The Slums of Neo-Colonization:The Urban Form of Sub-Saharan Africa

ENV4960: Global Environmental ChallengesJason NielsenSpring 2015

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

I. Introduction…………………………………………………….. 2

II. Literature Review………………………………………………. 4

III. Analysis of History and Policy in Sub-Saharan Africa………… 7

a. Neoliberalism……………………………………………….. 7

b. Land Rights (Pre-Colonial)………………………………… 8

c. Colonialism……………………………………………......... 10

d. Land Rights (Post-Colonial)…………………………………12

e. The Impacts of the World Bank and the IMF’s

Structural Adjustment Plans…………………………………13

f. Case Studies on Urbanization and Population Migration……14

i. Lagos, Nigeria………………………………………..14

ii. Kibera, Nairobi, Kenya………………………………17

IV. Sustainable Solutions and Suggestions….……………………….20

a. Dar es Salaam peri-urban farming communities…………….22

b. German Liberalism…………………………………………..24

c. Author’s Suggestions and Recommendations……………….26

V. Conclusion………………………………………………………. 28

VI. Work Cited……………………………………………………….30

Figures

Page

I. Figure 1: Growth of Lagos………………………………………….. 15

II. Figure 2: Map of Kibera Slums, Nairobi, Kenya…………………… 19

III. Figure 3: Diamond Diagram of Development……………………… 21

IV. Figure 4: Diamond Diagram of Living Conditions………………… 21

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Abstract

Informal settlements have become a global issue. Nowhere on Earth is that more evident as Sub-Saharan Africa. Informal settlements in Sub-Saharan Africa have formed due to several circumstances. The two major events being colonization and the structural adjustment plans of the neoliberal guided International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. These informal settlements have two main characteristics, high population density and lack of basic infrastructure. Where there is abject poverty in most informal areas, there are some examples of sustainable practices and glimmers of hope. Through debt relief, economic expansion, and creative innovation the next century in Africa may find a way out of this desperate form of urbanization.

Key Terms: Sub-Saharan Africa, Urbanization, Informal Settlements, Neoliberalism, Migration, World Bank, IMF,

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Introduction

In 2014 it was reported that for the first time in history more than half of the world’s

population are urban dwellers; 54% is the estimated percentage as of 2014. That percentage is

predicted to increase to 66% by 2050. The World Bank’s 2011 estimate’s state that 90% of

urban growth was occurring in developing countries. This is the equivalent of adding 70 million

new urban residents each year. In two of the world’s poorest regions (South Asia and Sub-

Saharan Africa), the urban population is expected to double over the next two decades

(UnHabitat, 2014).

As of 2013, a quarter of the world’s urban population lives in informal settlements, also

known as “slums.” The estimated population of people living in slums in the developing world

is 863 million. Almost three times the population of the United States. Africa is an area in the

world where these numbers are highest. As of 2013, 61.7% of Africa’s urban population lives in

these informal settlements (ibid). The reasons behind these numbers are complex and diverse.

In Africa, despite the history of colonization, the practice of communal land rights have

been a traditional practice lasting, in some countries, to this day. Much of these public lands are

in constant onslaught from local, national, and international interests with the desire to remove

those with communal/customary land rights and develop the land for industry or large

agribusiness farms (Chimhowu, 2006). This desire of privatization is a common symptom of

the modern day globalized economy. Globalized free trade has had harsh effects on many

countries in Africa (Davis, 2006). One of these effects are the formation of these informal

settlements. This paper will explain and discuss how this change in the global economic practice

of neoliberalism has directly impacted the urbanized structure throughout Africa.

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As a means to study these policies, there will be an examination of individual case studies

on several African cities. In the city of Lagos, Nigeria, the lasting effects of the slave trade,

colonization, military dictatorships, and monetary banking loan adjustments, have produced

“push and pull” migratory patterns. These have effectively created one of the world’s newest

megacities and an environmentally hazardous informal settlement structure. The study of the

Kibera informal settlements in Nairobi, Kenya will be used to determine how governmental

policy can create different urban structures. The study of the peri-urban structure of Dar es

Salaam, Tanzania will provide a contrary view of informal settlements. It will provide the

argument that slums are not necessarily the “end result” of rapid urbanization and that

transformations may still be possible in some of the world’s most desperate places (Kombe,

2005).

For centuries, the developed world has coveted Africa as a source of untapped resources

and economic stimulation. There have been maps drawn, governments developed, and entire

urban areas created as a means to extract and use natural and human resources. The recent

history of Africa has a foot in tragedy and one in possibility, and the world is pushing and

pulling it in every direction. This paper is a study in how the “global north’ has forced Africa

onto a path that is not their choosing. One goal of this study is to create a dialog on what should

be the world’s response to historically substandard ethical behavior by the industrialized global

North. There will be analysis of the suggestions for the adaptation of “best practices” to solve

these countries major economic, social, and environmental challenges. Another goal is to add

content to the conversation, with original thoughts on changes in policy and attitudes toward this

untapped source of human creativity and potential.

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Literature Review

Trying to formulate a common cause for the state of the African urban and rural structure

is complex and as diverse as the ethnic groups throughout the continent. The opinions and

research on the subject are just as varied. Africa has a unique history compared to many other

regions of the globe. Some of the obvious challenges throughout the continent are mostly caused

by the geological, geographical, and ecological characteristic of the continent. However, there

are a host of other scenarios that have established the social structure of Africa. As there is no

one root cause for the entirety of the continent, the literature researched is mostly divided into

regional challenges and philosophy of policies.

Some have cause to believe that the overall size of Africa could be a determining

characteristic in the challenges of societal arrangement. In his article “The Political Demography

of Conflict in Modern Africa”, Elliott Green (2012) describes his theory of how conflict in

Africa (specifically in Sudan and the Democratic Republic of Congo) can be traced to the

expansive nature of the continent, combined with low population density, and the lasting effects

of colonialism. His major argument describes how the effects of low population density mixed

with large areas of land created a system of communal land rights. The communal land rights

system is initiated by three components, particularly the lack of private property, scarcity of

labor (creating high labor costs), and high levels of rural to rural migration (Elliott, 2012). All

these components, according to Elliott (2012), are at root of the so-called “Sons of Soil” conflicts

throughout these areas.

Another focus of this paper will be on the informal settlements, or slums. For this topic

there are also many possible causes and policies that have contributed to their formation and

continuation. In explaining the history of the Kibera informal settlements in Nairobi, Kenya,

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Emmanuel Mutisya et al (2011), describe a combination of governmental policy and planning,

and rapid urbanization to be the root contributor to it and other slum areas throughout Nairobi.

As stated in the article, Understanding the Grassroots Dynamics of Slums in Nairobi: The

Dilemma of Kibera Informal Settlements, by Mutisya et al, (2011), “Kenya’s annual informal

settlements growth rate of 5% is the highest in the world and it is likely to double in the next 30

years.” This is a major problem that will not cease without major policy change throughout the

country and the region.

Some can contribute the formation of informal settlements back to European colonialism.

Mike Davis, (2006), describes extreme forms of exclusionary policy by British colonies, where

native population were not allowed to reside in the urban areas, as there was a fear of

“detribalization.” Essentially, these settlements were, in some cases, a means of segregation,

with the apartheid in South Africa being the extreme example of this practice (Davis, 2006).

They formed outside the city structure to keep the natives out, but provide a work force for the

colonial elites.

There is, however, a strong correlation between population migration, urbanization, and

the formation of informal settlements with neo-liberal political/economic policy. This paper will

focus on the philosophy of neo-liberalism and the polices of this philosophy. By reviewing the

philosophy of Michael Foucault as interpreted by Thomas Lemke, it provides a basis for

analyzing the actions of governments and financial institution on the developing world,

specifically Africa. One guiding thought by Foucault on the subject of neo-liberalism (Aka the

Chicago School’s economic approach), is how this philosophical perspective essentially

dissolves the boundary between the difference of the economy and the social. In simplistic

terms, the idea is that there is no difference; everything has a market value (Lemke, 2001).

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Using this philosophical point of view, this paper will analyze the actions of international

monetary organizations in relation to loaning practices to third world and developing countries.

For this section of the paper the intention is to provide information that challenges and supports

the use of these loaning practices. Much of the critique over the actions of these organizations,

specifically the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, are in regards to the

Structural Adjustment Programs, implemented in the 1980s. These programs had the effect of

destroying developing country’s middle-class and plunging them into abject poverty (Davis,

2006). However, other arguments exist in regard to the World Bank’s policies. Oliver C.

Campbell White would describe the failures of the IMF and World Bank as being created by the

countries themselves, caused by some of the less than desirable practices of corrupt governments

(Campbell White, 1999).

Finally, there is desire to analyze and evaluate the best practices that are underway to

create and promote sustainability throughout the continent of Africa. Some of these actions

come from the desire to reestablish a connection to one’s rural past. As in the case of the peri-

urban and urban farm development throughout the city of Dar Es Salaam, Tanzania, rural-urban

migrants will move to certain areas of the city to grow crops as they once did when they work

the land (Ross Owens, 2010). It is also a way to transition from a rural life into an urban one,

where families and friends will take others under their wing and teach them how to work and

acquire land in the per-urban areas of Dar es Salaam (Kombe, 2006).

Analysis of History and Policy in Sub-Saharan Africa

Neoliberal Philosophy

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The main guiding theory for this paper is that neoliberal economic practices are a major

cause for the urban structure, especially the rapid formation of informal settlements, of many

major Sub-Saharan cities. There is also the correlation that neoliberalism is global colonialism.

However, in many ways the policies created from this economic theory are even more cruel,

exclusionary, and socially destructive.

Neoliberalism is a confusing term, as it creates many assumptions about the political/

philosophical nature of its use. The term itself creates the assumption that it is a reformed or

new version of liberalism. However, the difference lies in whether it is describing classic or

modern liberalism. Classic liberalism is the practice of a “laissez faire” or a hands-off approach

toward the economy by the state. However, modern liberalism is much more inclined to allow

the state to interfere with the economy as a means to protect the people from inequality that can

be a symptom of an unhindered market (Thorsen et al, 2006). In the United States it could be

stated that our political system is made up of these two different philosophies of liberalism.

Neoliberalism is in essence a reform on classic liberalism. This economic theory and

practice has a strong emphasis on a free market economy with little or no government influence.

The only real need for the state that is required for this philosophy is a structure for control. In a

true neoliberal economic society there is no facet that is not integrated into the free market

system. From energy, utilities, water, to schools and medical facilities; they are all a part of the

free market system (ibid). In the analysis by the philosopher, Michael Foucault, on different

forms of liberalism, he compares and contrasts ordo-liberalism and neoliberalism as taught at

the Chicago School. Ordo-liberalism (German liberalism) and US neoliberal thought both are

similar in their thoughts on the states involvement in the economy. Both oppose state

intervention and influence over the economic realm. However, where Ordo-liberals have a

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philosophy of a “social market economy” that would support the state, especially in the realm of

social programs (housing, education, healthcare, unemployment). The US neoliberal philosophy

considers these social programs as part of the economy. Neoliberal practice considers the entire

social structure to be under the umbrella of the economy (Lemke, 1997). This is the

predominant form of economic liberalism practiced today.

In Africa, neoliberal policy has been a life altering force. Through the structural

adjustments of the IMF and World Bank, many African countries were given no other option

than to defund their social programs, privatize land and other natural resources, and devalue

currency to meet global market levels (Briggs et al, 2000). The impacts of these policies will be

discussed in more detail in the following sections.

Communal Land Rights (Pre-Colonial)

Pre-colonial Africa was predominately a rural existence for a majority of the population

in Sub-Saharan Africa. The issues that formed the social structure throughout much of this area

of the continent can be grouped into several distinct categories: Geography, Climate, Tribal, the

continental Slave Trade, and population. However, an overlooked characteristic of the continent

is its overall size. With the enormous expanse of land and low population density, this created

two features within the African economic and agricultural sectors. First, due to low population

density there was a very low labor pool. Secondly, there was plenty of land to go around,

making it essentially worthless. These two traits help create the communal land rights system

(Elliott, 2012).

Communal land rights worked as a means for subsistence living. With land essentially

given to individuals from tribal leaders and then generally handed down to the next male in the

lineage. This usually being a son, however, cousins and nephews would suffice if no other male

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heir were available. To whomever the land is passed down to, it was not owned in the sense that

it has monetary value; it is essentially a gift from God and then the tribal leader. There is a

saying used frequently that states, the “land belongs to a vast family of which many are dead,

few are living and countless numbers are still unborn.” However, there were many that created

underground land markets to sell this land (Chimhowu et al, 2006).

The agricultural use of this land was unlike many advanced forms of agriculture. For

instance, the plough did not reach Africa till much later in their history and the wheel was not

used in similar fashions as many other more advanced civilizations. This disadvantage made it

an impossibility to utilize animal labor (Acharya, 1981). The use of land was void of modern

forms of agriculture as there was no use or need of crop rotation techniques. Once the soil in an

area had been exhausted of nutrients, the farmer would migrate to fertile land elsewhere (Elliott,

2012). This practice was common due to the large expanses of land. There was an abundance of

land in pre-colonial times, which helped to reduce conflict from outsiders immigrating into other

tribal territory and farming the land. There was plenty of land to go around. However, as

population numbers grew this would eventually create conflict in many areas throughout the

continent (ibid).

Colonialism

As can be imagined, colonialism was an unproductive time for the people of Africa, in

the sense of social and economic development. The general intention of any imperial colonist is

to control and assimilate the native people and their land, which is used for colony’s economic

gain. Each separate country had their own philosophy of colonial rule, however, each had no

intention to treat the native Africans as equals. As stated by L. Gonchorov (1963), a colonist

“monopoly has two basic functions: on the one hand, it exploits the colonies; on the other hand,

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it maintains and develops the political enslavement necessary for its own existence.” Many of

the European colonial imperialists decided on Indirect Rule structure for the governance of the

colonies. This practice was considered an economically viable way of running a country. It was

also theorized that there would less conflict using tribal leaders instead of foreign administrators.

The British form consisted of using local tribal chiefs as the ruling entity of an area, answering

only to the colonial governor. Whereas the French policy was to use the tribal chiefs as more of

a “mouthpiece” of the French ruling administration. (Crowder, 1964). However, both

philosophies were concerned with control and assimilation of the native people.

The colonists realized this land had little value, due to quality and quantity, therefore, it

was left in a communal or customary land rights system. Communal agricultural land was in

many cases left unattended due to colonial policies to cease agricultural production. This created

a surplus of labor, which was used to supply workers for the colonial industries (Acharya, 1981).

This era was the beginning of segregation of natives into rural areas, as a means to limit

“detribalization” and maintain a semi-passive labor force (Davis, 2006), (Elliott, 2012). Plus the

use of “indirect rule” also had the effect of creating a native elite class (Crowder, 1964).

Even after colonial rule began to collapse throughout the continent the vacating countries

still used several tactics to remain in control of social and economic structures in these countries.

Some of these tactics used included, but were not exclusive to:

Preventing the restructuring of the new states by means of maintaining the main source

of currency in the economy

Establishing and maintaining strong political ties through political appointments

Maintaining strategic control by the installation of military bases in the new states

Using outdated legislation with the intention of stifling new forms of democracy

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(Goncharov,1963)

The main goal of these intrusions is similar to colonizing these countries out right. This

goal is to use these countries for their cheap resources and labor. There is an additional

intention of creating indebtedness in these new African states (through the issuing of

questionable loans), which can deliver benefits of economic control, and in many cases,

privatization of resources (ibid). These practices are not too different from neoliberal economic

policies in the 1970s, 80s and 90s.

A common practice by many former European colonist countries was to offer and

provide loans to the new African states, with multitudes of loop-holes, high interest rates, and an

unwanted dependence on the former ruling country. With the shifting land rights market, it is

only a matter of time till the land is available on the open market and sold to those with the most

assets. Even with the possibility that the land be given to tribal and family members, in many

cases it will eventually be sold to the wealthy conglomerate of corporate farmers, that have the

means and knowledge to grab the land from these members of the rural poor (Chimhowu et al,

2006).

Land Rights (post-colonial)

During the time of colonialism in Africa some the rules and practices of communal land

rights changed to a system referred to as “customary’ land rights. While many European

colonies concluded that changing the structure of land rights to private property made little

sense, they did determine that the lands should be given boundaries and strict tribal ownership.

This would essentially hinder migration from one area to another. However, there was

permission given by colonial governments for some land use in foreign tribal land (Elliott,

2012).

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Since colonial independence, depending on the area, there have been different practices

in relation to land rights. Whereas there is still a high percentage of land that is considered to

still be part of the tribal “customary system”, there are high incidents of land acquisition through

legal and illegal land markets. Depending on philosophy and intention there are some that feel

this is good for Africa, and those that feel the privatization of land will affect the rural poor

negatively.

The view by those in favor of privatization of land tends to describe many different

scenarios that will affect the individual and the state. The view by Feder, G., & Noronha, R. ,

(1987) (researchers from the World Bank), is that customary land tenure creates an uncertainty

in the individual farmer, which negates productivity. This lack of productivity is from,

according to Feder et al, a lack of access to low interest credit lines. The lack of credit is impart

due to the lack of a legal land title, which is a requirement in many of these types of loans

(Feder et al, 1987).

The opposing view is that by nationalizing land it will inevitably be in the favor of the

wealthy farmer. This essentially will inspire land grabs from the poor subsistence farmer who

does not have the same knowledge and access. This acquisition of land forces the migration of

the subsistence to land elsewhere or to look toward urban areas for employment (Chimhowu et

al, 2006).

These practices are already occurring and in many cases have caused intra-tribal and

country conflicts. As described by Elliott, (2012), this scenario is occurring, making it difficult

for labor migrants to find land due the increase in population and increase in nationalized land.

These migrants are encroaching into land in other countries creating what some are calling “sons

of the soil” conflicts. These are becoming quite prevalent in Sudan and the Democratic

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Republic of Congo. Plus where there are no other possibilities these rural migrants enter into

the urban structure, generally into informal settlements (Davis, 2006).

The Impacts of The World Bank, International Monetary Fund (IMF),

and Structural Adjustment Policies (SAP)

In the mid-1970s, the IMF and World Bank, with the policies designed by the US and

UK, started enacting economic restrictions on many Third World countries, called “structural

adjustment plans (SAP).” The restrictions were part of loan packages form the IMF and World

Bank. These loan packages required many countries to reevaluate and defund their social

programs, devalue their currency to be in line with global economies, and focus their attention

on the privatization of country assets. This destroyed many necessary social programs in third

world countries, as they had to tackle the enormous debt payments that were forced upon them.

For example, due to structural adjustment plans, the country of Uganda spends twelve times

more on debt relief than on health care (Davis, 2006).

These programs made it easier for international corporations to privatize and control

anything from basic services to a countries major resource exports. This is an effective tool for

the globalized economy and is a means for pushing countries into the global arena whether they

want to participate or not. From a neoliberal perspective this is right in line with a properly

functioning economy (ibid).

Part of these SAP measures was a restructuring of the social landscape. Rich and middle

class income earners were suddenly finding themselves in poverty. All the tools that were used

by the Global North countries on their journey through industrialization, development, and

prosperity were forced out of the hands of these third world countries. The only solution given

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was to sell their resources to the global north; those resources being natural environmental

resources and the lives of the people in these countries (Ibid).

The impacts of SAP can be assessed through the following case studies. Whereas SAPs

are not the only cause of rapid urbanization and the expansion of slums, SAP’s role in

exacerbating their uninhibited growth will be established. Furthermore, where economists and

politicians are willing to explain the formation of slums as a temporary consequence of

globalization, the point of this paper is to establish that they permanence is inevitable without

massive policy transformation.

Migration and Urbanization Case Studies

Lagos, Nigeria

Lagos is one the world’s new megacities. It grew from a population of 252,000 in 1952

to 10.4 million by 2010 (Ajibade et al, 2014). See Figure 1 for history of growth. Its growth

has been heavily influenced by location and colonial policies. Before colonization it was a

simple fishing community, and was considered as the most “insalubrious” city in West Africa,

due to its swampy landscape and poor to non-existing sewer systems (Gandy, 2005). Lagos has

endured many struggles with population growth and migration. During the slave trade years

there was an outward migration. During the time of colonialism, there was focus on some

infrastructure throughout the city, mostly on the building of streets, ports, railways, houses, and

schools. This created a pull migration back toward the city. The British administration did not

have the budget to create the infrastructure for this migration. This created a bifurcated city, one

part for the colonists and another for the natives. Major planning and infrastructure was for the

use of British colonists and governmental elites. Even to this day the wealthy and Government

officials live in these colonial built areas (Ajibade et al, 2014), (Gandy, 2005). Plus the

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convoluted nature of the governmental committees, the distrust of natives toward the ruling

British colonists, and the distaste of the colonists for the critique of their inefficiency created a

gridlock throughout the city. This gridlock inhibited any progress in infrastructure reform in

Lagos (Gandy, 2005).

Figure 1: Growth in Lagos, Nigeria by M. Tyler, Source, Gandy 2005

Other political unrest has affected the urban landscape for Lagos. After a civil war in

1967, there was funding to rebuild which created another wave of inward migration. However,

funding ended and oil prices collapsed causing the urban reconstruction to end. After a series of

dictatorships and military ruled governments, Lagos was no better off. Neoliberal reform was

introduced to the country in 1986 when adopting the structural adjustment plan of the IMF and

World Bank. The SAP conditions required civil service reform, privatization of state industries,

cutbacks in social services, and increased urban unemployment. These hardships left millions of

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people poorer with no access to education, health care, and livable housing. This has obviously

left Lagos no closer to solving the housing problem for the urban poor (ibid).

Today Lagos is considered a city of vast opportunity with an unofficial moto of “Go Get

Rich” (Draper, 2015). However, it is a city of vast inequality and informal settlements. Much

of these settlements located in some the most environmentally hazardous areas in the city.

There is simply too many people migrating to the area and a lack of political and financial will

to create the infrastructure for them. There were policies taken up to solve these issues, such as

the UN-backed Master Plan for Metropolitan Lagos (1980–2000), which called for the creation

of one million housing units for low-income citizens. However, by the year 2000 only 10 % of

these housing needs were met and during the same time Lagos had quadrupled in size (Ajibade

et al, 2014). Since 1985, the city has experienced massive deteriation of public services. Much

of the street lighting has fallen into disrepair, road systems are highly congested, there are no

longer regular waste collection services, violent crime is an everyday feature of life in Lagos,

and common civic centers and cinemas have disappeared. The lack of a functioning sewer

system has created many issues with sickness and disease from polluted water. During heavy

rain, over half of the city’s dwellings have to contend with flooding that leaves houses in knee

deep water. The average city income was around a dollar a day (Gandy, 2005).

However, since 2005 there have been changes made in Lagos. This has occurred due to

the success of two democratically elected governors in the Lagos state. Bola Tinubu (a former

accountant) was elected in 1999 and his success in office led to the election of his successor

Babatunde Fashola. Both governors first established legitimacy by bringing fiscal responsibility

to the Lagos government. This has led to the implementation of many successful urban renewal

plans. Through responsible governance there is a renewed international interest in Lagos and the

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possibility of better days to come (Draper, 2015), (Olawepo, 2010). The progress of Lagos will

be discussed in the Sustainable Solutions of this paper.

Kibera, Nairobi, Kenya

Kenya’s independence in 1963 was marked with good fortune. For the first ten years,

Kenya had a growing economy of 6.6%. This was due to a strong global economy, high

commodity prices that favored Kenyan exports, and significant foreign exchange reserves. This

prosperity was evident by the enrollment rates of all levels of education, plus life expectancy

rates increased from 44 years of age in 1963, to 69 years of age by 1980. However, the 1980s

were the opposite of this prosperity (Rono, 2002).

The downturn began in the late 1970s with the increase in oil prices. Other challenges

were caused by fluctuating prices on exports, low levels of technology, drought and famine, high

population due to entering a new stage of the demographic transition, high rates of urbanization

(immigration), increasing debt, poverty, and disease. Kenya responded to these hardships like

many other African countries, by implementing structural adjust plans of the IMF and the World

bank (ibid).

As with other countries the same effects were felt in Kenya as well. The primary effects

were inflation due to devaluation of currency, and stresses upon the poor, due the cuts for social

programs and increased unemployment. The IMF has stated that the reasons the SAPs have not

had the desired effect is due to foot dragging and inefficieny in the Kenyan government. Kenya

has countered that claim by stating that expectation of the IMF and World Bank are too harsh

and that these adjustments cannot be done overnight (Rono, 2002). The increase in poverty,

unemployment, and immigration all added to the expansion of the informal settlements

throughout Nairobi (ibid), (Mutisya et al, 2011).

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Informal settlements have been part of Nairobi’s history even before colonialization.

However, with similar policies of indirect rule, segregation of natives from colonists added to

these unplanned areas. Informal settlements grew out of the migration of natives to Nairobi in

search of employment opportunities. These areas were historically unplanned for, ignored by

colonists, and then eventually deemed illegal by Kenyan governments (Mutisya et al, 2001).

Nairobi’s population has grown steadily, from 11,500 inhabitants in 1906 to 3.1 million

people in 2009. More than half the city’s population lives in informal settlements and slums

occupying less than 1% of Nairobi’s area and less than 5% in residential area. More than 34%

of Kenya’s total population lives in urban areas, and of this, more than 71% is confined in

informal settlements. Kenya’s annual informal settlements growth rate of 5%, is the highest in

the world and it is likely to double in the next 30 years if positive intervention measures are not

put in place. With a rapid growth rate of 4% the population was predicted to reach 5 million this

year and 8 million by 2025. Unfortunately, this growth has not been planned for on a socio-

economic or environmental level (Mutisya et al, 2011).

The Kibera slums are the largest in Africa and also some of the largest in the world. At

an estimated 900,000 people, this informal settlement has been in existence since 1912. It

started as a settlement for Nairobi soldiers returning from World War I. These settlements were

allowed to grow by colonists. In 1963, the government of the newly independent Kenya

deemed informal settlements illegal, however, they allowed them to remain and to grow. In

1965 the Kibera slums had a population of around 6,000 people. They have been allowed to

grow to almost one million. Until recently there has been no formal plan to address these issues.

, all without any formal planning. It is comprised of 14 villages, with the smallest having a

population of 25,000 and the largest around 130,000. The living conditions are what would be

19

expected as the Kenyan government does not officially recognize slums as being legal

communities. There is no running water or sewage drainage, no utilities, and no publically

offered education services (ibid).

Figure 2: Kiberia Slum, Google Earth

This neglect has a direct effect on quality of life even in some of the world’s most

desperate places. In their World Bank sponsored study, “A tale of two cities: A multi-

dimensional portrait of poverty and living conditions in the slums of Dakar and Nairobi”

comparing the living conditions between the slums of Nairobi, Kenya and Dakar, Senegal,

Sumila Gulyani et al, demonstrate how Kenya’s neglect affects the lives of these slum dwellers.

Through the use of random surveys they were able to demonstrate the differences in a

Development Diamond Diagram.

Even though the slum residents of Nairobi have higher education, employment, and

compensation than those in Dakar, the living conditions are vastly inferior. The informal

settlements in Dakar have higher rates of planned infrastructure, including: home ownership

(74% Dakar to 8% Nairobi), piped water, permanent building materials, basic utilizes, phone

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and internet services, and sewage and toilets. Plus there is a greater feeling of overall safety in

the slums of Dakar. See Figures 3 and 4 for results.

The conclusion being that acknowledging the issue of slums and planning for them have

a noticeable effect, more so than economic and educational access. In Senegal the government

has policies in place to provide basic services to their slum communities, where Kenya has

historically ignored their existence. This adds to the argument that education and employment

are not always the most important aspects in increasing the quality of life for a community

(Gulyani et al, 2014).

Sustainable Solutions and Suggestions

Informal settlements and slums seem to be some of the least sustainable communities

globally. However, the argument could be made that with governmental support a form of

sustainability could be achieved. Sustainability by definition is living within a person’s needs

without consuming more than what would be needed for future generations. Obviously, slums

are generally absent of most life necessities, however, they are also ripe for individuals with a

creative ingenuity and the ability to see beyond what fate has dealt them. In quoting Bob Dylan,

“When you’ve got nothing you’ve got nothing to lose”, meaning someone in desperate

circumstances can take large risks in creating solutions to big problems.

In the development of sustainably solutions for the issue of informal settlements, in

relation to population migration and the lack of urbanization, this creative spirit and ingenuity is

required. As an example of sustainable thought and action in this desperate environment, the

city of Dar es Salaam has created unique ways of transforming their existence.

21

Figure 3:Living Conditions Diamond, Gulyani 2014

22

Dar es Salaam, Tanzania

In the case of Dar es Salaam there are some possible suggestions for accommodating the

population explosion and transforming the informal settlements into an “unplanned”

infrastructure. However, these suggestions by no means are solutions to the informal settlement

problems throughout the planet, but meant as a path for the area of Dar es Salaam itself.

Possibly other slum settlements throughout Africa may consider similar plans, however, every

country’s governments have different motives and goals. As has been seen with Nairobi, some

governments are more apt to ignore this problem instead of creating possibilities of change.

Tanzania has some of the highest percentages of its population living in informal

settlements. Between 50% and 80% of its urban population live in informal settlements. In Dar

es Salaam, over 70% of the estimated 2.4 million inhabitants live in such settlements

(population numbers from 2000). 50% of the residential urban housing stock is comprised of

informal housing. Overall housing density in Dar es Salaam has been growing persistently. In

1985 there were 40 informal settlements and as of 2003 over 150 were in existence (Kombe,

2005).

The view of informal settlements, globally, is generally negative and viewed by most

policy makers as being a temporary phenomenon. The hope for many governments is that this is

a transitional pattern, a necessary hardship on a country or city’s journey to economic stability.

For this reason many slum settlements are ignored or in some extreme circumstances

demolished. In Dar es Salaam, there is a contrary view. Their view of the informal

development throughout the peri-urban sector of city, is one of necessity. Where there is still no

plan to handle the extreme migration and population numbers, and no true infrastructure to

23

speak of, the informal settlement structure is quite possibly the only answer, currently, to

provide housing and a sense of community (ibid).

The government of Dar es Salaam has been behind on most fronts in dealing and

providing infrastructure for the incoming rural to urban immigrants. Even when plans have

been made and approved, there are still complications in the implementation. Either the plan

was too small in scale, underfunded, stalled due to unforeseen complications, or all three at

once. Even providing basic resources as water and sewage have been underfunded and unable

to provide access to the rapid urbanization of the city (ibid).

Where the government has had success is allowing the land to remain in customary or

more accurately quasi-customary land tenure and allowed the tribal/community leaders to

control its use, sell, purchase, and development. As reported in the article by Kombe, (2005),

“Access to land is through mechanisms regulated by social institutions at community level,

which often involve a buyer, seller, local leaders and a broker. The latter is normally a reknown

settler. He facilitates negotiations between sellers and buyers. Like in most other informal

settlements, local leaders, including ten cell leaders and ruling party leaders, are also playing an

active role authenticating land transactions and signing land transfer or selling agreement forms.

Boundaries of properties are marked by hedges, paths or physical fixtures” (ibid).

The general function of certain informal settlement communities is the raising of poultry

with the intent to sell eggs in the city. The practice of many forms of urban farming is prevalent

and a main source of income for many of the residence. Some of the main crops consist of:

okra, amaranth, pumpkins, sweet potatoes, bananas, cassava, and pineapple. Many of these

plots have water wells located on them. One important function of these area is the benefit to

others migrating into the area. They are usually related to a host that will mentor them in the

24

local norms, urban structure, farming, and facilitate the land acquisition process. These areas

unfortunately are not without problems as they attrach middle class and wealthy developers that

are looking to purchase these inexpensive plots (ibid).

This is just one example of some practices that are occurring in the Dar es Salaam peri-

urban area and offer possiblilties to informal settlement structure. However, there is the desire

to see how a city could possibly set the foundation for real purposeful change and remove the

citizens from the bonds of slum life.

German Liberalism

One flaw of neoliberal thought is the belief that the market and the state are separate

entities, meaning that economic prosperity will inherently bring social prosperity. The belief

that the economy will eventually reach and sustain the entire population is a fabrication of

reality. The only true provable outcome of neoliberal policies in that of inequality.

The only sustainable success of neoliberal policy is when it is used to fund the state and

provide the services to its citizens. This is the ordo-liberal view as discussed by Lemeke,

essentially the German economic philosophy. This is of course a step toward socialism, yet, this

is a proven successful means of maintaining a more sustainable and, generally, content

population.

There of course is the need for a country to be economically strong and be somewhat

corruption free for these ideals to work. As is being witnessed today in Lagos, Nigeria, as the

last two governors have begun to change a once corrupt and dangerous region into a modern

city. It may still be a neoliberal ideology, however, funding the reform of the infrastructure and

social programs can be the building blocks of a better future for Lagos. Today in Lagos there is

25

a feeling of transformation in urban renewal plans and increased focus on transportation. Some

of the plans that in the works are:

Private partnership initiatives to develop an Urban Renewal and Mega City

Program in a twenty year rolling plan

Urban Renewal and drainage channelization/Canal silting Project

Urban beautification and Road maintenance/development Program

Parallel Light Railway system construction and Road Expansion Program

Development and Reactivation of Inland Water Ways and Ferry services

Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) and Urban Mass Transportation Partnership

Pedestrian Safety and Foot bridge Development initiatives

World Bank, and local Commercial Bank Funded Bus Programs

(Olawepo, 2010)

These measures seem to have the indication of providing access to Lagos for all citizens.

By using waterways, upgrading buses and buslines, repairing roads, and providing safe and

efficient paths for foot traffic the government is helping build a more sustainable city. They are

also funding these plans through private and public funding, through the inclusion of the World

Bank, local commercial banks, NGOs, and local and state governments. There is a feel that this

is an example of an ordo-liberal economic system, instead of strict neoliberalism (ibid).

Of course, Lagos is not like other African cities. Not all have these possibilities. Nigeria

does have access to vast oil reserves and Lagos’ location adjacent to oceanic waterways makes

them a viable trade partner for much of the world. Other area are not as blessed.

26

Author’s Suggestions and Recommendations

Through the research of this topic there are issues that have gained more clarity in Sub-

Saharan Africa. With the focus of the paper being primarily based on policy and its effects on

the population and urban structure of cities in Africa, the recommendations will also be focused

on these topics. There are no doubt multitudes of issues in Africa, from HIV, gender inequality,

and food and water scarcity, to war and other conflicts. Whereas all of these issues exist in every

area researched throughout this paper, the purpose of this paper was to research the cause and the

underlying philosophy that has created and exacerbated these issues. Those causes were

historically, colonialism, neoliberal economic reforms, and the expansion of informal

settlements.

Whereas colonialism no longer exists, there is the argument that could be made that the

neoliberal economic structure has more than taken over that role in many African countries.

When Kenya’s budget has planned for 20 to 30% of spending on debt payments to the World

Bank and IMF, there is obviously control being placed on that country (Mutisya et al, 2011).

That control has condemned millions of people into a life of slumdom and desolation.

This is where change must take place.

This change has taken place in one major way and that is through debt forgiveness

programs from the global banks. Through the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries Initiative (HIPC)

the steps have been provided to receive debt relief and once all criteria are met full debt relief.

Some of the steps include: be eligible to borrow from the World Bank and IMF, have an

unsustainably large amount of debt, have a track record of sound reform policies through the

IMF and World Bank, and have developed a Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP). Once

these steps have been made the country in question will be evaluated by the executive boards of

27

the IMF and World Bank. If approved debt relief will begin. There is a second process to

receive full debt forgiveness, however one of those steps includes implementing programs that

are supported be loans from the IMF and World Bank (imf.org, 2015) However, as reported in

his Huffingtion Post article, “Does Debt Forgiveness Work? Ask Africa,” Marcelo Giugale

suggests that it has shown improvements in those countries that have participated (over 30 in the

last 10 years). The signs of improvement have been: following and providing transparency in the

countries budgets and spending, following the PRSPs of those countries, and providing some

social benefits for those countries poor (Giugale, 2014).

Where debt relief has been successful, this paper suggests that more should be done in aid

to these countries. Upon analysis of this research material there are some recommendation to be

provided.

There is a problem in the global north of claiming ignorance to global south issues. This

may be due to many circumstances, media bias, lack of education, of simply not caring.

However, ignorance can not be an exceptable excuse. When one group of people has benefited

from the suffering of another there is a need to make amends. The proposal of this paper is to

create a global fund with the intention of providing infrastructure development throughout these

countries that have been most effected by the US backed neoliberal agenda. Whereas this

proposal may be unpopular amongst corporate interest, the suggestion is to not penalize the

corporations. For one, they would lobby against it and it would never reach the officials it needs

to. The suggestion here, is to create a program that provides educational understanding along

with a global fee on products that are resourced or manufactured in any global south country that

meet certain conditions. The conditions may be for countries with a certain level of GDP,

Poverty percentage, and/ or a low level Human Developmental Index Value. The fee will be

28

placed into a fund for each individual country. The stipulation for these countries to receive

these funds is similar to the IMFs HIPC criteria. Some of the main points would be that the

country has a record of a transparent democratic government, implementation of social

programs, and a plan to help build infrastructure and provide resources for slums dwellers. The

fund will be controlled through a UN approved NGO.

The second suggestion is for international cooperation in infrastructural development, for

countries with informal settlements. The idea is for a “doctor’s without borders” group for

community, regional, and city planners and developers. This program will be pro bono work for

countries that do not have the means to create new community plans for their cities, villages,

regions, etc. It could also extend into the academic arena and be part of international colleges

and university’s geography and planning programs. The philosophy of the program will be in

line with smart growth principles. The overall goal will be to find sustainable solutions to

informal settlements and their needs. With the ultimate goal of transforming these areas into

sustainable and livable communities.

Conclusions

Sub-Saharan Africa has experienced the worst of humanity. Through oppressive

imperialist colonist and oppressive financial institutions, this area of the world has expended vast

amounts of natural and human capital. However, with Africa entering into the 21st century as

one of the fastest growing regions of the world it will be imperative to create urban areas that are

sustainable and prosperous.

The conclusions made from this paper are that there is not a clear-cut cause or solution to

the challenges in Africa. Where the natural geography and climate of this continent provide

large challenges, the lasting effects of colonization and structural adjustment have compounded

29

this. Where privatization of land and population growth have sent millions to the urban centers

searching for a living, the unfortunate reality of the slums have awaited the majority of

immigrants. Governments and international organization must unite to find solutions for these

challenges. The time for looking the other way and ignorance are over.

Through the ever expanding make-shift shacks there are glimmers of hope. The urban

farms and poultry production in Dar es Salaam prove that there is a will to provide an improved

existence for communities and future generations of Tanzanians. International monetary lenders

have shown mercy while providing motivation for the self-improvement of cities and countries.

Without the burden of debt many of these countries are proving that their city can be prosperous.

Lagos is on the verge of becoming a world-class city and region of international markets and

trade. The vision of a few elected officials and the practice of fiscal responsibility have paid

dividends in one of the more inhospitable areas of Africa.

The hope for Africa through this paper is to find a way to become a light for

sustainability. Creating sustainability in the true sense, by finding a balance between the

economic growth, the environment, and for Africa most importantly, the social structure of the

continent.

30

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