pain andimplications of colonialism.

For and against prefigurative politics

The vexatious reality of these forces have led many to decry recent social movements

obsession with identity politics and declare the failure of prefigurative politics as such. The

latter is a term which has, since the 1970s, been associated with an anarchistic turn in social

movements, one that stresses the need to be the change one wishes to see in the world and to

build and constantly refine movement organizations so as to make them working miniature

models of the sort of society that might be built. Responding to the belaboured deliberationism of

the Occupy movement and other recent initiatives, critics charge that the feel-good rhetoric ofradical grassroots democracy renders movements ineffective and stagnant, and also often

militates against actually addressing deep-seated systemic problems.

For instance, many Occupy encampments fell into decline because the celebration of

individual voice and freedom did not allow them to properly address oppressive behaviour and

sexual violence, or to move from a spectacular but largely symbolic and finite protest tactic

(camping in city squares) to a sustainable movement capable of actually mobilizing masses of

people and challenging capitalist or state power. More pressingly, critics of prefigurative politics

argue that issues such as racism, sexism, homophobia and ableism cannot be addressed by

endless internal squabbling within movements, but demand broad systemic solutions (notably an

end to capitalist exploitation) and to the extent social movements obsess over their own internaldynamics, they cannot hope to transform the system more broadly.

These are important critiques, though we fear that they all too quickly (indeed,

suspiciously eagerly) declare prefigurative politics and its associated concerns with oppression

tried, failed, over and done. These critiques typically posit a we (social movement participants)

who must overcome our childish self-infatuation with process and mature into more robust and

formal political organizations such as radical political parties that can actually confront power.

But who is this "we," really? Should people of colour, or women, or Indigenous people outgrow

their allegedly parochial concerns and realize their oppression can only be answered in the

context of formal struggle?

More to the point, the reality, at least from our observations, is that more formal andstructured radical political organizations are anything but immune to the double crisis we outline

here. They, too, are caught in a double-bind between seeking to challenge the reproduction of

capitalism and acting as zones of alternative reproduction for their participants. We do not

believe that any amount of hard-nosed pragmatism, formal structure or self-alienating

orientation can overcome this double crisis. Often (usually, in fact) formal parties and initiatives

schism or fail to grow precisely because they are unwilling to acknowledge these tensions. Or, if

they do not collapse inward, they so frequently fail to achieve their ambitious ends because they



end up succumbing to a perceived realpolitik that ends up reproducing (rather than subverting)

those systemic oppressions that are mobilized by capitalism in order to facilitate exploitation.

We are not interested in taking a position in the ambient debate between prefigurative

politics and its more formalist, party-oriented opponents. There is great merit to both

approaches, and to their critiques of one another, to the extent those critiques rise above

caricature (something that is dispiritingly rare). We are, rather, interested in how researchersmight better conceive of their role when working withsocial movements.

Common research abd academic enclosure

This may seem like an academic concern, but academic concerns arent what they used

to be. As youth un- and under-employment has skyrocketed in recent years, and as capital has

ratcheted up the necessary qualifications (read: training, accreditation, and obedience courses)

for even menial jobs, a higher and higher percentage of people are attending universities. Of

course, this comes at a time when the university as a public institution is under constant, (likely

lethal) attack: universities are deeply bound up in an increasingly corporatized model, which

includes sharply rising tuition fees, the evisceration of the liberal arts and social sciences, theincreasingly precarious nature of university faculty, the commercialization of research,

partnerships with odious corporate interests, the bloat of increasingly austere (and highly paid)

administrative cadres, and nefarious collusion with financial interests to saddle students with

unbearable debt burdens.

Yet for all of that, universities remain a space where many young people are radicalized

and join social movements (for better and for worse). And we and others have observed the

relatively high proportion of graduate students and precarious academic workers in the ranks of

recent movements. As the Edu-Factory Collective (a transnational network of scholar-activists)

note, in allegedly post-industrial times, the university holds a position not altogether unlike that of

the factory in the industrial age: it has become a key sociological and economic fulcrum, and akey place where subjectivities and relationships are formed.

As regrettable as we may deem it to be, we should not deny that social movements and

academics have a strong and complex relationship today. We should, however, not fail to

critically assess and leverage this relationship, for currently the benefits typically flow one way:

sympathetic scholars study movements, collect data, transform it into publications, and accrue

academic capital which might vault them out of precarious status or lead to promotions, tenure,

etc. Studying social movements can often provide radical scholars with the assurance they are

doing something unobjectionable or socially significant. Thats not good enough and, more

importantly, we think more is possible.

It is important, we think, to acknowledge that movements are all, always, conducting theirown research. This is a notion of research outside the typical scholarly parameters of the term,

which encloses the idea of research within closely gate-kept academic disciplines. Rather,

social movements are constantly and necessarily engaged in processes of reflexive discovery,

inquiry and study as they try to discover more about themselves and the forces they confront

(both particular and systemic). In this sense, social movements common research is intimately

connected to the radical imagination: the collective process of understanding the sublime

complexities of power and efficacy in a fragmented and unjust world. Often this research is
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formal, defined and intentional, such as when movements against, say, fracking (hydraulic

fracturing), seek to discover the constellations of corporate powers and government collusion

that threaten a particular watershed. But equally important are the informal, unsung moments of

reflection, analysis, conversation and debate whereby participants come to better understand

what is common and uncommon among them, where the radical imagination grows and gains

resonance and resilience.But of course the great advantage (though also a liability) of academic research, in

contrast, is its aloof, disinterested and systematically and rigorously methodical approach, and

were not suggesting for a moment that this should be abandoned. There is incredible and

enduring value to the work of sympathetic scholars who interpret the broader patterns of social

movements and give that knowledge back. There is also a vital importance in researchers

lending their considerable skills and privileges directly to movements to assist with concrete

tasks. But there is also, we think, another useful role for scholars to consider, one we think about

as prefigurative research.

A common research method borrowed from the futureWe understand the university not as a pure and noble institution, but as a colonial and

capitalist impositionon the flows of knowledge. While it is comforting to believe that the

corruption of the ennobled university began with the neoliberal assault of the last four decades,

the reality is that universities have always been institutions of power and privilege whose primary

social function is to sort knowledge and people.

The way the social sciences enabled and perpetuated colonialism and the theft and

devaluation of Indigenous knowledgeis (or ought to be) well known, as is the role of

management sciences in refining the exploitative industrial apparatuses of capitalism, to say

nothing of the development of weapons, surveillance and repression technology in engineering

schools, all of which make the odious defence of white, male canons of thought in thehumanities pale in comparison.This is not to say that there is no room to maneuver - there are

numerous inspiring examples and there is far more room to do radical work than most

professors are comfortable recognizing. It is, however, to say that, in a better, post-capitalist

future, the university as it currently exists will have no place.

The task of imagining the university-to-comeis an important one, and discussing it can

stimulate the radical imagination in important ways. But for now we can only understand its

contours through dialectic negation. The university-to-come would, of course, be free, financially,

politically and spiritually. It would be open to all. It would not have specific disciplinary courses of

study to be completed in four years by disenfranchised, indebted youth, but allow for a fluid

passage of people in and out of learning and teaching at different moments in their life. It wouldnot be presided over by a privileged group of sequestered would-be-sages, but would celebrate

and support knowledge and research from throughout society, melding traditions of formal

inquiry with Indigenous and other practices of teaching and learning, as well as the grassroots

forms of knowledge produced through life and struggle. It would cease to preside over a false

meritocracy and to legitimate and sort people into an unjust and inhumane division of labour in

society as a whole. It would be both rooted in and responsive to communities, but also provide a

space for radical, unconventional, unpopular and autonomous thinking. It would not rest on the
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poorly-paid labour of some and perpetuate the overvaluation of others. It would disavow the fetish

of the public interest, which today is a fig-leaf behind which the corporatization, militarization,

and securitization of universities festers it would instead comprehend itself as a common

institution, dedicated to the collective process of liberation, justice and autonomy. Importantly, the

university-to-come would understand itself as reproduced as part of a network of commons, and

would take up its role as a node in that network, providing individuals and communities with theresources to build a better world.

It is from this hazy mirage (a mirage whose contours we can only make out through our

struggles here and now) that we can draw inspiration for a notion of prefigurative research. If the

university-to-come is one that self-consciously seeks to create the resources and cultivate the

subjects of liberation, how can we, today, let this future institution inform our conduct, in the

name of creating the sort of world where it might one day exist?

Here we want to return to the double crisis. As we noted, the conflict between, on the one

hand, social movements missions to transform how society at large is reproduced and, on the

other, the role of social movements as alternative zones of social reproduction is a recurring

problem, which manifests in all sorts of tensions and contradictions. We envisage aprefigurative practice of social movement research as one that seeks to enable movements to

better address and attend to this tension. That is, we imagine a role for social movement

researchers as facilitators of movements own research practices, as conduits and catalysts for

the radical imagination. Further, researchers can act as border crossers, translating or

smuggling social movement common research into different communities, different venues and

different public spheres.

Experiments in the radical imagination

Because the tensions and contradictions caused by the double crisis are so profound

and run so deep, few movements actually make time or space to address it directly. Further, inmost places, movements are not made up of large, concrete, well organized, ideologically

unified and formal organizations: most activism, according to our research, occurs in

fragmented, overlapping and contradictory milieus made up of multiple formal and informal,

permanent and temporary, liberal and radical organizations with overlapping and changing

memberships. This was certainly the case in the small city of Halifax, Canada, where we

conducted our fieldwork.

The answer, then, is for social movement researchers to, in consultation and reflexive

dialogue with activists, experiment with creating new temporary institutions, environments or

spaces in which the radical imagination and the processes of common movement research can

flourish. In our project, we first conducted long, open-ended interviews with dozens of activists,focussing on their personal biographies and experiences in social movements, but also their

hopes and fears for the future, the rationale for their strategic and political orientation, and the

vital question (which we borrowed from the UK-based Turbulence Collective): what would it

mean to win?

Following these interviews, we hosted a series of community roundtables featuring

interviewees whose positions we thought would reveal key tensions and important frictions within

the social movement milieu. In the third phase of our project, we created a vehicle through which
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to host dialogues with important speakers and activists from afar, whose ideas and stories might

catalyze a more concerted set of discussions about key issues.

In this, we hoped to create a process of the radical imagination. The contradictions and

tensions created in movements and in individuals by the double crisis has a heavy cost, and one

that is heavier if it remains hidden or obscured. We sometimes imagined our research as almost

a form of radical collective therapy, not one aimed at returning the patient to some predeterminedidea of "normal, but one seeking to help one another better understand and, therefore, cope with

the difficulties and challenges germane to the objectively terrible situation in which we now find

ourselves.

Many of our participants, for instance, found the long interviews empowering: for most, no

one had ever bother to ask them how they became activists, what their experience had been,

how they understood their choices, and what they hoped and feared. As relatively neutral,

semi-detached researchers with no particular affiliations, we hoped to become sounding-boards

for the pent-up tensions and frustrations that had accumulated in the movement milieu, and

sought to find ways to present these contradictions in ways that would make them workable and

concrete for activists and their movements.Of course, it would be a fantasy to believe that most of these tensions and contradictions

could be resolved through these methods. Many tensions revealed themselves to be based

either on deeply held, irreconcilable ideological convictions, or on forms of systemic oppression,

exploitation, power and identity which cannot be solved merely with good will and therapeutic

dialogue.

Our project has, by no means, been a complete success, but it has been, we think, a

worthy effort at designing a prefigurative role for researchers. We do not think this is the only, or

indeed always the best approach. Its not even altogether new: feminist participant action

research, for one, has been experimenting with radically integrated social movement inquiry for

decades. And radical scholars have long committed themselves to bringing their expertise,rigour and critical thinking to movements take for example the excellent manualcrafted by

scholar-activist participants at Occupy Wall Street. Or one can look to Stefano Harney and Fred

Moten's brilliant theorization of the forms of radical study occurring as an undercommons

within, beneath and in spite of the imposition of the austere university. They, like Robin D.G.

Kelley, approach the resurgent radical imagination from the histories of black radical and cultural

activism in the United States, animated as they were (and are) by the anti-institutional forms of

research, study and inquiry that sparked in struggle, dialogue and debate, as well as in

community, in music and in writing.

We think that the double crisis of movement reproduction, as well as the struggles within,

against and beyond the university-as-we-know-it are on some level connected. And together theydemand of us the application of the radical imagination, and its fomentation as a collective

practice.

Max Haiven teaches political economy and cultural studies at the Nova Scotia College of Art

and Design in Halifax and is author of Crises of Imagination, Crises of Power: Capitalism,

Creativity and the Commons. Alex Khasnabish teaches about movements, social change, and

engaged research at Mount Saint Vincent University, is the co-editor of Insurgent Encounters:
http://www.google.com/url?q=http%3A%2F%2Falexkhasnabish.com%2F&sa=D&sntz=1&usg=AFQjCNEHB0wbZoMcYoFkVHvNSr2muGbpkghttp://www.google.com/url?q=http%3A%2F%2Falexkhasnabish.com%2F&sa=D&sntz=1&usg=AFQjCNEHB0wbZoMcYoFkVHvNSr2muGbpkghttp://www.google.com/url?q=http%3A%2F%2Fmaxhaiven.com%2F&sa=D&sntz=1&usg=AFQjCNEn-QnpPWPFI-LECtPsL25D1SJMpQhttp://www.google.com/url?q=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.beacon.org%2Fproductdetails.cfm%3FPC%3D1407&sa=D&sntz=1&usg=AFQjCNEImErS4TOay6cqDlyCpIrFiktStQhttp://www.google.com/url?q=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.beacon.org%2Fproductdetails.cfm%3FPC%3D1407&sa=D&sntz=1&usg=AFQjCNEImErS4TOay6cqDlyCpIrFiktStQhttp://www.google.com/url?q=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.minorcompositions.info%2F%3Fcat%3D37&sa=D&sntz=1&usg=AFQjCNGJJKjbZxKh6RO86pCRgXTrHky7tghttp://www.google.com/url?q=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.visualculturenow.org%2Fthe-militant-research-handbook%2F&sa=D&sntz=1&usg=AFQjCNGnC4cqIjWYDbkcbhOavuvZrbEOcAhttp://www.google.com/url?q=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.interfacejournal.net%2Fwordpress%2Fwp-content%2Fuploads%2F2013%2F11%2FInterface-5-2-Haiven-and-Khasnabish.pdf&sa=D&sntz=1&usg=AFQjCNGxc4F_9tUOS2gFNb9kn7nDzhl8kAhttp://www.google.com/url?q=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.generation-online.org%2Fp%2Ffp_bifo6.htm&sa=D&sntz=1&usg=AFQjCNHPUZJvFJlh3vq5INX1IujmOwz-gg



Transnational Activism, Ethnography, and the Political, and is the author of Zapatistas: Rebellion

from the Grassroots to the Global and Zapatismo Beyond Borders. Together, they direct the

Halifax-based Radical Imagination Projecton Canadas East Coast. Their book The Radical

Imagination: Social Movement Research in the Age of Austerity, is published by Zed Books.
http://www.google.com/url?q=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.zedbooks.co.uk%2Fpaperback%2Fthe-radical-imagination&sa=D&sntz=1&usg=AFQjCNFVOxMb9h_K-4u5ezqlUwIBiwZbIwhttp://www.google.com/url?q=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.zedbooks.co.uk%2Fpaperback%2Fthe-radical-imagination&sa=D&sntz=1&usg=AFQjCNFVOxMb9h_K-4u5ezqlUwIBiwZbIwhttp://www.google.com/url?q=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.zedbooks.co.uk%2Fpaperback%2Fthe-radical-imagination&sa=D&sntz=1&usg=AFQjCNFVOxMb9h_K-4u5ezqlUwIBiwZbIwhttp://www.google.com/url?q=http%3A%2F%2Fradicalimagination.org%2F&sa=D&sntz=1&usg=AFQjCNFNXXN0JT9xY9yhmUGDVUVHEHPXMAhttp://www.google.com/url?q=http%3A%2F%2Fradicalimagination.org%2F&sa=D&sntz=1&usg=AFQjCNFNXXN0JT9xY9yhmUGDVUVHEHPXMA

Fomenting the Radical Imagination with Social Movements _ Max Haiven.pdf

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Transcript of Fomenting the Radical Imagination with Social Movements _ Max Haiven.pdf