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Chapter 2 ± SCIENTIFIC METHODS IN PSYCHOLOGY

Health Publications

Scientific method

Encyclopedia of Psychology, Apr 06, 2001

The scientific method involves a wide array of approaches and is better seen as an overall perspective rather than a

single, specific method. The scientific method that has been adopted was initially based on the concept of positivism,

which involved the search for general descriptive laws that could be used to predict natural phenomena. Once

predictions were possible, scientists could attempt to control the occurrence of those phenomena. Subsequently,

scientists developed underlying explanations and theories. In the case of psychology, the goal would be to describe,

to predict, then to control behavior, with knowledge based on underlying theory.

Although the positivist approach to science has undergone change and scientists are continually redefining the

philosophy of science, the premises on which it was based continue to be the mainstream of current research. One of

the prime requisites of a scientific approach is falsifiability; that is, a theory is seen as scientific if it makes predictions

that can be demonstrated as true or false. Another critical element of the scientific method is that it relies on

empiricism, that is, observation and data collection.

Research often involves the hypothetico-inductive method. The scientist starts with a hypothesis based on

observation, insight, or theory. A hypothesis is a tentative statement of belief based on the expert judgment of the

researcher. This hypothesis must be subject to falsification; that is, the research needs to be set up in such a way

that the scientist is able to conclude logically either that the hypothesis is correct or incorrect. In many cases, a

research project may allow the scientist to accept or reject a hypothesis and will lead to more research questions.

Psychologists employ a diversity of scientific approaches. These include controlled experiments that allow the

researcher to determine cause and effect relationships; correlation methods that reveal predictable relations among

variables; case studies involving in-depth study of single individuals; archival approaches that make novel use of

records, documents, and other existing information; and surveys and questionnaires about opinions and attitudes.



Because the scientific method deals with the approach to research rather than the content of the research, disciplines

are not regarded as scientific because of their content, but rather because of their reliance on data and observation,

hypothesis testing, and the falsifiability of their ideas. Thus, scientific research legitimately includes the study of

attitudes, intelligence, and other complicated human behaviors. Although the tools that psychologists use to measure

human behavior may not lead to the same degree of precision as those in some other sciences, it is not the precision

that determines the scientific status of a discipline, but rather the means by which ideas are generated and tested.



Chapter 3 - BIOLOGICAL PSYCHOLOGY

Biological Psychology: An Introduction to Behavioral, Cognitive, and Clinical Neuroscience, Third Edition

By Mark R. Rosenzweig, S. Marc Breedlove, and Arnold L. Leiman, Sunderland, Massachusetts, Sinauer Associates,

2001, 651 pages, ISBN 0-87893-709-9

Samuel T. Gontkovsky, Psy.D.

The multidisciplinary nature of biological psychology as a field provides a unique forum for the interaction and

collaboration of professionals unparalleled in other areas of clinical and scientific study. Indeed, the scope of

biological psychology transcends all levels of organismic development, from the molecular level to the cellular level,

the systemic level, and the social level. Contributing to the advancement of this discipline, from both a theoretical and

an empirical perspective, is a diverse representation of investigators trained in the areas of anatomy, anthropology,

behavioral medicine, biochemistry, clinical neuropsychology, endocrinology, genetics, molecular biology,

paleontology, psychiatry, and psychophysiology to name but a few. Working together, these professionals study the

structural and functional aspects of behavior across species, explore the developmental processes of biology and

behavior across the life span, and utilize findings to formulate practical applications that promote human health.

The comprehensive nature of the field and the diversity of professionals encompassed by the arch of its umbrella

pose a particular challenge, however, in the drafting of a textbook that not only can be appreciated, but easily

understood, by the representative populace of biological psychologists as well as the students desiring to acquire an

understanding of this area of study. The third edition of Biological Psychology serves as an excellent source for

bridging the gap between the multitudes of specialties that constitute this discipline. The text consists of 18

chapters divided into five primary sections. A short introductory chapter, which provides a basic overview of the field,

is followed by a section focusing on the biological foundations for behavior. Chapters in this section, which provide

the requisite foundation for understanding the remainder of the text, introduce readers to organisms at cellular level,

discussing the primary topics of functional neuroanatomy, neurophysiology, psychopharmacology, and hormones.



Subsequently, the authors move to a presentation of evolutionary and developmental aspects of the nervous system.

Comparative methods are discussed sufficiently to allow for an appreciation for the manner in which studying the

various invertebrate species (e.g., aplysia), with relatively simple neural networks, has lead to a more thorough

understanding of the enormously intricate nervous systems housed by the vertebrate species (e.g.,

human). Furthermore, emphasis is placed upon the notion that neural networks are shaped not only by intrinsic

factors, such as chromosomal aberrations, but also by extrinsic factors, including environmental experience.

The focus of section three is that of sensation and movement. Chapters review the concepts of somatosensory,

auditory, visual, vestibular, olfactory, and gustatory perception as well as motor control and plasticity. While ample

attention is given in this section to the anatomical and physiological mechanisms involved in perception and

movement, the authors remain sensitive to the role of learning in these behaviors and the manner in

which environmental elements influence such systems. Regulation of behavior is presented in section four. Primary

topics discussed include sex, homeostasis, and biological rhythms. In this section, as in section three, the authors

provide an evolutionary, developmental, and comparative perspective of the issues and overview not only the normal

but also the possible abnormal variants (e.g., congenital adrenal hyperplasia, anorexia nervosa, and somnambulism)

of these processes.

Emotions and psychopathology comprise the heart of section five. An overview of competing theories (e.g., James-

Lange and Cannon-Bard) regarding the link between subjective psychological phenomena and the activity of the

visceral organs controlled by the autonomic nervous system initially is presented followed by the role of facial

expressions in the communication of emotional states. An excellent discussion is provided concerning the

utilization of relatively new functional neuroimaging techniques to investigate specific regions of the brain that are

particularly active during various emotional states. Special attention also is given to the neural circuitry underlying

violence and aggression as well as to the relationship between stress and immunosuppression. The major psychiatric

disorders are reviewed from both a social and a biological perspective.

The text concludes with a section devoted to cognitive neuroscience, with particular emphasis on the biological

perspectives and neural mechanisms of learning and memory. With citations ranging from classic reports of early



pioneers, such as that of Ramón y Cajal1 suggesting that during the processes of development and learning neuronal

extensions of axons and dendrites occur to develop new connections within the brain, to that of more contemporary

investigators, including the findings of Shors, Miesegaes, Beylin, Zhoa, Rydel, and Gould2 suggesting that

neurogenesis in the hippocampus may be required for trace conditioning of the eye-blink response, the authors bring

together in a comprehensive yet concise fashion more than 100 years of research in this area.

In addition to an inclusive glossary of terms, the work includes an afterword discussing the plasticity of the ever-

changing brain as well as a nice appendix providing a basic overview of molecular biology. Throughout, the text is

richly illustrated with drawings, photographs, figures, and tables that complement the written text. With the exception

of a few minor shortcomings concerning the topic of psychopharmacology (Chapter 4), the text is integrative and

inclusive, providing the requisite information necessary for a methodical understanding of the field.

From a didactic perspective, the text is ideal for an advanced doctoral level course in the area. The book is probably

far too complex, however, for utilization at the undergraduate level, and arguably, incorporates details from various

fields that may be beyond the digestive comprehension of some graduate students who lack sufficient background in

these areas of study. Although the authors provide an introductory overview at the beginning of each chapter, a

relatively rapid progression from basic concepts to more complex issues takes place. A CD-ROM,

entitled Learning Biological Psychology, is provided with the text that provides for students multiple study questions,

animated tutorials, videos, and interactive testing to enhance learning and retention. Individuals with a basic, yet

solid, foundation in biology, chemistry, and psychosocial behavior, however, should be capable of grasping the vast

majority of presented material.



Chapter 4 ± SENSATION AND PERCEPTION

When sensation becomes perception

Main Category: Neurology / Neuroscience

Article Date: 15 Nov 2005 - 0:00 PDT

Perceiving a simple touch may depend as much on memory, attention, and expectation as on the stimulus itself,

according to new research from Howard Hughes Medical Institute (HHMI) international research scholar Ranulfo

Romo and his colleague Victor de Lafuente. The scientists found that monkeys' perceptions of touch match brain

activity in the frontal lobe, an area that assimilates many types of neural information.

Romo and de Lafuente, both of the Institute of Cellular Physiology at the National Autonomous University of Mexico,

report their results in the December 2005 issue of the journal Nature Neuroscience, published early online on

November 6, 2005.

One of neuroscience's most difficult questions concerns how the brain converts simple sensory inputs to complete

perceptual experiences. Many neuroscientists assume that perceptions arise in the sensory cortices, which are the

first areas of the brain to process information coming in from sense organs, Romo said. Some recent research,

however, has hinted that activity in other parts of the brain may also contribute to sensory perception.

When it comes to the sense of touch, a stimulus at the skin triggers an impulse that travels first to an area at the top

of the brain called the primary somatosensory cortex (S1). The information then moves to other parts of the brain,

where it can contribute to memory, decision-making, and motor outputs.

To explore what regions of the brain contribute to sensory perception, Romo and de Lafuente analyzed neural activity

associated with the sense of touch in macaque monkeys. The researchers touched the monkeys' fingertips with a

painless stimulus that sometimes vibrated and sometimes did not. The intensity of the vibration varied, so sometimes



it was easy for the monkeys to tell that the vibration was on, while other times the vibrations were so weak that the

monkeys couldn't always detect them. The monkeys were trained to indicate to the researchers whether the stimulus

was vibrating or still, and they were rewarded with treats when they were correct.

The scientists found that activity in S1 neurons, where touch information first arrives, correlated directly with the

strength of the stimulus; when the strength of the vibrations was more intense, the S1 neurons' fired more rapidly.

However, these neurons' activity did not correlate with the monkeys' behavioral responses. Their firing rates were

directly associated with the stimulus intensity, whether the monkeys consciously felt and responded to the stimulus or

not.

Romo and de Lafuente also recorded neuronal activity in the medial premotor cortex (MPC), a region of the brain's

frontal lobe that is known to be involved in making decisions about sensory information. Activity here did mirror the

monkeys' subjective responses to the vibrating probe. MPC neurons responded in an all-or-none manner; they fired

when the monkey thought the vibrations were there--even if they weren't--and they didn't fire when the monkey

thought the vibrations were absent--even if they were actually occurring.

These results indicate that the monkeys' perceptions arise not from brain activity in the sensory cortex itself, but from

activity in the frontal lobe MPC, Romo said.

The MPC "is very interesting," Romo said. "Apparently, it's able to pull information from memory and from the

sensory areas, and also link this activity to the motor apparatus" so that the monkeys can physically indicate what

they think is happening.

To clinch the MPC's association with the monkeys' perceptions, the researchers used an electrode to apply weak

electrical stimulation to MPC neurons. They found that stimulating these neurons made the monkeys more likely to

respond that they perceived a vibration, whether the vibrating stimulus was occurring or not.



Romo and de Lafuente also found that MPC neurons began to fire before the stimulus even touched the monkeys'

fingertips. Romo believes this is because the monkey is expecting the stimulus and the neurons fire in anticipation.

"I think that we do not feel with our sensory cortices," Romo said. Perceptions instead arise in higher-order brain

areas from a combination of sensation, attention, and expectation. "The sensory representation is [just] to confirm

something that you have already thought."



Chapter 5 - NATURE, NURTURE AND HUMAN DEVELOPMENT

Nature vs. Nurture

Are We Really Born That Way?

By Kimberly Powell

Jul 19 2010

You got your green eyes from your mother, and your freckles from your father. But where did you get your thrill-

seeking personality and talent for singing? Did you learn these from your parents or was it predetermined by your

genes? While it's clear that physical characteristics are hereditary, the genetic waters get a bit more murky when it

comes to an individual's behavior, intelligence, and personality. Ultimately, the old argument of nature vs. nurture has

never really been won. We do not yet know how much of what we are is determined by our DNA and how much by

our life experience. But we do know that both play a part.

What is Nature vs Nurture?

It has been reported that the use of the terms "nature" and "nurture" as a convenient catch-phrase for the roles of

heredity and environment in human development can be traced back to 13th century France. Some scientists think

that people behave as they do according to genetic predispositions or even "animal instincts." This is known as the

"nature" theory of human behavior. Other scientists believe that people think and behave in certain ways because

they are taught to do so. This is known as the "nurture" theory of human behavior.

Fast-growing understanding of the human genome has recently made it clear that both sides are partly right. Nature

endows us with inborn abilities and traits; nurture takes these genetic tendencies and molds them as we learn and

mature. End of story, right? Nope. The "nature vs nurture" debate still rages on, as scientist fight over how much of

who we are is shaped by genes and how much by the environment.



The Nature Theory - Heredity

Scientists have known for years that traits such as eye color and hair color are determined by specific genes

encoded in each human cell. The Nature Theory takes things a step further to say that more abstract traits such as

intelligence, personality, aggression, and sexual orientation are also encoded in an individual's DNA.

� The search for "behavioral" genes is the source of constant debate. Many fear that genetic arguments might be

used to excuse criminal acts or justify divorce.

� The most debated issue pertaining to the nature theory is the exsistence of a "gay gene," pointing to a genetic

component to sexual orientation.

� An April, 1998 article in LIFE Magazine, "Were You Born That Way" by George Howe Colt, claimed that "new

studies show it's mostly in your genes."

� If genetics didn't play a part, then fraternal twins, reared under the same conditions, would be alike, regardless of

differences in their genes. But, while studies show they do more closely resemble each other than do non-twin

brothers and sisters, they also show these same striking similarities when reared apart - as in similar studies done

with identical twins.



Chapter 6 ± LEARNING

Learning Styles Can Become Learning Strategies

W. J. McKeachie

University of Michigan

In the last 30 or 40 years, a number of educators have proposed that teaching would be more effective if faculty

members took account of differences in students' learning styles. A number of different conceptions of learning styles

have been proposed, each with some plausibility. Probably the most widely accepted and best validated is Marton

and S lj 's (1976a,b) "deep processors" vs. "surface processors" based upon the levels of processing theory

developed by Craik and Lockhart (1972). Deep processors think about the author's purpose and relate a reading

assignment to prior knowledge; surface processors read with little thought. Another well validated style is "field

dependent" vs. "field independent" (Witkin and Goodenough, 1981). In addition to these, there are also ten or twelve

less well validated attempts to describe differing styles of learning. Probably the most over-generalized and misused

has been "right-brain dominant" vs. "left-brain dominant."

Regardless of their validity, any of these methods may have heuristic value for faculty development by drawing

attention to the fact that learners differ and that we need to take account of these differences in teaching. Too many

teachers think of students as a featureless mass; too many rarely vary their teaching methods, thinking that the

method by which they were taught is best for everyone.

A method appropriate for most students may be ineffective for other students who could learn more easily with a

different approach. Methods of teaching (e.g., graphic or verbal), ways of representing information, personality

characteristics of teachers all affect learning and affect different learners differently. Thinking about learning styles

can lead a teacher to think about different ways of teaching, and that is good. An effective teacher needs to vary

techniques and to have an armamentarium of teaching methods and learning activities that can be drawn upon from

moment to moment or from week to week to facilitate maximum learning for as many students as possible.



Nonetheless, as in most things, there are potential undesirable side effects from the use of learning style concepts.

Probably the most serious is that styles are often taken to be fixed, inherited characteristics that limit students' ability

to learn in ways that do not fit their styles. Thus, some teachers draw the implication that they must match their

teaching to the student's particular style, and some students who have been labeled as having a particular style feel

that they can only learn from a certain kind of teaching. Learning about learning styles may be helpful to teachers

who have not previously thought seriously about differences among students. Where they go awry is when teachers

become so committed to a particular set of learning style categories that they miss individual differences and

changes over time.

Similarly, students who believe they have a particular style that cannot be changed are likely to give up when taught

by a teacher whose method doesn't match their style. Having classified the students into particular learning styles, a

teacher often feels that the problem of learner differences has been solved. Some teachers become devotees of one

or another learning style system. However, the "styles" or "types" identified by learning style inventories are not little

boxes, neatly

As in most things, there are potential undesirable side effects from the use of learning style concepts.

separated from one another; rather, they represent dimensions along which learners may differ. Each individual is

unique, falling at different points along the various continua that the learning style inventories purport to measure.

Even when considered as dimensions rather than as categories, few measures of learning styles have been

validated as being useful.

Most of the attempts to match students with teachers have proved to have relatively little effect upon learning. It is

plausible that, at least initially, trying to fit teaching to a student's learning style may be helpful. But the important

thing to remember is that what are called "learning styles" are preferences and habits of learning that have been

learned, and that everyone is capable of going beyond the particular "style" preferred at the time. Regardless of their

learning "styles," students can learn strategies that enable them to be effective when taught by methods that are not

compatible with their preferred "style." To assume that one must teach to a particular learning style misses the fact

that a given student may be best taught by one method early in learning and by another after the student has gained



some competence. For example, anxious students need a good deal of structure when they first encounter a new

instructor and new material. But if they are to overcome their anxiety, they later need challenges that they can

successfully overcome.

None of the learning styles makes nearly as much difference as the student's prior knowledge, intelligence, and

motivation. All of these characteristics are learnable. My own research and teaching has focused upon teaching

students skills and strategies so that they can learn more effectively regardless of differences in instruction. Our

research group has developed the Motivated Strategies for Learning Questionnaire (Pintrich, et al., 1991), which

assesses such things as the degree to which students try to relate ideas in a subject to what they already know, and

the methods they use for organizing course materials. In my "Learning to Learn" course I also teach motivational

strategies. When students learn to learn in more meaningful ways they are more likely to develop intrinsic motivation

for learning rather than being solely focused on the tests and grades or credentials. Similarly, when students become

interested in a topic they are likely to think more about it. Cognition and motivation are interdependent.

It is important for both teachers and students to realize that learners always encounter many situations that are not

adapted to their own preferences. What we teachers need to do is to help students develop the skills and strategies

needed for learning effectively from teachers who do not match the students' preferred learning "style." Methods of

teaching learning strategies are described in Weinstein and Mayer (1986) and McKeachie, Pintrich and Lin (1985).

Good teaching involves more than communicating the content of one's discipline; a good teacher also needs both to

motivate students to continue learning and to teach them the skills and strategies needed for continued learning.



Chapter 7 ± MEMORY

Memory

In its most general sense, a memory is the trace of some past event by which that past event can subsequently be

reconstrued. In normal use, we think of memory as information that is encoded in our brains in a way that enables it

to be stored quietly away, and then subsequently retrieved when needed. This notion has been generalised to the

idea of digital electronic information stores as memory, following the perhaps unsafe analogy between animal brains

and digital computers. Metaphorically, we sometimes talk of memory in physical objects, such as when a deformable

object holds an imprint of a previous form.

This article is about memory as information stored in our brains for subsequent deliberate retrieval. As we experience

new things every day of our lives, our brains change in small but sometimes important ways. Nothing in our brains is

fixed, neurons are dying steadily, but some new ones are being born throughout our lives. Each of the nerve

cells neurons)in our brain makes many thousands of connections, called synapses, with other nerve cells - and these

are constantly in flux, the number and strength of these connections changes according to our experience. Thus

experience changes our brains in these and many other ways, and in a sense, all of these changes are part

of learning - in that they are the mechanisms by which past experience influences future behaviour. In a sense all

learning involves 'memory', but memory is not just about learning. In natural usage, a memory is a detailed

reconstruction in the mind of some past event. We believe that ultimately memories must be encoded in the brain by

changes in the patterns or strengths of connectivity between neurons. We also know that some parts of the brain like

the hippocampus are especially important for remembering certain types of things. However, to pretend that

neuroscientists have an adequate understanding of how even the simplest memory of an event is encoded in the

brain would be quite wrong. There is an enormous "gap" in our understanding; we know a great deal about the

fundamental mechanisms by which nerve cells operate, but we don't know how these allow us to store and retrieve

memories as we understand them



Chapter 8 - COGNITION AND LANGUAGE

Perception, Cognition, and Language: Essays in Honor of Henry and Lila Gleitman

Edited by Barbara Landau, John Sabini, John Jonides, and Elissa L. Newport. Cambridge, Mass., MIT Press, 2000,

360 pp., $39.95.

SOPHIA VINOGRADOV, M.D.

San Francisco, Calif.

Some time during the late 1980s, the evening research seminar held by Henry and Lila Gleitman at the University of

Pennsylvania became "The Cheese Seminar," since gourmet cheese was the steadfast accompaniment to the

discussions of research in experimental psychology and psycholinguistics. By the acronymic 1990s, the seminar was

simply called "Cheese." During these evening discussions, many of the contributors to the book Perception,

Cognition, and Language learned how to do psychological research in memory, learning, and language and, perhaps

no less importantly, learned how to love triple crèmes. As the editors note in their introduction, "they did not need to

learn to love Henry and Lila, since that is innate" (p. 8).

This book is, most clearly, a labor of that love²love for the subject matter and love for the mentors, Henry and

LilaGleitman. Henry Gleitman has been called the best teacher of the best undergraduate introductory psychology

course in the country. Lila Gleitman is an internationally recognized psycholinguist. As a husband-and-wife academic

team, the Gleitmans are perhaps most well-known by nonspecialists for their pioneering research on Motherese, the

way that mothers all over the world speak to their babies²high-pitched, sing-song, repetitive²and the way this helps

the infant brain learn a language. Nineteen contributors, who are themselves recognized contributors and researchers

in the fields of memory, learning, perception, and language, were inspired by a 1996 convocation in Philadelphia held

in honor of Henry Gleitman¶s 100th introductory psychology course at the University of Pennsylvania. This volume is

a compilation of addresses from that meeting, as well as essays by former students of Henry and Lila Gleitman, two

of the most prominent research psychologists of our time.



There are many ways to read this book. If you are interested in the recent history of research and teaching in

cognitive psychology in the United States, you will enjoy the overview of the development of several major areas of

investigation, especially as they occurred at the University of Pennsylvania and nearby universities. In part 1, the

editors outline the Gleitmans¶ careers and their impact on the fields of perception, language, and cognition. In part 2,

the essays focus on HenryGleitman¶s contributions to the field of psychology as a teacher (roughly 13,800 hours!)

and scholar. Part 3 contains essays from former graduate students, with descriptions of their current research and its

origins in "Cheese." Throughout, there are fascinating descriptions of early areas of study by the Gleitmans, such as

Lila Gleitman¶s involvement with the linguistics group at the University of Pennsylvania, which was using a UNIVAC

computer to comprehend the running text of naturallanguage. Lila met Noam Chomsky (who thought this approach

was fruitless), read his book Syntactic Structures (1) in secret, and began to reformulate her thinking about the

organization of language learning.

If, instead, you are interested in topics such as the usefulness of thinking out loud, the relation of language and

space, or perceptions of stability and change, or if you do research in related areas, you will be interested in learning

about how the investigator initially approached the topic, how the knowledge in the area developed over time, and

how these ideas were shaped by the Gleitmans and others.

To me, the most compelling aspect of the book was at its meta-level. For those of us who work in the research world,

where our writing is constrained to denote rather than connote, and where we must carefully restrict ourselves to

empirical facts and to quantitative data, an entire universe of our research experience is absentin the record we leave

behind: the universe of our emotional experiences as students and investigators and the way these emotional

experiences shape who we become, our relationship to our work, and, indeed, the very work itself.

This book, then, is a rather revolutionary publication, in that it boldly joins this world of emotion and memory²the

subjective and qualitative experiences of the researchers who describe their development and their work²to the

world of scientific productivity. And it does so in tribute to two extraordinary teachers, investigators, and mentors, who

obviously never shied away from emphasizing the importance of the personal experience in the genesis of solid



research endeavor. (Indeed, the first forays into the world of Motherese were inspired by Lila Gleitman¶s observation

of her own interactions with her two infant daughters.)

And so, in the same volume, you will find a scholarly paper on mechanisms of verbal working memory revealed

through neuroimaging by John Jonides and a photograph of Henry Gleitman dressed as a 17th-century courtier (he

loves theater and apparently does a great deal of amateur directing). There are descriptions ofHenry¶s philosophy

about teaching (undergraduates are to be respected) alongside commentaries about Lila¶s passion for orchids and

bridge. Plus my favorite quote from Henry Gleitman, which I have now implemented whenever I am obliged to do

some tedious administrative task: "If it¶s not worth doing, it¶s not worth doing well!"

Lastly, for those of us who are in mentoring roles in teaching, research, administration, or clinical program

development, it is helpful to learn from these testaments what it is that makes for an inspiring and supportive mentor:

not just a command of the subject matter, but, even more important, a love of the work and a love of the mentoring

relationship, combined with generosity, enthusiasm, curiosity, and above all (as I personally always suspected)²a

love of French cheese



Chapter 9 ± INTELLIGENCE

Understanding Intelligence

by Rolf Pfeifer and Christian Scheier. Cambridge, Mass., MIT Press, 1999, 697 pp., $63.00.

DAVID V. FORREST, M.D.

New York, N.Y.

Working through in psychoanalysis, adding behavioral homework to abstract cognitive schemata, enactment in a host

of therapies: all require action, motor activity, and engagement with the real world. How can our psychiatric theories

move from the static to the interactive? Perhaps we are daunted by what seems like a greater complexity than the

universe of a disembodied neurotransmitter-stuffed skull on a shelf.

But here comes a book from artificial intelligence that says progress will be made in understanding the mind only

when we add movement and engagement, which will result not in complication but in simplification and clarity of our

models. Wondering about your model of a mental process? Put legs or wheels on it, give it sensors and tropisms with

which to interact with the world, and learn from what it does. But how, you ask, can one put wheels on something like

"selfobject" theory? Meet the "timid" Braitenberg vehicles in chapter 6. I once saw a Braitenberg vehicle described at

Brown University that did a pretty good job of relating to its object in a borderline way.

Perhaps the miraculous mechanism of human vision interests you (as it does Steven Pinker [1]). Neural networks

have modeled the retina, but we have no model of general vision. This book suggests that we will not have one,

because we do not see with general vision with our own eyes. The puzzle of vision is simplified by considering it as

the active engagement with the world that it truly is. We do not wait for the world to impinge upon us, hoping to extract

forms by inner-outer matching. Instead, we actively search, target, and focus our visual sampling with a simplifying

purpose.

The concept of general intelligence (Spearman¶s factor g) is similarly suspect. The authors favor

multiple intelligences. Although Duncan et al. (2) have located a center in the lateral frontal cortex that activates

during high-g and low-g spatial, verbal, and perceptuomotor tasks, Sternberg (3) has argued that localization is like



saying we understand a computer because we have located its chip. Markman (4), reviewing this

book, acknowledged that the "perceptual and motor abilities of thenew generation of robots are impressive" but

stated that "it has not been shown that this kind of sensorimotor coordination will provide a better framework for

understanding high-level intelligence than the techniques currently being pursued in cognitive science." Perceptual

and motor abilities are essential prerequisites forintelligence to develop and function, say Pfeifer and Scheier,

pointing out that mental rotation of objects, for example, often seen as the epitome of a high-level cognitive task, is

actually a motor act.

The chapter on memory is both interesting and a tease because it remains so tentative. It demolishes the traditional

"storehouse" concept of memory as a limiting metaphor. Memory is not located in the individual but manifests itself in

the individual¶s interaction with the environment. There are methodological limitations to recording from multiple sites

in a behaving animal, but the authors propose that interactive memory processes can be studied by means of

autonomous (robotic) agents. Although much remains speculative at this stage, the authors present extensive

design principles and "cases" (robotic agents) that rely on connectionist neural networks, which are explained briefly

here and which I have explicated elsewhere (5) for psychiatrists. They then argue that "actually building a robot draws

attention to the enormous complexity of behaving systems. It also shows us very clearly all the assumptions we are

making and all the processes we are leaving out when we focus only on µhigh level¶ processing, as in the cognitivistic

paradigm" (p. 570). They admit here a fundamental problem, that robots have used digitalmicroprocessors, whereas

brains do not just run programs or have buses to transmit data.

The next step is neuromorphic engineering, mimicking brain structure (of which the artificial retina is the most

prominent example so far). Sensory-motor chips are being designed without intervening digital processing (and used

in a line-following robot in Zurich called Morpho).

The authors argue throughout the book for the usefulness of autonomous agents (robots) to

understand intelligence (as embodied IQ, citing Edelman and Fuster but oddly omitting McCulloch [6]) and all other

aspects of mind. At the book¶s end, however, having considered communication between humans and robots

(such as Koboyashi¶s facial expression robots), the authors conclude that "without going into detail, what we can say



at first consideration is that because of their different sensory-motor and physical setup, robots will have emotions of

a completely different nature than human emotions" (p. 642) and will be evaluated by a Turing test. Although this is

admirably respectful of William Cannon and the origin of human emotions in body organs, emotions are singled out

unnecessarily. All models of natural sensory-motor phenomena will differ from the biological, but this is not the point.

It is from the underlying logic, the dynamisms and discernible quanta, even of emotions, that we shall learn.

Other goodies the reader can learn about are the TOTE (testing-operating-testing again-exiting) architecture;

Brooks¶s subsumption architectures, which incrementally add task-achieving behaviors on top of each other; and

action election dynamics for robust and flexible behavior in a complex dynamic world, achieved in a bottom-up way

and marked by motivations, avoidances, and conflicts.

Rothchild (7) complained that the word "model" has been used as a substitute for any number of precise terms. I

think he would have to agree that these are models that are both precise and true.

If we do not choose to build robots, we may still observe that the nature of our minds is active and that the study of

movement can clarify many psychiatric and neurological disorders (8). Leiguarda et al. (9), employing

photogrammetric motion analysis to quantify gestural slicing of bread in patients with Parkinson¶s disease,

progressive supranuclear palsy, or multiple system atrophy, showed that patients with high clinical atrophy

scores tended to have greater spatial and temporal disruption of their pantomimed slicing movements.

This book has the clarity of exposition and logical exposition of engineering texts that our psychiatric books could well

imitate.



Chapter 10 ± CONCIOUSNESS

States of Consciousness

By Jorge Waxemberg

Everyone wants to unfold, but we cannot always do it because we do not clearly know what this process entails.

The first thing for us to do is to recognize our state of consciousness. This recognition is the fundamental basis for

our point of departure and is the direction for our unfolding.

We all have a state of consciousness. But we cannot really group people according to their states of consciousness,

because that would lead to arbitrary classifications. And, besides, who can say what another person's state of

consciousness is? It isn't always the same: at one point in life we express ourselves as though we have one state of

consciousness and at another moment we act according to a different state of consciousness. Our inner world is also

apparently contradictory, for it manifests various sometimes opposite tendencies simultaneously, which could

indicate that there are different states of consciousness operating in us at the same time.

We could say that each of us is a soul, and the soul is a composite. Mind and heart, reason and passion, instinctual

voices and spiritual yearnings are forces in us which struggle to predominate and don't always let us have a clear

vision of who we are. Yet it is possible to outline certain stages of spiritual unfolding in the soul. Here we call these

stages "states of consciousness." In spiritual life, each stage is really a state of consciousness.

Positive state of consciousness is what we call the stage in which we develop our personality, improve our will,

develop rational thought and learn to categorize within the system of pairs of opposites. Most of us spend a long time

in the state of positive consciousness.



Let us look for a moment at the state of consciousness of human beings long ago, when humanity first began to

develop self-awareness: Early in our development, life was only an expression of the instinct for self-preservation. To

live was to survive. The instinct of self-preservation was (and continues to be) the manifestation in human beings of

the will of nature. At that stage, the human will is the will of nature. Love, at that stage, means obeying that law. Self-

awareness is yet to be developed. Our state of consciousness, at that stage, is "I am-as-species.

But in order to survive, we needed to learn to defend ourselves. Such defense tenuously points to "something" we

defend myself plus my first or foremost extension: weapons, tools, other people I identify with. This instinct of self-

preservation has been necessary it bonded the first human groups. In time, the group became the family, peoples,

races, nations.

We have evolved a lot in the course of the centuries of human development. We have expanded our notion of the

group. But the growth of the group of the "greater I" doesn't necessarily mean that there has been a fundamental

change in our states of consciousness. We still, as individuals, tend to identify with a group to the extent that that

group is useful and that it protects us. This means that the number of people forming our groups expands or

contracts according to circumstances. It is rare to find a person who loves everyone; we tend to love all the ones who

are in our group. When the group changes, for any number of reasons, our love can also change, even to the point of

becoming hate.

At one time we identify with the family, the people, the race or the country around us, at another time our feelings can

completely change. Our identification isn't real; it is the identification of personal interest. Sometimes it seems

complete, as happens in war or persecution which threatens the survival of our nation or race. But once danger is

past, people so often again reduce their identification to the small group which, within their race or country, coincides

with their personal interest. This means that our identification is not only partial but also superficial and temporary.



How do we develop this identification and this personality? Our personality is formed as a by-product of our self-

defense. Since we don't yet have a deep self-awareness, we identify with what we defend: our bodies, possession,

progeny, group. We tend to think: "I am al l that." We don't yet have a real personality of our own.

If we remain in this early state of consciousness, the thing we identify with most tends to be our bodies. We then do

everything we can to satisfy what the body demands. Satisfaction of physical needs leads rapidly to identification with

the body. Will is at the service of a physical self. To love means loving a self which is mainly physical. The

satisfaction of desires and of that self is the basic need, which is the basis on which the laws that rule life are

structured.

This is the way we have developed the consciousness of being a separate, differentiated being. Human

consciousness incarnates: I am-in-a-body. We create divisions: we divide races according to physical characteristics.

Physical differences likewise accentuate our personalities. The meaning of personal property is defined. The

personality acquires precise limits. Reason divides and separates in order to know and classify.

But each of us is left alone when we delimit ourselves within a personality. Before we were like the group; now we

are facing the group. Instinctual love brings us together but doesn't unite us. We then seek encounter,

communication. The need to share gives rise to reciprocal affection, which endures beyond physical need. We

recognize others: "neighbors," someone like us.

An attitude of self-defense entrenches us deeply in a personality. We don't want to die, but since death is

unavoidable, we entrench ourselves in l ife through children: they prolong "my" life. We entrench ourselves in posterity

as a way of projecting ourselves beyond death, beyond time. Human beings want to escape from the prison of time.

But the yearning to be free of time is a way of wanting to be free of the personality. The personality is not only

limitation in a self, it is limitation in a particular time: during the lifetime of the self's physical body.



The desire to be free marks the beginning of the expansion of the state of consciousness. To discover another

human being means perfecting love. When we discover our neighbor, charity is born. Charity is the capacity to

sacrifice oneself for others. We suffer for them, work for them. Our consciousness expands.

But still, we do not know what real love is. We protect our neighbor, but we still attack and destroy our enemy. By

fixing ourselves in a personality, we have fixed our vision of life in a system of pairs of opposites: myself and others;

people like me and those who are different. Charity is the beginning movement of expansive love, but we are not yet

able to see everyone as someone to love. Our consciousness has expanded, but it still sees existence through a

dualistic vision, in which good and evil exist in a world of "good people" and "bad people." We only conceive of

compassion toward good people. At this stage, our conception of God is that of a military god who protects the good

himself included and destroys the bad.

The positive state of consciousness has allowed human beings to become masters of the world, nature, and space.

But it has also perfected our capacity to destroy. It gave us material wings but did not teach us to fly inwardly. We

can travel the cosmos with our spaceships, but we still cannot transcend our anguish or inner problems, or find the

way out of the vicious circle of the problems created by our progress.

Yet love is like a flower which opens and expands unt il revealing all its beauty and releasing its fragrance. Love is the

door which leads the soul to transcend the positive state of consciousness.

When love stops asking for something, mysticism begins.

To stop asking means to stop expecting, to stop pursuing personal objectives. The personal self interprets the

perfecting of love as a renouncement, because the personal self is an expression of separateness. Our positive

attitude prevents us from understanding that our consciousness won't expand unless we, individually, begin

renouncing from now on.



The expansion of Renouncement is of a different nature from the positive expansion we were used to. The expansion

that comes from Renouncement is a negative expansion. The word negative, of course, is incapable of explaining the

nature of spiritual expansion. But it is the closest we can come to describing an expansion that is not positive.

Positive expansion is an increase in extension; it's something that happens on the exterior. Negative expansion

happens inside the self, it's an expansion in depth: it is the spiritualizing of the state of consciousness. From the

moment negative expansion begins, our state of consciousness acquires a new dimension.

When we transcend the dualistic representation of existence, our love expands inwardly until it embraces everything:

people, the world, the Divine. It turns into participation.

Until then, the act of loving was a movement²something we gave, something that came to us. In contrast to this

movement, participation is spiritual identification: others live inside us. Communication is no longer a movement:

communication is established through the expansion of self-awareness. To be is to be in all souls.

When we expand, we participate, and our life is Presence. We no longer spend life darting from one experience to

another. Our awareness consists in having the Divine reside within us and ourselves in the Divine. We become the

expression of the harmony between what is limited and human and what is Divine and limitless. Exteriorly our life is

rhythm and measure; interiorly it is simple movement.

Every human being has a state of consciousness. Within that state of consciousness there are many possibilities

which, when fulfilled, provide the knowledge of the range of things we embrace from our state of consciousness. But

we begin to unfold when we expand our state of consciousness, transcending our limited, personal identification. We

unfold when we learn to love without limits.



Chapter 11 ± MOTIVATION

Article On Motivation - Regain Your Motivation

Do you feel your motivation has diminished recently? Or do you feel at the moment that it's gone completely? Do you

wonder how you'll ever get it back?

It often happens that many people find their motivation decreasing or disappearing altogether. When this happens

you tend to feel stuck and you're not really moving forward. You may feel frustrated because you're not making any

progress. Seeing yourself making progress is one way to be motivated. But if that's not there, it becomes a vicious

circle, because when you're not making progress, you don't feel motivated and vice versa.

When you want to increase your motivation, it's worth remembering that there's a difference between it and

inspiration. Motivation is an external source which encourages you and gives you ideas. Inspiration comes from

within and the encouragement and ideas are your own. When it comes from within, you own it and will feel inspired.

When you feel inspired you'll take action and taking action is the key to achieving what you want, whether it's

increasing your business, making changes in your life or progressing towards your dreams.

So, we're really looking to increase your inspiration here and not necessarily just to motivate you. I've found that

people's inspiration drops when they've been doing the same thing over and over again for some time. You may feel

you're stuck in a rut; it's become a bit of a drag. If you're feeling this way, it's no wonder your inspiration has decided

to 'wander off'.

Sometimes you just need to take a break or have a rest from what you're doing and your inspiration may well come

back. This break also allows you to re-assess what you've been doing and not doing. Perhaps then you'll see there

are some changes you want to make, perhaps deciding to implement a different strategy or action plan.

Taking a break will mean different things to different people and you need to determine for yourself what this break



will be. Perhaps, you'll decide take a day or a week off work, to play and have fun. Or you may decide to go for a

brisk walk. I'm even inclined to suggest to you that, while taking this break, you tell yourself that you're not allowed to

do or think about anything related to work or whatever it is that you're taking a break from. It's surprising how much

most of us react to being told we can't do or have something. The rebellious part of us often surfaces and wants to

fight it.

Taking a break from whatever it is you've been doing will probably make you feel apprehensive. All your fears about

how much you have to get done, you're wasting time, what if I don't want to go back to doing this, are likely to

surface. It's a natural reaction, but the fear is usually much worse than the reality. You need to trust yourself, face up

to the fears and know that you can handle any situation.

After a break, you'll feel refreshed and when you feel refreshed, your enthusiasm and inspiration will return. Then,

you'll be ready to start moving forward again.

What I want for you is to take a break and allow your inspiration and desire for life and business to return to you

naturally.



Chapter 12 ± EMOTIONAL BEHAVIORS, STRESS AND HEALTH Emotional Response May Predict How the Body Responds to Stress

ScienceDaily (Feb. 21, 2011) ² Your emotional response to challenging situations could predict how your body

responds to stress, according to research published this month in the journal Brain, Behavior, and Immunity.

"People who reported high levels of anger and anxiety after performing a laboratory-based stress task showed

greater increases in a marker of inflammation, than those who remained relatively calm," said Dr Judith Carroll, who

conducted the study at the University of Pittsburgh. "This could help explain why some people with high levels of

stress experience chronic health problems," she added.

The investigators asked healthy middle-aged individuals to complete a speech in the laboratory in front of video

camera and a panel of judges. During the speech, they monitored the physical responses to the task and then

afterwards asked them about the emotions that they had experienced.

"Most people show increases in heart rate and blood pressure when they complete a stressful task," explained Dr

Carroll, "but some also show increases in a circulating marker of inflammation known as interleukin-6. Our study

shows that the people who have the biggest increases in this marker are the ones who show the greatest emotional

responses to the task."

"Our results raise the possibility that individuals who become angry or anxious when confronting relatively minor

challenges in their lives are prone to increases in inflammation," explained lead author Dr Anna Marsland, an

Associate Professor of Psychology and Nursing at the University of Pittsburgh. "Over time, this may render these

emotionally-reactive individuals more vulnerable to inflammatory diseases, such as cardiovascular disease," she

said.

The research, funded by the National Institute of Nursing Research, is part of a burgeoning field, known as

Psychoneuroimmunology, which investigates the interactions between psychological processes and health. "This

paper addresses a key question in psychoneuroimmunology -- what explains individual differences in the

inflammatory response to stress," said Dr Margaret Kemeny, a Professor at the University of California, San



Francisco. "These findings suggest that the specific nature of the emotional response to the task may be a key

predictive factor and set the stage for future work defining these pathways and addressing their clinical implications,"

she added



Chapter 13 ± SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY

Remorse Regret and Sorry - A Triad of Social Psychology

By Dr. Michael Nuccitelli

Remorse, Regret, and Sorry are three words vital to adaptive living. These three words when practiced increase the

probability of all social interactions being successful. Ignorance and/or refusal of this psychological triad lead to

criminal and/or deviant behaviors with victimization as the modus operandi. Two diminutive words, "I'm Sorry", is one

of the most powerful and complex phrases expressed in communication.

Since the beginning of civilization, this phrase has been part of all societal and cultural exchanges communicated via

various languages. "I'm Sorry" will always be integral to social relationships. The premise of this phrase concretely

illustrates how all people are fallible creatures. Actions and/or words can offend briefly or inflict a life long

psychological scar void of healing. Understanding the meaning and origins of "I'm Sorry" will assist the reader in

comprehending this powerful phrase.

The actual term, Sorry, dates back to prehistoric times and theorized to derive from the West Germanic term, Sairig,

a derivative of Sairaz, with the English source denoting Sore. The original definition meant both physical and

psychological pain. Over hundreds of years, the word evolved into an expression of regret now coined, Sorry.

Despite the resemblance, the word Sorry has no etymological connection with the term, Sorrow. This word also dates

back to prehistoric Germanic language meaning "care." Contemporary German dialect uses the word, Sorge,

meaning to worry or feel sorrow.

The term, Sorry, is an adjective with a multitude of meanings defining different communications expressed in social

relationships. From a reductionist standpoint, and adding the identifier, I'm, makes the phrase a form of apology and

expression of regret.

The definition of apology is an expression of regret for causing someone else trouble or pain. The definition of regret

means to feel remorse or contrite about ones actions. Remorse and regret are two emotions people in general have

a very difficult time experiencing and admitting.



Remorse is another vital term to succinctly understand the phrase, "I'm Sorry." Without the experience of remorse, it

is impossible to sincerely communicate regret for ones misdeed(s). Remorse is defined as a sense of deep regret

and guilt for causing someone harm. Depending on the harm committed, severity of remorse can range from subtle

to severe. The societal purpose of remorse is to educate people on behaviors not acceptable in social interactions.

Without the experience of remorse, people can not learn to change their actions leading to a more conducive

lifestyle. Since the beginning of recorded history, civilization has written poetry, music, songs, and various other

forms of communication in an attempt to define and express the experience of remorse. Without remorse for

wrongdoings, society could not exist and isolation would be central to human existence.

The human being is a social creature surviving and thriving within a group dynamic. As part of this evolutionary

structure, remorse and communication of regret is both encouraged and necessary for survival of all people, the

homo sapiens.

Given the vital purpose of remorse and regret to humanity, the term, "I'm Sorry", is often confounded by suspicions of

sincerity. A person's character and integrity is a barometer of sincerity and the impact of communicating remorse is

directly connected to the person's intent. If integrity is deemed suspect, then attempts to apologize can easily be

construed as misguided void of sincerity.

Character and integrity related to being genuinely remorseful is tied to past, present, and future actions following their

misdeed(s). Some are unforgivable while most are accepted provided specific actions are exhibited after his/her

misdeed(s). The end product of actions following a misdeed is new learned behaviors reducing the potential for

repetition of the specific misdeeds.

An analogy to illustrate human fallibility not addressed, changed, or redirected would be the person who suffers from

alcoholism. Although the alcoholic is secretly aware his/her drinking causes pain and anguish to others, he/she

continues to drink using a variety of defense mechanisms such as denial, displacement, and minimization. Engaged

in the gradual demise of his/her character, integrity, and trust by others, the alcoholic may go years before

experiencing remorse and abstaining from future alcohol consumption. The process of recognition, remorse, regret,



recovery and rehabilitation illustrates the path all people should experience in the process of positive human

adaptation.

Without remorse or regret for actions deemed hurtful by others, the probability for positive change is minuscule.

Given the depths of the human mind, there are copious defense mechanisms ready to protect someone from feeling

regret for their actions. The ability to say, "I'm Sorry", and mean it requires an internal reservoir called conscience.

Conscience is defined as a moral sense of right and wrong. This psychological construct affects a person's behavior

and encourages functional behavior.

Consciousness, thinking, awareness, and self-awareness are all relevant facets of the conscience. This construct is

like a glass of water ranging from empty to full. Most people's reservoir of conscience ranges from ½ to ¾ filled. As

mentioned above, a part of the human condition is fallibility and proclivity to engage in non functional behavior(s).

The less conscience a person possesses, the more apt he/she is at a risk for victimizing others. The severest

outcome of lacking a vessel of conscience would be the criminal, deviant, or sociopathic mind.

The phrase, "I'm Sorry", is one of the most important phrases involved in the human experience. From the beginning

of time and ad infinitum thereafter, the process of recognition, regret, remorse, and rehabilitation will always be a

barometer for human adaptability. Laws, religions, philosophies, and familial guidelines for raising children are all

geared to manage and reduce human suffering.

The goal is quite simple and easy to practice using five steps.

1. Expect others to become offended given variability of perceptions filtering all human interactions.

2. Whether innocent or guilty causing others harm, initiate an apology followed by empathy for their experience.

3. Verbalize a plan for not offending in the future.

4. Introspect upon and initiate a paradigm shift reducing the potential for future offending action(s).

5. Never forget, always forgive, and foster mutual respect.



Chapter 14 - PERSONALITY

Our Personality Determines How Long We Will Live

By eNotAlone.com

Published: April 13, 2009

The latest research by the scientists from the Boston University School of Medicine (BUSM), found that it is our

personality that could be a factor to determine how long we live. Researchers have discovered that the children of

centenarians, in general, possess certain personality features that are linked to healthy ageing and longevity.

For many years, the scientists from BUSM's New England Centenarian Study have been concentrating on a group of

very long-lived individuals 100-years of age and beyond, as well as on their siblings, spouses and children. This

study has already revealed some interesting facts about particularly long-lived people, such as:

� They tend not to be overweight, and as to men - they are almost always lean.

� They generally stay sharp-witted, and very rarely suffer from many of the major age-associated diseases,

like heart disease and cancer.

� They are leading a healthy lifestyle.

� They typically deal with stress pretty well.

For the study purposes, researchers involved 246 offspring of centenarians. These included 125 women and 121

men, with an average age of 75 years. All the participants were asked to fill out appropriate questionnaires so the

experts could measure and determine the levels of neuroticism (tendency to experience negative emotions like

depression or anxiety), openness, extraversion (gregariousness), agreeableness and conscientiousness in their

personalities. The experts then carried out the same experiment with a group of randomly picked unrelated people of

the same age, and then compared the results.



It was found that the participants in both groups showed some substantial differences, and this made the researchers

assume that the following personality traits may have important implications to help people live a longer life: Low

neuroticism: both male and female offspring of centenarians scored at the bottom of the published normal range for

this trait. High extraversion: the offspring of long-lived individuals scored in the high range for sociability. They like

being surrounded by people and enjoy being in the center of public attention. The experts further said that women

also scored comparatively high in agreeableness, which means that they tended to be cooperative types. The elderly

male offspring of centenarians scored within normal range in this trait. In addition, both genders scored within normal

range for conscientiousness and openness.

Dr. Thomas Perls, director of the New England Centenarian Study, said: "Interestingly, whereas men and women

generally differ substantially in their personality characteristics, the male and female offspring tended to be similar,

which speaks to the importance of these traits, irrespective of gender, for health aging and longevity."

It is possible, he further added, that low neuroticism and high extraversion could be beneficial for health. It certainly

makes sense that it might not be good for a person to be constantly stressed and worried about problems. The

findings coincide with the results of the other research that revealed the negative effects of long-term elevations in

stress hormones, for example. As for extraversion, high levels of this trait have been associated with establishing

friendships and looking after yourself. Dr. Perls concluded that the new findings suggest that personality is a very

important characteristic to be included in future studies of longevity and its genetic and environmental determinants.

The study, conducted in collaboration with scientists from the National Institute on Aging, has been published online

in the Journal of the American Geriatrics Society.



Chapter 15 ± ABNORMALITY, THERAPY AND SOCIAL AND SOCAIL ISSUES

Psychological Abnormalities Considered - Book Review

By Lance Winslow

When it comes to psychology what's that famous line; What is Normal Anyway? Indeed, it's hard to say if anyone is

completely normal, and with that said, who'd want to be of normal psychology anyway. And surely no one wants to

be considered abnormal, and if they did, they probably already are you see? In any case, because abnormality in

psychology is such a fascinating topic, perhaps you'd like to learn more on the topic.

Well, if this sounds good to you, then there is a pretty straight forward and easy book to read on the topic even for a

layman like me, someone outside of the field of psychology. Okay so, the book I'd like to recommend to you is a book

I personally own, and its well worth taking a gander at, and reading through when you have the time. The name of

the book is;

"Casebook in Abnormal Psychology" (second edition) by Timothy A Brown and David H. Barlow, Wadsworth -

Thompson Learning Book Publishers, Pacific Grove, CA, (2001), 334 pages, ISBN: 0-534-36316-4.

This book is an excellent overview of several abnormal psychology conditions and issues, some of the most common

in fact. I was originally upset, and concerned to read in the introduction the following statement: "All of the cases in

this book are based on actual clinical histories and treatment outcomes although the patient names and identifying

characteristics (i.e. demographics such as age, occupation, martial/family history) have been changed." This

bothered me because I believe those factors are very important.

And yet, as I read through this book, I began to realize that perhaps that wasn't so important as to understanding the

basic principles of abnormal psychology or at least the types of abnormalities described in this book. Things like

PTSD for instance, as that can happen to anyone, of any age it appears. Indeed, you should have this book as a

reference and everyone should know a little bit about psychology anyway. Please consider all this.



Chapter -16 ± SPECIIC DISORDERS AND TREATMENT

What Causes Anxiety Disorders?

The exact cause of anxiety disorders is unknown; but anxiety disorders -- like other forms of mental illness -- are not

the result of personal weakness, a character flaw, or poor upbringing. As scientists continue their research on mental

illness, it is becoming clear that many of these disorders are caused by a combination of factors, including changes in

the brain and environmental stress.

Like certain illnesses, such as diabetes, anxiety disorders may be caused by chemical imbalances in the body.

Studies have shown that severe or long-lasting stress can change the balance of chemicals in the brain that control

mood. Other studies have shown that people with certain anxiety disorders have changes in certain brain structures

that control memory or mood. In addition, studies have shown that anxiety disorders run in families, which means that

they can be inherited from one or both parents, like hair or eye color. Moreover, certain environmental factors -- such

as a trauma or significant event -- may trigger an anxiety disorder in people who have an inherited susceptibility to

developing the disorder.

How Common Are Anxiety Disorders?

Anxiety disorders affect about 19 million adult Americans. Most anxiety disorders begin in childhood, adolescence,

and early adulthood. They occur slightly more often in women than in men, and occur with equal frequency in whites,

African-Americans, and Hispanics.



How Are Anxiety Disorders Diagnosed?

If symptoms of an anxiety disorder are present, the doctor will begin an evaluation by asking you questions about

your medical history and performing a physical exam. Although there are no laboratory tests to specifically diagnose

anxiety disorders, the doctor may use various tests to look for physical illness as the cause of the symptoms.

If no physical illness is found, you may be referred to a psychiatrist or psychologist, mental health professionals who

are specially trained to diagnose and treat mental illnesses. Psychiatrists and psychologists use specially designed

interview and assessment tools to evaluate a person for an anxiety disorder.

The doctor bases his or her diagnosis on the patient's report of the intensity and duration of symptoms -- including

any problems with daily functioning caused by the symptoms -- and the doctor's observation of the patient's attitude

and behavior. The doctor then determines if the patient's symptoms and degree of dysfunction indicate a specific

anxiety disorder.

How Are Anxiety Disorders Treated?

Fortunately, much progress has been made in the last two decades in the treatment of people with mental illnesses,

including anxiety disorders. Although the exact treatment approach depends on the type of disorder, one or a

combination of the following therapies may be used for most anxiety disorders:

� Medication : Medicines used to reduce the symptoms of anxiety disorders include anti-depressants and anxiety-

reducing drugs.

� Psychotherapy : Psychotherapy (a type of counseling) addresses the emotional response to mental illness. It is a

process in which trained mental health professionals help people by talking through strategies for understanding and

dealing with their disorder.



� Cognitive-behavioral therapy: People suffering from anxiety disorders often participate in this type of psychotherapy

in which the person learns to recognize and change thought patterns and behaviors that lead to troublesome

feelings.

� Dietary and lifestyle changes

� Relaxation therapy

Final Psych

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