FOIA Request (Exhibits): CREW: Regarding Jerry Lewis: 1/24/11 - DOJ, EOUSA, and FBI Exhibits

8/7/2019 FOIA Request (Exhibits): CREW: Regarding Jerry Lewis: 1/24/11 - DOJ, EOUSA, and FBI Exhibits

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Copyright 2006 Los Angeles TimesAll Rights ReservedLos Angeles Times

June 3,2006 SaturdayOrange County Edition

SECTION: CALIFORNIA; Metro; Metro Desk; Part B; Pg. 3LENGTH: 768 wordsHEADLINE: San Bernardino County Records Are Subpoenaed;Officials will submit documents linked to lobbying firm with ties to Rep. Lewis. Federal grand jury also seeks Redlandsdocuments.BYLINE: Ashley Powers and Richard Simon, Times Staff WritersBODY:

A federal grand jury conducting a criminal investigation has subpoenaed San Bernardino County records related toa Washington lobbying firm with close ties to Rep. Jerry Lewis, chairman of the powerful House Appropriations Com-mittee, according to federal documents.

Federal investigators are looking into the relationship between Lewis (R-Redlands) and a Washington lobbyistlinked to disgraced former Rep. Randy "Duke" Cunningham (R-Rancho Santa Fe), three people familiar with the inves-tigation told The Times last month. The city of Redlands also received a grand jury subpoena.

Investigators are said to be particularly interested in whether intermingling between Lewis' aides and lobbyist BillLowery's staff led to favorable treatment for Lowery's clients, sources told The Times. Lewis and Lowery have deniedany wrongdoing.

The subpoena delivered to the county was issued "in connection with an official criminal investigation," accordingto a cover letter from the U.S. attorney's Public Corruption and Civil Rights Section in Los Angeles.

The investigation is part of a federal probe stemming from Cunningham's conviction for accepting $2.4 million inbribes and favors from defense contractors.

In the May 17 subpoena, obtained by The Times, the Los Angeles Grand Jury asks for e-mails, memoranda, con-tracts and other records regarding the county's decision to hire Lowery's firm -- Copeland Lowery Jacquez Denton &White -- as well as billing records and all other communications between the county and Lowery or members of hisfirm.

The grand jury also demanded "all documents relating to communications by and between you [San BernardinoCounty] and United States Rep. Jerry Lewis ". and/or any member of his congressional or committee staff' and "alldocuments relating to communications by and between CLl [Copeland Lowery Jacquez Denton & White] and Lewisand/or any member of his congressional or committee staff."

The investigation is being conducted by the FBI, the IRS and the Defense Criminal Investigative Service, a federalprosecutor stated in a letter that accompanied the subpoena.


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Page 2San Bemardino County Records Are Subpoenaed; Officials will submit documents linked to lobbying firm with ties to

Rep. Lewis. Federal grand jury also seeks Redlands documents. Los Angeles Times JuneSan Bernardino County spokesman David Wert said the county would comply with the subpoena, which asks that

the documents be tumed over by June 13. Wert said he could not discuss the matter further at the request of the U.S.attomey's office.

Thom Mrozek, the attorney's office spokesman, said it was Justice Department policy not to comment on pendinginvestigations.

In a statement Friday, Lewis said the department had not contacted him regarding an investigation. "Throughoutmy career, I have also made every effort to meet the highest ethical standards, and I am absolutely certain that any re-view of my work will confirm this," the congressman said.

"This isjust routine, ordinary, simple appropriations," said Patrick Dorton, a spokesman for Lowery's firm. "It isthe same as work done every single day in Washington for counties and towns in every state in the country. Itwas doneconsistent with all the laws, rules, and regulations that govern Capitol Hill lobbying."

From 2002-06, San Bernardino County approved more than half a million dollars in lobbying contracts with Lo-wery's firm to represent the county in Washington. Several other Inland Empire cities also employ the firm.

Redlands City Atty. Dan McHugh could not be reached for comment, but told the San Bernardino Sun this weekthat the city also had received a subpoena seeking information regarding Lowery's firm.

San Bernardino's city attorney, James F. Penman, had no comment as to whether federal investigators contacted thecity.Lowery, a former congressman from San Diego, has worked with such clients as Brent R. Wilkes, a defense con-

tractor who was identified by his lawyer as the unindicted "co-conspirator No. I" in the Cunningham corruption case.Cunningham was sentenced to eight years and four months in prison for accepting $2.4 million in bribes and favors

from "co-conspirator No. I" and his business associate, Mitchell Wade, who pleaded guilty to bribing Cunningham.The Cunningham case has put the spotlight on "earmarking," a practice in which lawmakers slip parochial and spe-

cial- interest projects into spending bills, often at lobbyists' behest late in the legislative process and without advancepublic notice.

Wilkes and his companies are among Lewis' largest contributors, giving the lawmaker at least $60,000 in campaigncontributions over the years. At the same time, Wilkes has paid Lowery's firm more than $ I60,000 in lobbying fees.

*Times staff writers Peter Pae and Cynthia H. Cho contributed to this report.

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Copyright 20 I0 Los Angeles TimesAll Rights ReservedLos Angeles Times

December 4, 2010 SaturdayHome Edition

SECTION: MAIN NEWS; National Desk; Part A; Pg. IILENGTH: 302 wordsHEADLINE: Federal inquiry of Rep. Lewis dropped;The Republican from Redlands had been under scrutiny over recipients of earmarks.BYLINE: Richard SimonDATELINE: WASHINGTONBODY:

After four years, federal authorities in Los Angeles have dropped an investigation of Rep. Jerry Lewis(R-Redlands), who came under scrutiny for his ties to lobbyists whose clients received millions of dollars in congres-sional earmarks.

"This office recently informed attorneys for Mr. Lewis that we were closing a criminal investigation," Thom Mro-zek, a spokesman for the U.S. attomey in Los Angeles, said in an e-mail. He declined to comment further,Lewis said that the Justice Department statement "confirms what I've known from day one -- that the facts and the

truth of this matter will ultimately prevail.""I look forward continuing to focus all my efforts on cutting government spending and getting our nation onto a

responsible and sustainable fiscal path," he added in a statement.Lewis attomey Robert C. Bonner said that federal authorities "obviously took a long, hard look at some allegations

and concluded that they were without merit and didn't warrant any kind of action."The news comes as Lewis battles to reclaim the appropriations committee chairmanship he lost after Democrats

won control of the House in 2006.Lewis, the top Republican on the panel, has drawn two rivals -- Reps. Harold Rogers (R-Ky.) and Jack Kingston

(R-Ga.) -- for the post as well as opposition from some conservative groups because of his years of earmarking fundsfor projects in his district.

Lewis has pledged to lead the new GOP House majority's effort to rein in spending. Though he has long maintainedthat the earmarks he sought benefited his district, he has joined other Republicans in supporting a moratorium on ear-marks in response to criticism that they have become a symbol of Washington's excessive spending.

House Republicans are expected to decide on committee chairmen next week.

[email protected]
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elcome to the Website of Congressman Jerry Lewis http:/ /j erryl ewis .house .gov/showart i cl e.asp?ID

HOME ABOUT JERRY LEVVfS HELP CENTER liB OUT THE DISTRICTPRESS RELEASES PRESS ARCHIVE

Press Releases112th Congress -1/7/2011Congressm an Jerry Lewis nam ed Appropriations Com mitteeChairman Emeritus, Will Serve on Five Subcommittees

WASHINGTON - Congressman Jerry Lewis was named Chairman Emeritus of theHouse Appropriations Committee Friday, and has agreed to serve as a senior memberof five subcommittees that oversee most of the federal government's $1.4 trillion ina nn ua l discret io na ry s pe nd ing .

"I am honored to be able to playa central role in our efforts to significant lyreduce the runaway federal spending that has led us to $1 t rillion deficits," said Lewis,who was the ranking Republican member of the commit tee the pas t four years. "Everyappropr iat ions subcommit tee will be seeking ways to save mcney for the taxpayers.and I intend to be on the front lines of this battle to reduce the growth of government."

Lewis has served on the Appropriat ions Committee for nearly all of his careerin Congress. He was full committee chairman in 2005 and 2006, and has served aschairman of the subcommittee that oversees the Defense Department and thesubcommit tee that con trols spending for the Veterans Admin is trat ion, federal housingprograms and science and techno logy programs.

As Chairman Emeritus, Lewis will serve as the senior Republican, second tothe chairman of each subcommittee. He is the only member of the committee to havesuch a senior role on five subcommittees, besides the Full Committee ChairmanHarold Rogers, who is an ex of ficio member o f a ll 12 appropr iat ions subcommi ttees.

Lewis wil l con tinue h is long service on the Defense Appropriat ionsSubcommi ttee, which oversees the S652 bi ll ion Pentagon spend ing budget. He hasbeen a strong backer of the nation's military throughout his career, and has made acommitment to suppor t the Inland Empi re 's v ital m'rli ta ry instal la tions, especial ly theArmy's Nat ional Training Center a t For t I rw in and the Marine Corps Ai r-GroundCombat Center a t Twentynine Pa lms.

He will also serve as a senior member of the Appropriations Subcommit tee onLabor, Health and Human Services , which is responsible for $235 billion spent on aprograms ranging from health care to education. This subcommittee is expected tohave a lead role in the debate over funding for implementation of President Obama'sheal th care re fo rm program, which Lewis strongly opposed.

Two of his subcommittees are charged with overseeing the nation's naturalresources : the Energy and Water Appropriations Subcommittee and theAppropriat ions Subcommi ttee on Inter io r, the Environment and Related Agencies. Thelat ter subcommi ttee inc ludes funding for the Environmental Pro tect ion Agency, whichLewis cri ti cized last year for over -s tepp ing its authority in regu lat ing greenhousegasses.

HiS fifth assignment is the Foreign Operations Appropriations Subcommittee,which oversees the budget for the Sta te Depar tment and other internat ional p rograms.Congressman Lewis has had a strong interest in foreign policy and America's role inthe world since he served as a student ambassador as part of the Project Indiaprogram whi le he was attend ing UCLA.

For legislative concerns, contact Jerry at: For casework concerns, contact Jerry at:CONGRESSMAN JERRY LEWIS2112 Rayburn House Off ice Bui ld ingWashington, D.C. 29515(202) 225-5861Fax: (202) 225-6498

CONGRESSMAN JERRY LEWIS1 15 0 Brook side A ven ue , S ui te J-5Redlands, CA 92373(909) 862-60301-800-233-1700 (within California)

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ntractor Proves Key In Two Federal Probes - WSlcom http://online.wsj.com/article/SB 11691705722588097 5.html?#pri

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T H E W A L L S T R E E T J O U R N A L .POLITICS JANUARY 19. 2007Contractor Proves Key In Two Federal ProbesBy SCOT J. PALTROWInvestigations Promise to Keep Alive Controversy Over Congressional Earmarks

A key figure in the case against former Rep. Randy "Duke" Cunningham has become a focus of the federalinvestigation of another Republican from California, Rep. Jerry Lewis.The person who has emerged in both probes is Brent Wilkes, a Poway, Calif., entrepreneur, said people withknowledge of the investigation. His firm received defense and intelligence contracts with congressional help fromMr. Cunningham. The former lawmaker pleaded guilty in November to charges that included soliciting bribesfrom Mr. Wilkes and was sentenced to more than eight years in prison.Prosecutors in Los Angeles are examining whether Mr. Lewis may have improperly helped Mr. Wilkes'scompanies obtain government contracts. A spokeswoman for Mr. Lewis declined to comment on theinvestigation.Mr. Lewis is under investigation for possible improper conduct in obtaining "earmarks," or legislative languagethat steers federal funds to specific recipients. The continuing investigation into his actions is significant becausethe new House Republican leadership decided to keep Mr. Lewis, of California, on the Appropriations Committeeas the top minority member, despite the probe. He had been chairman until Democrats took control of the Housethis month.Mr. Lewis has represented California's 41st district since 1979. He was chairman of an appropriationssubcommittee on armed services before moving up to become chairman of the Appropriations Committee inJanuary 2005.

The inquiry promises to sustain the debate over congressional earmarks, which hasbeen at the center of this year's attempt to enact new ethics rules for Congress. TheHouse has passed a bill imposing major restrictions although a vote yesterday castdoubt on whether a similar bill will be approved by the Senate.Prosecutors designated Mr. Wilkes an unindicted co-conspirator in the chargesagainst Mr. Cunningham. Mr. Wilkes himself has been under investigationseparately, by the same federal prosecutors in San Diego who investigated theCunningham case. People with knowledge of that investigation said prosecutors arebringing in last-minute witnesses before a grand jury and expect Mr. Wilkes will beindicted early next month. These people said Carol Lam, the U.S. attorney in SanDiego who has been asked to resign by the Justice Department, requested thatprosecutors on the case wrap up the investigation and bring charges before sheofficially steps down Feb. 15. The Justice Department has confirmed that several

U.S. attorneys were asked to step down for reasons it said were related to performance but has declined to give

Jerry Lewis

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details.Mark Geragos, one of Mr. Wilkes's lawyers, said, "We're comfortable that everything Brent Wilkes did was aboveboard and legal and we don't think that there is any cause for anyone to question it, let alone indict him."Rep. Lewis' close relationship with a Washington lobbying firm, Copeland Lowery Jacquez Denton & White, is asubject of the probe. The firm was founded by former congressman Bill Lowery, a friend of Mr. Lewis.

Copeland Lowery flourished by signing up corporate and local government clients,which subsequently won earmarks pushed through with Mr. Lewis' help. OneCopeland Lowery client, the Lake Arrowhead Community Services District inCalifornia, disclosed that the lobbying firm helped obtain for it federal grants totaling$680,000. After the University of Redlands hired Copeland Lowery, it obtained Mr.Lewis's help in securing $21.5 million in federal money for research and a newscience center.One matter under investigation is the tens of millions of dollars in earmarks Mr.Lewis obtained for clients of the firm, which since has split up. Prosecutors also arefocusing on campaign contributions Mr. Wilkes and his associates made to Mr.

Brent Wilkes Lewis, and contracts Mr. Wilkes's companies obtained after hiring Copeland Lowery.Among other things, they are looking for possible evidence that Mr. Lewis directedMr. Wilkes to hire Copeland Lowery as the price for getting earmarks passed, said

the people with knowledge of the case.Barbara Comstock, a spokeswoman for Mr. Lewis, said she wouldn't have any comment on possible linksbetween Messrs. Lewis and Wilkes.Prosecutors have cast a wide net, some months ago subpoenaing voluminous records from county and localgovernments in Southern California and companies, all of which hired Copeland Lowery to lobby for them. Manyreceived federal money for local projects with Mr. Lewis's help. People close to the case said prosecutors havefocused heavily on contracts awarded to Mr. Wilkes's companies and large campaign contributions he made.Records on file with the House clerk show Copeland Lowery lobbied on behalf of one Wilkes company, ADCSInc., from 1998 to 2000, and from 2002 to 2005. ADCS, or Automated Document Conversion Systems,specialized in converting military documents on paper into computerized records. Beginning in 1997, with helpfrom members of the appropriations committee, including Mr. Cunningham, the Poway, Calif., company beganwinning multimillion-dollar military contracts. Copeland Lowery disclosed receiving about $160,000 for thework After Mr. Wilkes' name surfaced publicly last year in connection with the corruption investigations,Copeland Lowery revised its disclosure reports to state that it received more than $340,000 from ADCS. Alawyer for Copeland Lowery said the error was inadvertent.The Project on Government Oversight, a nonpartisan organization that focuses on exposing governmentcorruption, last year found a travel report showing that Mr. Lewis traveled from Washington to visit ADCSheadquarters in 1998, shortly before ADCS received a government contract. Mr. Lewis' office confirmed that inthe early 1990S, he traveled to Belize on a trip sponsored by Mr. Lowery that included Mr. Wilkes, among others.Federal campaign records also show Mr. Wilkes and five employees or relatives donated on the same date in1999 a total of $11,000 to Mr. Lewis's campaign fund. Mr. Wilkes and related individuals also contributed$7,000 in early 1998.On Sept. 18, 2002, Mr. Wilkes, his wife, nephew and two employees donated $10,000 to Mr. Lewis's FutureLeaders Political Action Committee. In 2003, Mr. Wilkes donated another $2,000 to the fund. Mr. Lewis, as withmany congressional leaders, maintained the PAC to collect funds that then could be doled out to help fellowRepublican lawmakers who faced re-election fights. That largess was credited with helping Mr. Lewis get theRepublican leadership's backing to become appropriations chairman.

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Mr. Wilkes and people associated with him donated in total about $60,000 to Mr. Lewis' campaign fund orpolitical-action committee. (Mr. Cunningham received campaign donations of $84,500 from Mr. Wilkes andassociates. )It is illegal for a congressman to support legislation as a direct quid pro quo for campaign contributions, butdirect links between contributions and actions are difficult to prove. The government must show that thelawmaker took official action only because of the donation. The Constitution's "speech and debate" clause alsoprevents prosecutors from using evidence from congressional debates, and limits their access to records ortestimony about meetings lawmakers held to discuss legislation.The Los Angeles prosecutors examining Mr. Lewis' actions are looking for a possible direct link, the people withknowledge of the investigation said.In January 2003, longtime Lewis aide Letitia White left his staff to become a Copeland Lowery partner. Anothertop aide to Mr. Lewis, Jeffrey Shockey, left the congressman's staff in 1999 to work for the firm. He then returnedto become the appropriations committee's deputy staff director when Mr. Lewis became chairman.Through a spokesman, Copeland Lowery principals have denied any wrongdoing. A spokesman for the principalssaid "the firm's work is consistent with the laws, rules and regulations that govern federal lobbying." He declinedto comment further.The Cunningham case involved soliciting direct bribes for personal use. According to Mr. Cunningham's pleaagreement, Mr. Wilkes paid $636,000 in bribes, including $525,000 to payoff a mortgage on Mr.Cunningham's home.Write to Scot J. Paltrow at [email protected]

Printed in The Wall Street Journal, page A8

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Copyright 2006 The New York Times CompanyThe New York TimesAugust 6, 2006 SundayLate Edition - Final

SECTION: Section 1; Column 2; National Desk; Pg. 1LENGTH: 2699 wordsHEADLINE: Deal Maker Details the Art of Greasing the PalmBYLINE: By DAVID JOHNSTON and DAVID D. KIRKPATRICK; Sabrina 1. Pacifici contributed reporting fromWashington for this article, and Aron Pilhofer from New York.DATELINE: WASHINGTONBODY:

In 1992, Brent R. Wilkes rented a suite at the Hyatt Hotel a few blocks from the Capitol. In his briefcase was astack of envelopes for a half-dozen congressmen, each packet containing up to $10,000 in checks.

Mr. Wilkes had set up separate meetings with the lawmakers hoping to win a govemment contract, and heplanned to punctuate each pitch with a campaign donation. But his hometown congressman, Representative Bill Loweryof San Diego, a Republican, told him that presenting the checks during the sessions was not how things were done, Mr.Wilkes recalled.

Instead, Mr. Wilkes said, Mr. Lowery taught him the right way to do it: hand over the envelope in the hallway out-side the suite, at least a few feet away.

That was the beginning of a career built on what Mr. Wilkes calls "transactional lobbying," which made him arich man but also landed him in the middle of a criminal investigation.

Last November, Mr. Wilkes was described as "co-conspirator No.1" in a plea agreement signed by Representa-tive Randy Cunningham, a Califomia Republican on the House Appropriations Committee. In the plea deal, Mr. Cun-ningham admitted accepting more than $2.4 million in cash and gifts from Mr. Wilkes and other contractors. Anotherdefense contractor, Mitchell J. Wade, pleaded guilty to paying some of the bribes.

Mr. Wilkes could also figure in a related federal investigation into the House Appropriations Committee. The in-quiry has focused on ties between Mr. Lowery, who left Congress and became a lobbyist, and Representative JerryLewis, a California Republican who is the chairman of the committee and the former chairman of its Defense Subcom-mittee.

Speaking publicly for the first time since Mr. Cunningham's plea agreement, Mr. Wilkes said in recent interviewsthat he had done nothing wrong and did not believe that Mr. Lewis and Mr. Lowery had broken the law. Mr. Wilkes,who has not been charged in the Cunningham case, has refused prosecutors' appeals to plead guilty.

But Mr. Wilkes acknowledged that he was a willing participant in what he characterized as a "cutthroat" systemin which campaign contributions were a prerequisite for federal contracts. "I attempted to get help and advice frompeople who could show me the way to do it right," Mr. Wilkes said. "I played by their rules, and I played to win."


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Page 2Deal Maker Details the Art of Greasing the Palm The New York Times August 6, 2006 Sunday

Mr. Wilkes said he was speaking now to rebut false assertions about him by prosecutors and the news media.While it is unknown whether his account is complete and it is impossible to verify his recollections of certain conversa-tions, many aspects of his story were confirmed by federal records, other documents and interviews with people in-volved in the events he described.

The Cunningham scandal set off alarms about the proliferation of Congressional earmarks -- money for petprojects inserted anonymously in spending bills -- which critics say pervert public policy, encourage cronyism andwaste federal money. The 12,000 earmarks in this year's spending bills amount to $64 billion.

Offering a rare insider's view, Mr. Wilkes described the appropriations process as little more than a shakedown.He said that lobbyists close to the committee members unceasingly demanded campaign contributions from entrepre-neurs like him. Mr. Wilkes and his associates have given more than $706,000 to federal campaigns since 1997, accord-ing to public records, and he said he had brought in more as a fund-raiser. Since 2000, Mr. Wilkes's principal companyhas received about $100 million in federal contracts.

Mr. Wilkes described the system bluntly: "Lowery would always say, 'It is a two-part deal,' " he recalled. " 'Jerrywill make the request. JelTYwill carry the vote. Jerry will have plenty of time for this. If you don't want to make thecontributions, chair the fund-raising event, you will get left behind.' "

Lanny A. Breuer, a lawyer for Mr. Lowery, acknowledged that his client had been a lobbyist for Mr. Wilkes. Buthe said Mr. Wilkes's portrait of their dealings was "an absolute fabrication.""Bill Lowery never demanded lobbying fees in return for any kind of a guarantee of an earmark," Mr. Breuersaid. "He never demanded contributions to Jerry Lewis. There was absolutely no quid pro quo."

Barbara Comstock, a spokeswoman for Mr. Lewis, said the congressman was unaware of any conversations likethose Mr. Wilkes described having with Mr. Lowery.

Contractors who do business with the federal government routinely contribute to the campaigns of Congressionalappropriators, and politicians frequently assist constituents in their efforts to win government contracts. But legal ex-perts say that explicitly linking official acts to campaign contributions could constitute a criminal offense, includingbribery or extortion. They caution that proving criminal intent is difficult.

The culture of the House Appropriations Defense Subcommittee is one of great power and little scrutiny. Mr.Wilkes said every member appeared to have a personal allowance of millions of dollars to disburse without public dis-closure. Lawmakers, though, sometimes boast about money being spent in their districts.

I n the spending bill for this fiscal year, each member took credit for an average $27 million in earmarks, with thechairman, Representative C. W. Bill Young, Republican of Florida, claiming about $125 million, according to Taxpay-ers for Common Sense, a nonpartisan group that tracks earmarks.'Feast or Famine'

When Mr. Lowery became a lobbyist, he set himself up as a gatekeeper to his old friend, Mr. Lewis, the appropr-iations chairman, Mr. Wilkes said. At times, Mr. Lowery hinted ominously that Mr. Lewis might block future earmarksif Mr. Wilkes stopped making campaign donations and paying Mr. Lowery's fees, Mr. Wilkes said.

In recent months, Mr. Lewis has said that he barely knew Mr. Wilkes and that he did not remember seeing him innearly a decade. But Mr. Wilkes says their relationship was closer than that.

Ever since they went on a scuba-diving trip together in 1993, he said, Mr. Lewis had referred to him as his"diving buddy." They occasionally dined together or met at political functions, Mr. Wilkes said. At a Las Vegasfund-raiser in April 2005, Mr. Wilkes said, Mr. Lewis greeted him as "Brento" and hugged him as Mr. Wilkes surprisedthe lawmaker with $25,000 in campaign contributions.

At his peak, Mr. Wilkes controlled a dozen companies whose work included digital document storage. The feder-al government was his chief customer, and he spent up to 30 weeks a year in Washington courting congressmen andagency procurement officials.

Mr. Wilkes capitalized on the system. The license plate on his black Hummer still reads "MIPR ME," a referenceto a "military interdepartmental purchase request" -- bureaucratic jargon for payments for a defense contract.


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Mr. Wilkes built a headquarters of smoked glass and stainless steel outside San Diego with a 450-seat banquethall, where Cirque du Soleil performed at a birthday party for his wife, Regina. He crossed the country in private jetsand raised hundreds of thousands of dollars for the Bush-Cheney ticket in 2004, making him a Republican "Pioneer."

Nancy Luque, his lawyer, said the image ofMr. Wilkes as a swaggering deal maker was a caricature. "He had hislife in Washington and then his real life," Ms. Luque said. "His real life was his family, his friends and his business."

His success, though, depended on government contracts. "It's a feast or famine deal," Mr. Wilkes said. "If wedidn't get our earmark, we were finished."Washington Connections

A former accountant in Washington and San Diego, Mr. Wilkes had known Mr. Lowery casually for years inCalifornia Republican circles. Because of those ties, a San Diego businessman hired Mr. Wilkes as a consultant in 1992to help persuade Congress to earmark contracts for his company, Audre, which was seeking to convert military docu-ments into digital form.

Mr. Lowery, in his final months in Congress, was looking for new opportunities as well. He had decided to resignafter a 1992 inquiry into the misuse of an internal House bank found that he had written more than 300 bad checks.

Mr. Wilkes said Mr. Lowery set up meetings for him with a handful of House Defense Subcommittee members,including Representative John P. Murtha, a Pennsylvania Democrat who was the chairman at the time, and Mr. Lewis.Mr. Lowery instructed Mr. Wilkes to go to the sessions prepared.

"Lowery says, 'We should raise money; you get the checks,' " Mr. Wilkes recalled, describing the meetings at theHyatt. "I was a rookie. I didn't want to separate the checks from the briefing," he said, explaining that he did not under-stand the need to avoid appearing to link the money to his pitch.

Although they welcomed the checks, Mr. Wilkes said, the lawmakers seemed bored by a lengthy presentation. "Ibecame the king of the 1O-minute meeting," he said.

Later that year, Mr. Wilkes and Mr. Lowery took a diving trip to Belize, where they visited the United Statesambassador. Eugene Scassa, then the envoy, said in an interview that Mr. Lowery had quizzed him about hisout-of-pocket expenses and then suggested, "You need a chuck wagon."

Mr. Scassa said Mr. Lowery pointed to Mr. Wilkes and explained: "He is a chuck wagon. If you have expenses,they pay. If you go out to lunch, they pay. If you need a pair of boots, you go out to the chuck wagon to get them." (Thenext year, Mr. Lowery and Mr. Wilkes returned for a diving trip with Mr. Lewis.)

When Mr. Lowery left Congress in January 1993, Mr. Wilkes hired him to lobby for Audre. Mr. Wilkes was im-pressed by Mr. Lowery's knowledge of the Defense Subcommittee and his confidence in being able to help deliver anearmark.

Mr. Lowery and Mr. Lewis seemed "like brothers," Mr. Wilkes said. "These guys ate dinner together a hundredtimes a year."

Mr. Wilkes and Audre executives gave members of the Appropriations Committee about $54,000 in campaigndonations from 1992 to 1994. The Defense Subcommittee earmarked $14 million for Audre in 1993 and $20 million in1994.

Mr. Wilkes said that at his suggestion, several recipients of his campaign contributions -- Mr. Lewis; Mr. Cun-ningham; Representative Charlie Wilson, Democrat of Texas; and Representative Duncan Hunter, Republican of Cali-fornia -- wrote a letter to top defense officials supporting the expenditures. Mr. Lewis wrote a second letter to an admir-al.

In December 1994, Mr. Wilkes set up his own company, ADCS, and continued to use Mr. Lowery's services.Later, the lobbyist got Mr. Wilkes invited to a party at Mr. Lewis's town house. The purpose was to help pay the legalbills of former Representative Joseph M. McDade, a Pennsylvania Republican charged with bribery in awarding ear-marks. (He was acquitted in 1996.) Many members of the Appropriations Committee and many prominent lobbyists,Democrat and Republican, were there.


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"The set of rules that Lowery was teaching me was obviously the right set of rules," Mr. Wilkes recalled thinking,"If I wasn't playing the game the way they wanted me to, I never would have been there."

During his Washington visits, Mr. Wilkes held poker games at the Watergate Hotel, in a suite stocked with beer,Scotch and cigars, He invited several congressmen, colleagues and intelligence officials, Among the occasional guestswas Kyle Foggo, the chief administrative officer of the Central Intelligence Agency and a childhood friend of Mr.Wilkes,

Federal prosecutors in San Diego are investigating whether Mr. Foggo, who resigned in May after coming underscrutiny, accepted vacation travel expenses from Mr. Wilkes in exchange for a classified agency supply contract, law-yers involved in the case said,

Ms. Luque, Mr. Wilkes's lawyer, said, "My client did not give his best friend of over 40 years anything becauseof any position he may have held," Mr. Foggo's lawyer, Mark J. MacDougall, said his client had done nothing unlawful.

Fonner colleagues say Mr. Wilkes was frank about his view of the appropriations process in Washington. "Hewas just on a power trip," said Steve Caira, the former chief executive of a company that sometimes collaborated withMr. Wilkes, "You would be at a party, and he would come out and say he paid this guy so-and-so, if you throw enoughmoney at him you will get your share back," Mr. Caira recalled. Mr. Wilkes denied making those comments,

In Mr. Cunningham's guilty plea, prosecutors portrayed the lawmaker as eager to help Mr. Wilkes. In court doc-uments, they say Mr. Wilkes made cash payments of more than $500,000 to Mr. Cunningham, who intervened to helphim earn earmarks and pressed a Defense Department official for faster payment of an inflated invoice, Mr. Cunning-ham was sentenced to eight years and four months in prison,

Mr. Wilkes said that in recent years, he preferred to work with other Appropriations Committee members. In1998, records show, he turned to Mr. Lewis for help with the Veterans Affairs administration, Mr. Wilkes was then asubcontractor on a project paid through the Department of Veterans Affairs, and he wanted to take over as the primarycontractor. In February 1999, he met with Jeffrey Shockey, a Lewis aide, to ask the congressman's office to intervene,according to a follow-up letter by Mr. Wilkes that was obtained by The New York Times.

When a Veterans Affairs accounting officer complained about questions from a congressman on ADCS's behalf,a Wilkes aide, Mike Williams, wrote back that Mr. Lewis was "a close personal friend of Brent's," The letter offered to"have the congressman's office contact the V.A, to put this issue to rest."

Sometimes, Mr. Wilkes said, lobbyists offered him an earmark ifhe could come up with a project. In 2004, hesaid, Edwin A. Buckham, another lobbyist for Mr. Wilkes, reported that the House Appropriations Committee wantedto make a "going-away gift" in the form of an earmark to Representative George Nethercutt, Republican of Washington,who was leaving his seat on the panel to run for the Senate,

Mr. Wilkes suggested a shipboard communications project in Washington State and got $1 million for it. Mr.Nethercutt said he thought the technology was promising.As he grew more confident, Mr. Wilkes said, he often considered dropping Mr. Lowery, whose fees had escalated

to $25,000 a month by 2005, from $2,500, But Mr. Wilkes said Mr. Lowery threatened to block future projects if theirrelationship ended. Mr. Wilkes said Mr. Lowery had warned several times that doing so could prompt Mr. Lewis to cutoff earmarks, saying, "You don't want me telling those guys on the committee that you are moving on without me," Thatmeant, Mr. Wilkes said, "I'd be out of business."

Mr. Breuer, Mr. Lowery's lawyer, said Mr. Lowery did not make any such threats and called the account "purefantasy," He pointed out that in the late 1990's the two men severed their relationship for a few years, but that Mr.Wilkes retained Mr. Lowery again in 2002.Business in Jeopardy

In the end, it was the Cunningham investigation that jeopardized Mr. Wilkes's business with the government. InAugust 2005, a team of F.B.I. agents swept through Mr. Wilkes's headquarters, The flow of earmarks, his companies'lifeblood, dried up, He laid off 200 employees.

Ms. Luque said her client's legal problems were a battle that he "will fight and win."


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Page SDeal Maker Details the Art of Greasing the Palm The New York Times August 6, 2006 Sunday

She said federal prosecutors told her in January that they were not interested in Mr. Wilkes's dealings with Mr.Lowery and Mr. Lewis. "Cunningham couldn't have followed through on what he did without the cooperation of otherpeople on the committee," Ms. Luque said. Prosecutors should be looking at the entire committee, she said.

Sitting in his office recently, the shelves lined with photographs of himself with President Bush, Vice PresidentDick Cheney and the presidential adviser Karl Rove, Mr. Wilkes reflected on his plight.

"I'm a dead man. I wouldn't be able to get a meeting. I wouldn't be able to get a phone call returned," he said."There's no way I could get a deal."

URL: http://www.nytimes.comGRAPHIC: Photos: Brent R. Wilkes's principal company has received tens of millions of dollars in federal contractssince 2000. (Photo by Monica Almeida/The New York Times)(pg. 18)Brent R. Wilkes (pg. I)Chmt: "Top Recipients"Since 1997, Brent R. Wilkes and his associates have given more than$700,000 to lawmakers and political committees, mostly Republican.$8S,700National Republican Party$84committees,SOORep. Randy Cunningham, Republican of $61 Califomia,OOOFormer Rep. Tom DeLay, Republican of$60Texas,000Rep. JeITYLewis, Republican of $S2California,000Rep. John T. Doolittle, Republican of$34California,700Rep. Duncan Hunter, Republican of $27Califomia,SOORep. Jerry Weller, Republican of$25Illinois,500Senator Larry E. Craig, Republican of $21 Idaho,OOOFormer Rep. Benjamin A. Gilman, Republican ofNew $20York,000President Bush(pg. 18)LOAD-DATE: August 6, 2006
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Copyright 2005 Copley News ServiceAll Rights ReservedCopley News Service

December 23,2005 Friday 11:42 AM ESTSECTION: DAILY NEWSLENGTH: 3309 wordsHEADLINE: Close ties make Rep. Lewis, lobbyist Lowery a potent pairBYLINE: Jerry KammerDATELINE: WASHINGTONBODY:

From powerful positions on the House Appropriations Committee, California Rep. Jerry Lewis has green lightedhundreds of millions of dollars in federal projects for clients of one of his closest friends, lobbyist and former stateCongressman Bill Lowery.

Meanwhile, Lowery, the partners at his firm and their clients have donated 37 percent of the $1.3 million that Lew-is' political action committee received in the past six years.

Such intertwining of public, political and for-profit business is legal. But because the relationships between cam-paign contributors, lobbyists and lawmakers are forged out of the public's view, they are not widely known or unders-tood.

That could be changing as a result of the scandal that toppled Randy "Duke" Cunningham from Congress In thewake of the Rancho Santa Fe Republican's admission last month that he took $2.4 million in bribes hom two defensecontractors, there is growing concern about the Capitol Hill environment in which Cunningham prospered.

One of the defense companies that received federal contracts with Cunningham's support was a Lowery client. Andsome of the money was disbursed when Cunningham was a member of the defense appropriations subcommittee andLewis was the committee chairman.

Washington is filled with lobbyists trying to get money for their clients. Some of the most successful are formerlawmakers who trade on contacts with old colleagues and their understanding of legislative strategy.

The Lewis-Lowery relationship, however, is remarkable for the closeness and mutual dependence of the powerfulappropriations chairman and the ambitious lobbyist, who served together on the appropriations committee from 1985until Lowery left Congress in 1993. They've even exchanged two key staff members, making their offices so intermin-gled that they seem to be extensions of each other.

"Word is getting around that if you want to be close to Jerry Lewis, it's a good idea to be close to Bill Lowery," saida former Capitol Hill insider who asked not to be identified, saying he "cannot afford to make an enemy out of thechairman of the appropriations committee."

Lowery declined to be interviewed for this article. But a three-month investigation - based on examination of do-zens of spending bills, lobbyist disclosure records, court records and reports by Lowery clients, as well as interviews


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Page 2Close ties make Rep. Lewis, lobbyist Lowery a potent pair Copley News Service December 23, 2005 Friday 11:42 AM

ESTwith Capitol Hill veterans familiar with his work - makes clear that his lobbying success is based largely on his accessto Lewis.

The son of southeast San Diego parents who ran a neighborhood hardware store, Lowery faced chronic personalfinancial problems throughout his congressional career. Now he owns a luxurious Capitol Hill town house and a river-front estate in Southern Virginia.For Lewis, the relationship has eased the burden of fundraising, which he calls "the last thing I want to do with mytime."

Lowery, his partners and their spouses have contributed $135,000 to Lewis' campaigns and political action com-mittee over the past decade, routinely giving the maximum allowed by law. Lowery also organizes and hosts Lewisfundraisers. And many of Lowery's defense-contractor clients contribute to Lewis as part of their lobbying strategy.

Taken together, they have contributed $480,000 to Lewis' political action committee since 2000.Last year Lewis used some of that money to wow the Republican leadership with checks for $650,000 in "excess

campaign funds" to help maintain Republican control of the House. In January he was given the coveted chairmanshipof the appropriations committee, which oversees about $900 billion in federal spending. He called the honor "the high-light of my career."

Beyond their close friendship, the essential ingredient in the Lewis-Lowery relationship is earmarking, the congres-sional practice in which special projects, sometimes derided as "pork," are slipped quietly into the federal budget with-out public review. Some earmarks are added just before final votes on appropriations bills, so they receive no scrutinyor analysis.

Earmarks have more than tripled in the past seven years. In 1998, Congress approved 2,000 earmarks, worth $10.6billion. Last year it passed 15,584 earmarks, worth $32.7 billion.

As the number of earmarks has grown, so has the number of lobbyists, some of whom specialize in appropriationslobbying. The nation's capital has nearly 35,000 registered lobbyists, more than twice as many as it had five years ago.They now outnumber the 535 members of the House and Senate 65-to-l.

Norman Ornstein, a scholar at the conservative American Enterprise Institute, a Washington, D.C., think tank, isalarmed at what he calls the "pernicious" effect of earmarking - the linkage oflobbyists, elected officials, earmark seek-ers and campaign finance.

"They all come together in a self-enforcing loop," he said.Earmarking has drawn scrutiny since Cunningham pleaded guilty to taking bribes from two defense contractors -

including Lowery client Brent Wilkes of Poway-based ADCS Inc. - who received earmarks with Cunningham's support.Between 1998 and 2002, Wilkes paid Lowery's firm about $200,000 to lobby for his company's defense projects.Omstein calls the Cunningham scandal an extreme example of the consequences of the lob-byist-contractor-politician connection."We now have a situation where billions of dollars of federal funds are allocated not on the basis of where it is most

needed and can be spent most effectively, but according to who's sloshing the (campaign contribution) money around sothey can get the earmarks," Ornstein said.

"When you do that, then ultimately you are being very destructive to the society."Rep. Jeff Flake, R-Ariz, said few lawmakers are willing to criticize the practice because so many have something togain from it."They want to make sure their earmarks stay in the bill, so no one complains," Flake said.Even congressional staff members can have a stake in an earmark, said Nathan Facey, who left the staff of appro-

priations committee member Marcy Kaptur, D-Ohio, this year to go to graduate school."Sometimes staffers know that if they can help a lobbyist's project get put into an appropriations bill, they'll be able

to get a job with that same lobbyist, which will allow them to make a lot more than what they're making with the gov-ernment," Facey said.


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ESTLewis has vowed to slash earmarking as chairman of the appropriations committee. But at the same time he says

earmarks play "a very positive role" because they meet specific needs in the congressional districts that receive them.The role of Congress, he says, is to evaluate White House budget proposals and make useful changes.

"That's why you get elected," he said in an interview at his Capitol Hill office, as his dog, Bruin, a BichonFrise-poodle mix, lay curled at his feet.

Those who don't see the value of earmarks, Lewis said, are "way out of touch in terms of what we elected officialshave to deal with year in and year out."

WIDE RANGE OF CLIENTSLewis' willingness to sign off on earmarks has been a boon to Lowery's firm, now known as Copeland Lowery

Jacquez Denton and White.From 1998 to 2004, the firm's income more than tripled, from $1.58 million to $5.11 million, according to the Cen-

ter for Public Integrity, a nonpartisan organization that monitors government ethics. It had 28 clients in 1998 and nowhas 101.

The biggest growth has come in the past seven years, as Lewis served as chairman of the defense appropriationssubcommittee, then of the full committee.

Lowery's personal income expanded with his firm's influence, according to court records from his two divorces.During his first divorce, from Katie Brown in 1997, he was earning about $850,000 a year. When he and Melinda Mor-rin divorced last year, he testified he had earned "just under $2 million" in 2003.

His firm's client list now includes government agencies, universities and defense contractors across California, alllooking for earmarked money.

The city of San Diego paid Lowery's firm $960,000 to seek federal funding for transportation, sewage treatment,summer youth employment and other projects between 1998 and 2002. A number of projects were funded.

This year the California state Senate became a client. The registration form filed by Lowery's firm says it will lobbyfor "a fair share of federal funds" for the state.

Minutes of a 1999 Redlands City Council meeting illustrate the reasoning of many Lowery clients. CouncilmanKasey Haws urged that the firm be hired because "it is expected that (the cost) will be returned many times over in fed-eral funds received."

The lobbying duties for Lewis' constituents were handled primarily by Jeffrey Shockey, who worked for Lewis,then Lowery, and now Lewis again.

When Shockey was with the Lowery finn, his clients included his alma mater, Cal State San Bernardino.As word spread that millions of dollars in federal money were raining down on the CSUSB campus, Dr. Clifford

Young, who oversees federal relations for the school, began receiving calls from other universities and fiom town andcounty governments across the Inland Empire.

"They were asking, 'Who are you using (in Washington)? What are they doing for you? How are they doing it foryou?' I get a lot of those calls."

As word traveled, the cities of San Bernardino, Highland, Twentynine Palms, Victorville, Murrieta and Loma Lindasigned on. So did San Bernardino and Riverside counties, along with the San Joaquin Council of Governments and sev-eral universities. Redlands, Lewis' hometown, wanted a hired hand in Washington, as did the University of Redlands.

Nearly all cashed in with earmarks.- The University of Redlands got $700,000 over two years for "technology enhancement."- Twentynine Palms got $200,000 for a visitor center.- The town of Yucca Valley got $100,000 for a civic center park and a half million dollars for a solar energy

project.- San Bernardino County got $50,000 for a wading pool.


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EST

Among the biggest beneficiaries was Loma Linda University, whose medical center got millions of dollars ear-marked into NASA's budget for research projects. Since 1988 the small Seventh-day Adventist school has receivedmore than $160 million in earmarks. Some Lewis staffers call it "Loma Lewis University."

The projects have earned Lewis the gratitude of his constituents, who during his 27 years in Congress never pro-vided him less than 60 percent of the vote. He has become such an icon in his district that last year no Democrat steppedup to run against him.

San Bernardino City Councilwoman Susan Lien Longville told the local Sun newspaper about her gratitude formore than $1 million in Environmental Protection Agency funds that Lewis earmarked to create a lake.

"It has been the generous earmarks that Congressman Lewis has provided for us that has allowed us not to dip intothe general fund or redevelopment fund," she said.

Her comment illustrates what is perhaps the ultimate political magic of earmarking. Local communities benefitwhile the cost is simply added to the national debt. Earmarking concentrates benefits and disperses costs.

A CLOSE FRIENDSHIPIn some ways, Lewis and Lowery are an unlikely pair.Lowery, 58, has a boisterous amiability and loves to entertain a crowd with his bawdy humor. The affable and

courtly Lewis, 71, has the temperament of an amused and supportive uncle.The congressman and the lobbyist have celebrated birthdays together, vacationed together and often share meals at

restaurants near their Capitol Hill homes. Lewis was the best man at Lowery's second marriage. Lowery emceed a galafor Lewis in Redlands last year. Their day-to-day contacts are made convenient by Lowery's special access to CapitolHill.

As a former congressman, he can exercise at the House gym and walk onto the House floor. He has parking privi-leges near congressional offices for his 2004 Lexus, whose California license reads "U.S. Congress: C 41 r," reflectingthat he is a retired representative of the 41st District.

Lewis and Lowery have often traveled together. In 1999, shortly after Lewis became chairman of the defense ap-propriations subcommittee, they toured the San Diego headquarters of Orincon, a defense contractor now owned byLockheed Martin, Lowery was Orincon's lobbyist and sat on its board of directors. Lewis' political action committee got$47,000 from Orincon's executives between 2001 and 2003.

Lowery has cultivated relationships with the appropriations committee staff and with the staffs of some committeemembers. When the committee worked late one night to meet a legislative deadline, he sent the staff about $300 worthof sandwiches. When Cunningham's staff held its 2001 Christmas party at the Oceanaire restaurant near the WhiteHouse, he paid the $1,800 bill.

The appropriations committee staff, meanwhile, has invited Lowery to birthday parties, going-away parties andbaby showers. Over the years Lowery has become an active member of what Lewis calls "the Lewis family."

JOINING THE LOBBYISTWhen the Republicans won control of the House in 1994, Lewis was named chairman of an appropriations sub-

committee that controlled the budgets of a long list of federal agencies, including the Department of Veterans Affairs,NASA and the EPA.

He won praise for cutting spending at those agencies. But he continued to find money for projects in his home dis-trict.

In 1999 Lewis became chairman of the defense appropriations subcommittee, which oversees more discretionaryspending than any other congressional body.

He soon won praise from budget hawks for what ultimately was a losing battle to cut funding for the Air Force'sF-22 fighter. Despite that early demonstration of fiscal toughness, earmarks in the defense bills exploded on Lewis'watch.

"We used to think that Mr. Lewis would be a champion for smart spending," said Keith Ashdown of the watchdoggroup Taxpayers for Common Sense. "But he brought us the biggest increase in defense earmarking in history."


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ESTMany of the earmarks went to clients of Lowery's firm, which grew even more prosperous when Lewis' principal

defense-earmarks gatekeeper, Letitia White, joined the firm in 2003. White declined to be interviewed other than to sayshe chose the Lowery firm from among "five excellent offers."

Lowery had worked with White when she was on Lewis' staff, treating her to occasional meals and gifts of her fa-vorite wine, Veuve Clicquot champagne. She often received him and his clients at her office, where they discussed theclients' earmark proposals.

At the firm, White quickly acquired a client roster of two dozen defense firms for which she seeks earmarks andother special treatment. In 2004 she brought in $1.44 million in lobbying fees.

White's husband, a former tobacco industry lobbyist, had switched to defense lobbying by that time. He began lob-bying for earmarks after Lewis took charge of the defense appropriations subcommittee.

San Jose-based Tessera Technologies, which is working on a project to cool electronic components to make themmore reliable, paid Richard White $180,000 in 2003 and 2004, according to his lobbyist disclosure forms. The projectreceived $4.5 million in earmarks in those years.

This was ajoint victory for the Whites.Tessera's partner in the project is Clarkston, Washington-based Isothermal Systems Research. Letitia White was the

company's principal lobbyist, and she billed Isothermal $120,000 for lobbying services in 2003 and 2004.The Whites contribute heavily to Lewis and the Republican Party.Since 2003 they have poured $30,000 into Lewis campaigns and his PAC. They also gave $40,000 to the National

Republican Congressional Committee and thousands more to PACs established to retain Republican control of theHouse.

Lewis said he saw no reason to question Richard White's lobbying efforts. "He's one of the people I think the worldof," Lewis said.At the request of Copley News Service, budget watchdog Ashdown examined appropriations bills to see how Leti-

tia White's clients have fared. Ashdown said he was astonished at her success in getting earmarks.The overall success rate for earmark requests submitted to Congress is 1 in 4, Ashdown said. In baseball terms

that's a .250 average."Letitia White is hitting about .600 or .700," Ashdown said. "She might be the lobbyist batting champion. If I were

looking for an earmark, I'd hire her in a heartbeat."Ashdown said White is cashing in on her relationship with Lewis."Special interests want to buy influence," he said. "People know that if you keep Letitia White happy, you keep

Jerry Lewis happy."Lewis strenuously disagrees, saying White's 21 years of service in his office hasn't won her special treatment."Frankly she carries her own weight," he said. "She's a talented person who works very hard."Lewis said White, 47, is so dedicated to public service that she asked to rejoin his staff when he took the reins of

the appropriations committee. But he said no, because he wanted White, whose husband is 25 years older than she is, tobuild some financial security."I said, 'Letitia, I'm afraid you shouldn't do that,'" Lewis said.JOINING THE LAWMAKERWhen Jeffrey Shockey, 39, left Lowery's firm in January to return to work for Lewis, he accepted a salary of justunder $160,000.Although that puts him among the best-paid congressional employees, it's a big comedown from the $1 million or

so he likely was eaming as a prolific "rainmaker" for Copeland Lowery Jacquez Denton and White.But the firm helped cushion the income drop by hiring Shockey's wife, Alexandra, as a subcontractor.


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ESTAlexandra Shockey, also a former Lewis employee, has her own lobbying venture, called Hillscape Associates. But

Hillscape's address on federal disclosure forms is identical to that of the Lowery firm, where she keeps her office.Both Shockeys declined to be interviewed, but in an e-mail Alexandra Shockey, 37, acknowledged that her client

roster includes some of her husband's old clients. That means she is now lobbying congressional staffers who work forher husband - and she's doing it on behalf of her husband's former partners.

The Shockeys' attomey, William Oldaker, said the couple sought his legal advice about their working arrangementand he assured them they were complying with House ethics rules "in letter and spirit." He said the arrangement wasdisclosed to the House Ethics Committee "and Jeff has recused himself from any decisions involving any clients Alexrepresents."

That explanation did not impress LaITYNoble of the Center for Responsive Politics, a campaign watchdog group."If what they are doing is appropriate, I think it reflects an ethics culture in the House that is blind to what most

people would say are conflicts of interest," Noble said."People working for her husband are going to decide on issues that will affect her income and her ability to do her

job, which in turn impacts on her husband."Since 1999 the Shockeys have contributed more than $170,000 of their income to Republican causes, including

$40,000 to Lewis.Lewis views Jeffrey Shockey's decision to return to join the appropriations committee staff not as another turn ofWashington's revolving door, but as proof of the idealism he says is characteristic of the Shockeys, the Whites and BillLowery.

"I'm very proud of the fact that these people basically are motivated by ... public service," Lewis said. "They didn'tcome to Washington to get rich. Instead, they came to Washington because they actually wanted to serve.

"They have attempted to make a serious contribution. And over time they have made a very serious contribution."

San Diego Union-Tribune researchers Denise Davidson, Erin Hobbs and Peter Uribe contributed to this report.A video interview with Copley News Service reporter Jerry Kammer and audio of one of his interviews with Rep.

JelTYLewis can be found at uniontrib.com.Visit Copley News Service at www.copleynews.com.

LOAD-DA TE: December 24, 2005
http://www.copleynews.com./http://www.copleynews.com./


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Copyright 2006 Copley News ServiceAll Rights ReservedCopley News Service

June 8, 2006 Thursday II:24 AM ESTSECTION : DAILY NEWSLENGTH: 902 wordsHEADLINE: Ex-contractor says Lewis asked him for favorsBYLINE: Dean CalbreathDATELINE: SAN DIEGOBODY:

A former San Diego military contractor said he has told federal investigators that Rep. Jerry Lewis, head of thepowerful House Appropriations Committee, asked him for personal favors as he was lobbying Congress for millions ofdollars in federal contracts.

Tom Casey, founder of the now-defunct firm Audre Inc., told NBC News Wednesday that Lewis asked him in 1993to provide Canadian stock options to Lewis' friends, including former Rep. Bill Lowery of San Diego, who is a lobbyistin Washington, D.C.

The Vancouver Stock Exchange has fewer reporting regulations than U.S. stock exchanges, making transactionsharder to track.

"Did you view it as an effort (by Lewis) to hide what was really going on?" NBC correspondent Lisa Myers askedCasey last night.

"It was intended to conceal his participation, yes," Casey responded.Casey also said Lewis asked him to hire Lowery to lobby for his firm, which was vying for federal funds to convert

government documents from paper to a computer-readable format.At the time, Casey's lobbying efforts were being handled by Brent Wilkes, who has been identified as a

co-conspirator in the bribery case of former Rep. Randy "Duke" Cunningham.Lewis - who is being investigated over whether he showed favoritism to Lowery's clients - heatedly denied the al-legations Wednesday night."I have never recommended a lobbyist to any constituent, contractor or anyone seeking federal funds," he said in a

prepared statement. "I have absolutely never told anyone to provide stock options or any other sort of compensation tosomeone who is their advisor or lobbyist. To do so would be extremely unethical, and it goes entirely against all of myprinciples of good governing."

Casey told NBC that he never issued the stock options and never hired Lowery's firm. He said he has no documentsor other proof that Lewis did anything illegal.


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Page 2Ex-contractor says Lewis asked him for favors Copley News Service June 8, 2006 Thursday 11 :24 AM EST

But Casey said Lewis added funding for Casey's finn to the federal budget - using wording that Casey drafted - af-ter Casey and his associates made thousands of dollars in political contributions to Lewis and other legislators.

"You were allowed to write language for an appropriations bill yourself?" Myers asked."Yes, I did," Casey said. "That was Congressman Lewis' suggestion."Sources familiar with Casey's allegations confirmed that he has shared the information with FBI investigators.Political watchdog groups say Casey's story, if true, illustrates the seamy side of how companies get federal funds."There's a Wizard of Oz effect to what Casey's saying," said Keith Ashdown, vice president for policy at Taxpayers

for Common Sense. "He's helping us see behind the curtain of a system that's been off-limits for most Americans. Hisstory shows that if you don't pay, you don't get benefits from Washington."

Casey's firm, Audre Inc., had about 35 employees when it began lobbying for federal contracts in the early 1990s. Itwas on the verge of bankruptcy, because of a fractious divorce battle in which Casey's wife tried to gain control of thefirm.

In 1992, Casey hired Wilkes to help him find government contracts. Wilkes' recommendation, according to formerAudre employees, was to make campaign contributions to key members of Congress, including Lewis.

Although Casey said he never provided Lewis' friends with any stock options, he and his associates gave $9,253 inpolitical contributions to Lewis in 1993: $2,253 in early April, as the Appropriations Committee prepared its first draftof the fiscal 1994 budget, and $7,000 in mid-September, as the budget process neared its conclusion.

Casey and his associates made similarly timed contributions of $2,750 to Cunningham, $3,600 to Rep. DuncanHunter, R-Alpine - who would become Audre's chief champion on Capitol Hill - and $5,000 to Rep. John Murtha,D-Penn.

Ten other politicians received smaller amounts totaling $21,100.In his statement Wednesday, Lewis conceded that he supported funding for Audre, but said favoritism did not play

a role."This technology was primarily supported by the two congressmen who represented the area (Cunningham and

Hunter) and had been endorsed by top members of the Defense Appropriations Subcommittee, including the Democrat-ic chairman (Murtha)," Lewis said.

"Although I was a junior minority member of the subcommittee at the time, I felt it was worthwhile to join in thatsupport because the technology appeared to have promise."

According to sources familiar with his story, Casey said that after he made the contributions, he met with Lewis'chief of staff, Letitia White, in the basement cafeteria of the Rayburn Building. In the cafeteria, Casey and Whitedrafted the language to add a document conversion project to the Pentagon's budget. White now works for Lowery'slobbying finn, Copeland, Lowery, Jacquez, Denton and White.

Over the next four years, Congress inserted $190 million in earmarks for document conversion into the Pentagonbudget, even though the Pentagon never asked for the money. Casey's firm received about $14 million in funds before itshut its doors in 2003, after eight years in bankruptcy court.

By then, Casey's former political consultant Wilkes had formed a document-conversion company of his own,ADCS Inc., which was gaining Pentagon funding with Cunningham's help.

Cunningham has admitted receiving more than $2.4 million in bribes from Wilkes, Wilkes' one-time political con-sultant Mitchell Wade and two other co-conspirators.LOAD-DATE: June 9, 2006


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nOnSanDiego.com> News> Nation -- Lewis subject of 'earmarks' ... http://signonsandiego.printthis.clickability.com/pt/ cpt?exp ire=&t

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Lewis subject of 'earmarks' investigation, source says


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gnOnSanD iego.com> News> Nation -- Lewis subject of 'earm arks' ... http://signonsandiego.printthis.clickability. com/pt/ c pt? e xp i re =& ti

T he c on tra cto r sp ok e o n th e c on ditio n o f a no ny mity b ec au se h e d id n't w an t to je op ard iz e h is p ro fe ssio na l re la tio ns hip s in W ash in gto n, D .C .ftl~lB I ff i~ l~ rttc te u~ ti;1 gh am p le ad ed g uilty , L ew is r es is te d a n in de pe nd en t in ve st ig atio n o f C un nin gh am 's a ctiv itie s o n th e A p pr op ria tio nsC om mittee. H e said he did an in form al review o f C unningham 's earm arks over severa l years a nd w as satisfied that they w ere all legitim ate.http://legacy.signonsandiego.comlnevvs/nation/20060512-9999-1n12Iewis.htmlL ew is sa id in h is w ritte n sta te me nt y este rd ay th at h e w ou ld "w elc om e a th oro ug h r ev ie w o f th ese p ro je cts.". .~ . c l i c k t o 1 ) r i l 1 t j SAVE THIS I EMAIL THIS I Close1II.< OlilCC 010 lIUl Ie,po id to req uests that it release the results of his inform al review . C opley N ew s S ervice requested a lIst of the e ar ma rk s, th eCUllll}2t\ru:;;kttoo ~l l tl$~dfu t t11ej i$ t avtd li !1Wam@I(l~ jfch1(j li l; i~ I t f{ i (> leedA form er director of the com mittee's D em ocratic staff c alled on L ew is to be m ore forthcom in g about C unningham 's actions. 2011 The San Union-Tribune LLC.

O n A pril 15, 1999, three m onths after Lew is w as nam ed chairman o f th e H ou se d efe nse a pp ro pria tio ns su bc omm itte e, h e re ce iv ed $ 17 ,0 00 incam paig n contributio ns from W ilkes and his assoc iates. A t the tim e, W ilkes w as vying for a p roject to digitize m ilitary docu ments in the P anam a C an alZ one, w hich the U nited S tates w as about to return to P anam a."If you can't go to people on C apitol H ill, it's ve ry difficult to rem ain viable as a governm ent contractor," said one of W ilkes' asso ciates w hocontributed m oney to Lew is at the tim e. "Y ou have to talk to people. A nd to talk to people, you have to give m oney."B ut the Panam a project h it a snag. The Pentagon did not w ant to give W ilkes as m uch m oney as he requested .O n .Iuly 6, 1 99 9, W ilkes w rote to C unningham saying "W e need $1 0 m (illion) m ore im mediately ... T his is very im portant and if you ca nnot resolveth is o th er s w ill b e c allin g a ls o. "W ilkes' m em o - contained in federal docu ments accom panying C unningham 's g uilty plea - then na med tw o people w hose nam es w ere blacked out bythe prosecu tors .A cco rding to m ilitary and defen se industry sources, L ew is and C unning ham got the m oney for W ilkes, founder of A DC S Inc., by using their clout toth re ate n th e fu nd in g o f th e P en ta go n's F -2 2 fig hte r je t.T he jet had been criticized as an expensive boondoggle by budget haw ks on C apitol H ill. B ut it had the su pport of m any law make rs - inclu dingC un nin gh am - u ntil it re ac he d L ew is' c omm itte e.D uring a closed-door m eeting in .Iuly 1 999, the com mittee voted unanim ou sly to clip $1 .8 billion from proposed funding for the F -2 2. T he m ov e w asled by Lew is and C unningham , w ho said at a public m eeting that m onth, "I w ould not w ant to fly the F-2 2.""O nce L ew is and C unning ham stopped the F -2 2, they trained the D epartm ent of D efense to understand their pow er," said the form er S an D ieg odefense contractor. "S o they w ere a ble to tell pe ople that if you w ant to do any docum ent conversion project, you'd better buy from A DC S."A P en ta go n o ffic ia l to ld th e Los Angeles Times this w eek that the P entagon shifted roughly $1 0 m illion to W ilkes' flag ship com pany, A DC S Inc., afterth e F - 2 2 w as th re ate ne d."T he D efense D epa rtm ent spends $1 billion a day, so the (A DC S) contrac t w as like a rounding error," the official said. "It just w asn 't w orth puttingo ur b ig p ro gra ms a t risk ."F unding for the F -2 2 w as quickly restored. A nd the next year, w hen D em ocratic R ep. P eter D eF azio of O regon tried to cut F -2 2 funding, C unningh amw ent to the floor of the H ou se to call him a "socialist.""O ur kids are going to die, and it's am endm en ts like this that have stopped ou r m ilitary from survivin g," he said.L ew is has m aintained there is no connection betw ee n the F -2 2 fund ing cut and aid for W ilke s.S ince 1 993, L ew is has received $88,2 52 in contributio ns from W ilke s and his associates. O nly tw o other legislators received m ore: C unningham andR epublican R ep . .Iohn D oolittle from the S acram ento suburbs, both of w hom have ad mitted steering m illions of dollars in contracts to A DC S.D uring the sam e perio d, A DC S received m ore than $90 m illion in federal con tracts, m ost of it through earm arks from the A ppropriations C om m ittee."F ro m th e sta nd po in t o f th e a ve ra ge A m eric an c itiz en , th at sm ells ," sa id N ed W ig gle sw orth , e xe cu tiv e d ire cto r o f T he Re sto fU s.o rg , a lib era l p olitic alw atc hd og g ro up in S ac ra me nto . "It's g oo d to se e th at fe de ra l in ve stig ato rs h av e b ro ad en ed th e in ve stig atio n in to L ew is. H is re la tio nsh ip w ith W ilk eshas m any of the sa me hallm arks that C unning ham 's relationship had."

C opley N ew s S ervice reporters M att K rasnow ski and M arcus S tern and staff w riter O neIl R . S oto contributed to this report.

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Copyright 2006 Los Angeles TimesAll Rights ReservedLos Angeles Times

June 18, 2006 SundayHome Edition

SECTION: CALIFORNIA; Metro; Metro Desk; Part B; Pg. 1LENGTH: 1509 wordsHEADLINE: Inland Empire Shells Out for Clout;Local entities pay a firm to push for them in D.C. though Rep. Lewis has long brought U.S. funds home. The lobbyist isone of his key donors.BYLINE: William Heisel And Richard Simon, Times Staff WritersDATELINE: WASHINGTONBODY:

Growing up in the Inland Empire, Rep. Jerry Lewis (R-Redlands) was such a star at San Bernardino High Schoolthat he captained the swimming team and his basketball jersey was later retired. He went on to build an insurance busi-ness, raise seven children, serve on a school board and enter the state Legislature before going on to Congress.And as a member -- now chairman -- of the House Appropriations Committee, he has sent so much federal moneyhome and been so attentive to local officials that his name is on facilities everywhere. On a community center in High-land, a San Bernardino swimming pool, a University of Redlands research center and more.

"IfI want to speak to him or his office, I can contact them at any time," says Redlands Mayor Jon Harrison.Yet even though the mayor can talk to Lewis and his staff whenever he needs to, the Redlands city government

pays $30,000 a year to a Washington lobbying firm for help getting federal funds for local projects.Redlands is not alone. Over the last few years, at least I9 Inland Empire cities, schools, hospitals and government

institutions have paid fees totaling several million dollars to a single lobbying firm -- in large part to help them get fed-eral money from a congressman whose door was already open to them.

Why local officials are hiring a single firm to help them deal with such an approachable congressman is not entirelyclear.

"Why do they feel a need to hire a middleman?" asked Michael Franc, a former Republican congressional staffernow at the Heritage Foundation, a conservative think tank. "It certainly raises eyebrows."

Whatever the reasons -- and different officials offer different explanations -- one thing does seem clear: Money isshowering down on everyone involved.

The firm has collected hefty fees. Lewis has received several hundred thousand dollars in vital campaign contribu-tions from the lobby shop. And local officials have apparently concluded that hiring the firm is the way to get more fed-eral largesse.


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Page 2Inland Empire Shells Out for Clout; Local entities pay a firm to push for them in D.C. though Rep. Lewis has long

brought U.S. funds home. The lobbyist is one of his key donors. Los Angeles Times JuneThe firm is Copeland Lowery Jacquez Denton & White, and it has close ties to the congressman. Members ofthe

firm include former Rep. Bill Lowery, a Lewis friend, and Letitia White, a former senior aide in Lewis' office. JeffShockey had been a Lewis aide, then left to work for the lobbying firm and has now rejoined the congressman's staff.Shockey's wife works as a subcontractor for Copeland Lowery.

Both the firm and Lewis have drawn the attention of a federal investigation into the relationships between lobbyistsand lawmakers who put funding for parochial and special-interest projects into spending bills.

The U.S. attomey in Los Angeles is exploring whether Lewis might have benefited financially, or otherwise mi-sused his office, in earmarking funds for Copeland Lowery clients. Earmarking is the process by which committeechairmen and other congressional insiders insert spending provisions into legislation without going through the normalbudget system.

A number of public agencies in Lewis' district have received subpoenas seeking documents related to the hiring ofCopeland Lowery.

The firm has also represented ADCS Inc., a defense contractor headed by Brent R. Wilkes, who has been identifiedas a co-conspirator in the bribery case of convicted former Rep. Randy "Duke" Cunningham (R-Rancho Santa Fe).

Copeland Lowery's fundraising effort for Lewis has been substantial: Of the $1.3 million he has raised for his po-litical action committee in the last six years, more than a third has come from sources associated with the firm.

The congressman in tum distributed funds to other GOP lawmakers as part of his successful effort to win theirbacking for the chairmanship of the Appropriations Committee in 2005.

Lewis has denied any wrongdoing and said investigators have not contacted him. He said all his actions were de-signed to serve his district.

Lewis spokesman Jim Specht said the congressman has never recommended to anybody that they need a lobbyist tospeak with him.

"Many members of city councils, mayors and even city staff call our office all the time," Specht said.Some local officials say they hired the firm even though Lewis was accessible, because it provides technical help in

dealing with the federal bureaucracy. The manager of the Lake Arrowhead Community Services District, which paysCopeland Lowery $60,000 a year, said in a recent memo that the firm had helped secure three federal grants totaling$680,0000.

Another official attributed at least one decision to hire the firm to personal contact with Shockey, who is from Red-lands. According to lobbying disclosure forms, Shockey registered the 19 Inland Empire city and institutional clients.

Others say using the firm indicates a tacit understanding by local officials that doing so is how the game is played.Loma Linda City Councilman Robert Christman said neither Lewis' office nor the lobbying firm had suggested that

hiring Copeland Lowery would improve access to the congressman. But he added, "They don't have to say that. Weknow that without them saying it."People have left his staff to go to work at that firm," he said. "You don't have to draw a big picture .... "Christman has been active in San Bernardino County politics for two decades. In addition to the Loma Linda COUll-

cil, he is on the Inland Valley Development Agency and the San Bernardino Associated Governments boards. All areCopeland Lowery clients.

Keith Ashdown of Taxpayers for Common Sense, a watchdog group, called it "troubling that the very people thatsent Chairman Lewis to Washington" have to hire a lobbyist."Lowery and others have become the brokers between legislators and local officials. In the case of Lewis, most of

these cities received earmarks before they hired Lowery," he said, "but now they end up paying the firm a cut of whatthey have historically received."

That's not how some officials in Lewis' district see it. "We're not the ones complaining about the relationship, be-cause we have benefited nicely in our area from Congressman Lewis," Christman said. "Whether the lobbying firmhelped us get more money, I can't say."


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Page 3Inland Empire Shells Out for Clout; Local entities pay a firm to push for them in D.C. though Rep. Lewis has long

brought U.S. funds home. The lobbyist is one of his key donors. Los Angeles Times JuneHis comment points to the argument some officials make that competition for limited federal funds has become so

fierce that local officials may fear that failing to hire the lobbyist could put them at a competitive disadvantage withother local institutions.

Patrick Dorton, a spokesman for Copeland Lowery, said, "The firm's consulting work on Capitol Hill is no differentthan the work done by thousands of lawyers and lobbyist in Washington on a daily basis."

It is difficult to identify all the local agencies and institutions that have hired the firm, or how much they have paid.For one thing, some clients have worked through another firm that then hired Copeland Lowery.

For example, Loma Linda University Medical Center pays lobbying firm Jacobs & Co. in Los Angeles. In 1999,that firm hired Copeland Lowery, listing the hospital as the sole "affiliated organization."

Since that time, Copeland Lowery has listed Jacobs & Co. and the hospital as joint clients. The hospital paid Jacobs& Co. at least $120,000 in 2005 to lobby lawmakers on four pieces of legislation. Jacobs & Co. paid $100,000 to Co-peland Lowery for work on the same four bills.

Under disclosure rules, lobbyists are not required to report everything they collect from clients. For example, Co-peland Lowery reported spending $220,000 since 2002 lobbying for San Bernardino County, but records show thecounty paid the firm close to $500,000 during that period.

The 19 Copeland Lowery clients identified from disclosure records have paid more than $3 miI lion to the firm since1998. At least six other agencies just outside Lewis' district paid the firm nearly $2 million.The payments have grown substantially in recent years. Of the $3 million from clients in the district, more than $1

million was paid in 2005. The firm only had five clients in the district in 1999; by 2005, it had at least 19.Yucca Valley, for instance, never had a Washington lobbyist before, but in 2003 it began paying Copeland Lowery

$3,000 a month plus expenses.The University of Redlands has had a longer relationship with the firm. From 1999 through the end of2005, the

school paid Copeland Lowery $680,000 in lobbying fees.Lewis helped the university secure $4 million for endangered species research, $7.5 million for Salton Sea research

and $10 million for a new science center.The school named one of the buildings in the science center after Lewis. Asked why the school hired the firm, Ron

Stephany, vice president for university relations, summed it up in two words: Jeff Shockey."He's a native of Redlands ... and we made the decision to follow him," Stephany said.Not every school saw things the same way.Yi Feng, a senior official at Claremont Graduate University, said two members of the board of one of the universi-

ty's schools suggested he contact Shockey.However, Feng said, "when we presented it to our president, he said he had a philosophical problem with it. It nev-

er went anywhere."GRAPHIC: PHOTO: FUNDS: Rep. JelTYLewis has brought federal bounty home to his district. PHOTOGRAPHER:Gerald Herbert Associated PressLOAD-DATE: June 18,2006


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Copyright 2006 Associated PressAll Rights ReservedThe Associated Press

September 5, 2006 Tuesday 6:23 PM GMTSECTION: DOMESTIC NEWSLENGTH: 903 wordsHEADLINE: AP Exclusive: Feds looking at land deal as part of investigation involving Calif. congressmanBYLINE: By JEREMIAH MARQUEZ, Associated Press WriterDATELINE: REDLANDS Calif.BODY:

Federal investigators probing Rep. Jell] Lewis' ties to lobbyists are looking into a land deal that put nearly 41 pris-tine acres in the congressman's neighborhood off-limits to developers, The Associated Press has learned.

The land was given to the city of Redlands by Jack and Laura Dangermond, who have donated generously to Lew-is. The Dangermonds founded and run a company Environmental Systems Research Institute Inc. of Redlands that hasgotten tens of millions of dollars' worth of contracts through the powerful House Appropriations Committee that Lewis,a Republican, now chairs.

One government contract came months after the land donation.The land, some of which sits directly across from Lewis' home, is part of a scenic canyon in one of Redlands'

wealthiest neighborhoods. Keeping the land free of development helps ensure property values remain high.A spokeswoman for Lewis' attorneys said the congressman was unaware the Dangermonds owned the land and did

not know the terms under which it was given to the city.The U.S. attorney's office in Los Angeles, which is leading the Lewis investigation, and a spokeswoman for the

FBI had no comment on the

FOIA Request (Exhibits): CREW: Regarding Jerry Lewis: 1/24/11 - DOJ, EOUSA, and FBI Exhibits

Documents

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