Cargill MacMillan IV

Charise Cheney

ES 499

April 25th, 2014

Sports Informing Racial Identity

Sports and racial identity are two concepts that are not customarily

associated with each other. Individually, racial identity is thought about as a concept

that exemplifies social conflicts and interests by referring to different sorts of

human bodies. Moreover, race is a socially constructed system of classifying

individuals according to phenotypical characteristics that are inherently determined

but not always consistent. Conversely, sports are generally understood outside of

the scope of politics, race, and social issues. It is commonplace for professional

athletes to fall by the wayside when faced with questions about their own political

beliefs. The pursuit of wealth, fame, and achievement can subjugate their role as a

human being to stand up for what they believe is ethical and principled.

An example of this is seen through “The Airness” himself in Michael Jordan.

One of the most renowned athletes in the history of sports is unfortunately targeted

for much criticism in the subsequent years of his decorated and illustrious career in

basketball. This is a direct consequence of Jordan not utilizing his platform to

pursue social or political change for the better of mankind. Jordan remained

apolitical throughout his playing career and well after, though an argument can be

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made for why he did so. As one of the world’s most influential figures and athletes

with a net worth pushing $500 million, it can be easy to excuse Jordan of not

standing up for social and political beliefs in a way similar to Muhammad Ali during

the 1960’s. Jordan avoided polemic attention at all costs to ensure his endorsement

deals and contractual covenants would not be jeopardized.

Muhammad Ali is considered one of the greatest heavyweight fighters ever in

his respective sport as a result of his three lineal world heavyweight championships

won in 1964, 1974, and 1978 during the so-called “golden era” of boxing. Ali

revolutionized his sport through sheer power coupled with an unrivaled nimbleness

in the ring. Ali also renovated the persona and role of the African American athlete

in America through his embrace of racial pride and inclination to challenge the

white establishment through the values he epitomized. He was a controversial

figure as he refused to conscript in the Vietnam War because of his religious beliefs

and disapproval of American participation in Vietnam. Dave Zirin touches on the

dividing line between sports, social issues, and race that Ali blurred and Jordan

fortified in his book “What’s My Name Fool?” Zirin asserts, “ Ali, the catalyst that

forced professional sports – and the country as a whole – to examine the issues of

racism and war, no longer exists. The reason for this is not difficult to fathom. The

golden rule of big-time sports is that “jocks” are not supposed to be political, unless

it involves saluting the flag, supporting the troops, selling a war” (pg. 54). This quote

is significant because it expresses exactly what made Muhammad Ali a loathed

athlete by the press, a persecuted athlete by the US government, and an adored

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athlete across the globe. Very few athletes make use of the platform they are allotted

like Ali did. It is too conventional for athletes to remain apolitical in the media today,

which illustrates why sports and race are difficult to think of together.

It was obvious that Jordan did not want to jeopardize his endorsement deals

or cause a media stir as he endeavored to stay out of the spotlight at all costs unlike

Ali. There are several instances in which Jordan refused to make use of his podium

and stand up for what he believed was morally appropriate on numerous occasions.

A prominent exemplar of this transpired in 1992 when asked about the Rodney King

Riots occurring in Los Angeles. Jordan spurned an opportunity to assert his opinion

to the press and simply responded, “I need to know more about it.” This only begins

to shed light on the absentee Jordan hiding his political beliefs on a national stage.

Another noteworthy instance in which Jordan did not utilize his public

understructure occurred in 1990 during the heated North Carolina Senate race

between overwhelming right-wing Republican Jesse Helms and African American

Democrat Harvey Gantt, mayor of Charlotte. It is important to note that Helms

possessed a deleterious view of minorities as well as the LGBT community.

According to Ashford’s The Times article entitled “Reagan Backs Extension to Black

Voting Act” Helms once called the Civil Rights Act of 1964 “The single most

dangerous piece of legislation ever introduced in the Congress” while sponsoring

legislation to either extend it to the entire country or rid it all together.

Furthermore, according to Cash Michaels article “The Racial Legacy of Jesse Helms”

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Michaels states, “Helms opposed every piece of civil rights and affirmative action

legislation and blocked black judges from being considered for the federal bench.”

As the North Carolina election came to a close, it was evident that the race would be

decided by a thin margin. Jordan, a beloved native of the state of North Carolina

declined all approaches by Gantt’s backers to voice his opinion on the election or

even pose for photos with them. Jordan’s only explanation for his apolitical stance

on the North Carolina designation was the fact that Republican’s buy sneakers too.

The most infamous happening in which Jordan stiff-armed his public

pedestal with an opportunity to make a positive change came in 1997 regarding

exploitative labor practices in Southeast Asia. According to Crowley’s article “Hot

Air: The Case Against Michael Jordan” Nike came under fire as news broke that one

of Jordan’s biggest endorsers was spearheading immoral modern day slavery

practices overseas. Jordan confronted the issue by stating, “I’m hearing a lot of

different sides to the issue. The best thing I can do is go to Asia (in July) and see it

for myself. If it’s an issue of slavery or sweatshops, [Nike executives] have to revise

the situation.” Jordan never made the trip to assess the situation. This is one of the

plentiful instances that unfortunately embody his apolitical stance throughout his

illustrious career. He exemplifies an undoubted paradigm of why sports, politics,

social issues, and race do not mix. Jordan additionally illustrates why there is a

concrete dividing line when thinking about the concepts of sports and race together

and he strengthens it.

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Michael Jordan inspired me to think about sports and race in a way that is

unique and innovative. Sports and race are two concepts that are immensely

distinct, yet exceptionally intertwined. I was curious to see how these two concepts

could be paralleled with one another within my own research. My research is not

structured around professional athletes like Jordan evading the limelight for the

sake of their own brand and wealth, or athletes like Ali speaking out for freedom

and voicing their concerns over social and political issues, but it is centered on two

ideas that Jordan attempted to keep separated and Ali attempted to mesh. The

question at issue that I will be assessing throughout my paper will explore the

conceptions of sports, race, and masculinity together. More specifically, I will

evaluate the ways in which the club sports of rugby, soccer, and crew affiliated with

the University of Oregon influence and inform an individual’s racial sense of self, if

at all. I also hope to unearth racialized issues within each sport. Soccer, rugby, and

crew encompass a wide-ranging variety of athletes making them attractive options

to pursue. Additionally, the sports of rugby and soccer are associated with slightly

differing degrees of socioeconomic status considering equipment and travel in

comparison with crew. The socioeconomic cost of each of these sports does have

implications regarding who can participate in each respective sport. These facets

assisted in facilitating the sports I chose to pinpoint for my study.

Within each respective sport, I interviewed a varying number of participants

of distinctive racial descent to provide me with a diverse assortment of interview

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responses to analyze. The paper will be divided into three sections regarding each

sport. The first section will be concentrated on rugby and explore themes of

masculinity, hegemonic masculinity, and ideas on tacit racism. The subsequent

segment is focused on soccer and will reconnoiter ideas about racial identity,

discrimination and prejudices, and integration. The third and final division will

include the sport of crew. White privilege and white power dynamics will be central

in this section as well as stereotypes particularly along the lines of “East Asian

athletic views”. Furthermore, in order to tie the three distinct and tremendously

different sports of rugby, soccer, and crew together, I will examine the internal and

external factors that play a role in the interviewed athletes racialized experiences of

their sport. I will examine their answers and endeavor to draw parallels and

contradictions between their situations within their sports.

An individual’s identity is deceivingly complex. All people have an identity

characterized by cultural and societal categorizations. Cultural organizations

include gender, race, religion, and nationality whereas societal classifications

include family, career, and title or position. These cultural and societal

characterizations are known as external factors. It is commonplace for people to

utilize these external depictions in order to designate their whole identity. Still,

there is much more to an individual’s identity than these external crescendos. This

is imperative to recognize when addressing a full identity.

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The other portion of an identity make-up is the internal aspect. This part of

the identity is particularly delicate and necessitates an embrace. Intellectual,

physical, emotional, and spiritual characteristics similarly encompass the internal

identity. It is essential to note that an individual’s identity construction expands far

beyond their physical appearance and genetic make-up. Internal aspects such as

strengths, abilities, and innate gifts are an important part of the identity outside of

the appearance that must be acknowledged. By embracing one’s full identity, the

individual must accept all of their internal and external factors. With this reception

of both components of an identity, the individual is more capable of appreciating

their unique make-up. Jodi Davis addresses the internal and external elements of an

individual’s identity in her article entitled The Promise of Potential: Identity. Davis

avers, “When your identity is formed from both sources, you have a foundation for

who you “are” – not what you “do” or what you “have”. When you embrace your

whole identity, your motivation to achieve emanates from within. With this

awareness of your identity, striving to reach your potential comes from an internal

motivation, and you are free to just be” (pg. 8). This quote is meaningful when

thinking about sports and an athletes’ identity. If an athlete fails to recognize their

whole identity, they may lack the ability and motivation to unearth their true

passions and skills. Davis goes on to say, “Awareness of your identity spawns your

creativity, your passion, your energy and attraction, and your vision. That is YOU. It

is empowering to tap into your internal gifts and talents. This self-knowledge helps

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you be on your power base. This is the central stance from which you draw your

strength and stability” (pg. 9). Occasionally an individual’s discovered passions and

skills after acknowledging both components of their identity go against the grain of

typical paths for a person of a particular identity. An example of this is Tiger Woods.

Woods’ external identity would stray most people in his position away from the

white dominated sport of golf, yet Woods acknowledged his internal identity and

was able to discover a passion and skill in golf that may have never unfolded had he

pushed back against his internal desires.

Sports are oftentimes segregated based on race. By simply looking at the

USA’s summer and winter Olympic teams and their racial demographics, it is a well-

defined fact that there is racial separation. The basketball team is predominantly

African American, the hockey team is predominantly white, and the ping-pong team

is predominantly Asian American etc. Cultural, socioeconomic reasons, and a sport’s

exposure to certain groups of people largely play into this separation of race, yet the

minorities on each of the respective teams may struggle with internal and external

factors relating to their identity. It is not unusual for the athlete to feel out of place

and lost in their respective sport if they do not fit a typical mold. After examining

each athlete I interviewed, I will address their internal and external feeing’s relating

to their identities.

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Rugby is an enthralling sport that originated in England in the early 19th

century. This sport has a vast global reach similar to that of soccer. It is played in

over 100 countries across six continents and is the predominant sport of Oceania

and parts of Western Europe as well as the United Kingdom. Moreover, the sport of

rugby union is the fastest growing sport in the US as of 2010 according to the

National Sporting Goods Manufacturers Association (Economist). There are two

forms of rugby football known as rugby union and rugby league. Minor differences

exist between the two forms of rugby. Union is the classic style of rugby in which

each team has fifteen players on the field for eighty minutes. League is played

between two teams of thirteen players and makes for a simpler, faster paced game.

The classic style of union rugby facilitates a more proactive and team-wide strategy.

Rugby union is the version of the sport that is played at the club level here at the

University of Oregon in which I interviewed several players including the president

of the team. The athletes I interviewed for the sport include Andre Castrillo of

Latino descent (Nicaraguan), Conrad Caindec of Pacific Islander ancestry

(Hawaiian), and Anton Matchek of Caucasian lineage (New Zealand). I will utilize

Jonathon Long’s work on racist discourse in rugby to provide context and analysis to

the interviews I conducted. Specifically I will look at Long’s exposé entitled “Asians

Cannot Wear Turbans in the Scrum: Explorations of Racist Discourse Within

Professional Rugby League”. I will also employ R. W. Connell and James

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Messerschmidt’s writing called “Hegemonic Masculinity: Rethinking the Concept”

for this portion of my paper.

Andre Castrillo is a 22-year-old senior from San Rafael, California and racially

identifies as Latino with Nicaraguan lineage. He began playing rugby as a

sophomore in college, making this year his third with the club. Andre has

participated in hyper-masculine sports throughout his life including wrestling and

lacrosse. While interviewing Andre, I asked him whether or not rugby had

influenced or informed the way he views himself as a Latino. He responded simply

by saying it hasn’t, but that he has experienced several instances of racism during

games. He further added that as a Latino in a sport dominated by white and Pacific

Islander athletes, he feels as though he is often overlooked or judged due to his

racial identity. When asked about typical racial stereotyping in rugby regarding

skill, Andre responded, “You’ve got Tongans, Samoans, Hawaiians, Fijians, and New

Zealanders, and then you’ve got Asians, Whites and Latinos like me. The Pacific

Islanders just have that intimidation factor.” Furthermore, he noted that he is often

categorized as a “Mexican” and has been told that he does not belong in the sport.

On numerous occasions he has heard that “Latinos are good soccer players and

that’s about it”. Although Andre disagrees with the idea that rugby alters the way he

views himself racially, he does concur that he is breaking stereotypes through

participation. Andre asserted during our interview, “A couple weeks ago in a game

against Central Washington I was matched up against an enormous Islander and I

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put him on his back a few times. After the game he complimented me and said he

was not expecting that sort of play to come from someone from Mexico... It

definitely felt good to be complimented by an Islander of that size despite the

ignorance”. Jonathon Long touches on this form of stereotyping and racism in his

article entitled “’Asians Cannot Wear Turbans in the Scrum’: Explorations of Racist

Discourse Within Professional Rugby League”. Long states, “When dominant groups

make use of racist stereotypes that are inherently negative, those subordinated

groups can be removed from the moral and social space that the racist actor

inhabits” (Long 253). This quote is significant as it illustrates a form of tacit racism

prevalent in rugby and many other sports today. In this context, Andre is positioned

as the “other” because he does not identify with the majority of the demographic in

the sport. The ignorant comment that the Pacific Islander made to Andre

exemplifies an attempt at removing a subordinated group from the social space of

rugby that is dominantly inhabited by many Pacific Islanders.

Rugby is predominately played by white athletes in the Pacific Northwest

and particularly here at the University of Oregon. As an athlete that identifies as

Latino on a roster that is made-up of mostly white players, it comes as no surprise if

Andre may feel as one of the odd men out. Internally, he knows that he possesses

the skill and prerequisites to flourish in the sport, yet his external identity may say

otherwise. Latino external identity is repeatedly attributed to the sport of soccer. By

participating in rugby, he is ignoring the role of stereotypes in his identity

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development and refusing to let those stereotypes affect the formation of his

internal identity. Louis Harrison Jr. states in his writing entitled African American

Racial Identity and Sport that, “The process of self-stereotyping and producing

psychological groups are meshed in the development of social identity. Social

identity deals with the inclination to maintain an optimistic view of the self through

identifying with or establishing favorable comparisons between one’s own group

and other groups” (pg. 126). This quote is significant as it illustrates that Andre is

not self-stereotyping himself to the sport of soccer and his Latino lineage, but rather

establishing favorable comparisons of himself with the dominant white group in

rugby on campus.

Conrad Caindec is a 21-year-old junior from San Rafael, California and

racially identifies as Pacific Islander with Hawaiian ancestry. He started playing

rugby as a freshman in college, making this his third year on the club. He also

wrestled throughout his high school career. He similarly disagrees with the question

of whether or not rugby informs his racial identity and sensibility, however he

acknowledges embracing his familial and cultural ties to the sport that is so

prevalent where his family came from. Conrad is in a unique situation when

thinking about his external and internal identity. Conrad has Hawaiian lineage and

rugby is immensely popular within the Pacific Islands. However, there are very few

Pacific Islanders that participate in rugby here at the University of Oregon. He

knows that he doesn’t fulfill the typecast of a typical rugby athlete in Oregon,

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however he is aware of the prevalence of Hawaiians in the sport elsewhere.

Conrad’s external appearance as a Hawaiian tells him that he does not fit in with

rugby athletes here, but his external cultural ties and familial heritage contradicts

that. He is in a situation in which his internal physical gifts, talents, and strengths

along with his cultural ties to the sport are battling his external identity of

appearance.

Anton Matchek is a 22-year-old dual citizen from New Zealand and racially

identifies as white. He is a senior at the University of Oregon and captain of the club

rugby team as well as a member of the Marine reserves. He moved to the United

States when he was seven years old and has lived in the Portland area since. Anton’s

liking for rugby developed at an early age when he was still living in New Zealand, as

it is the national sport of the country and constantly televised. Anton did not begin

to play rugby until high school because the sport was unavailable in the Portland

area at his young age, though he did play soccer and ran cross-country until then. He

explained that he was not too fond of soccer and cross-country due to the ”passive

aggressiveness” of the sports or lack of masculinity affiliated with them. As captain

of the rugby team, Anton provided me with a breakdown of the racial demographic

of the team roster. He stated that there are seventy members on the club roster with

forty-five to fifty active players. Of the forty-five to fifty players, only three are

Latino, one Malaysian, one Filipino, two Pacific Islanders, and one African American.

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The team is overwhelmingly white at nearly 80% of the team. Anton affirmed that

this is generally the case for most other teams in the league.

In a sport propelled by hyper-masculinity, it is standard to get into

arguments and trash-talk with opposing players in games. This quarreling often

entails racist or bigoted comments being thrown around during heated moments,

specifically directed at minorities on the team. Anton maintained that he stands up

for teammates at all costs as the captain of the team, however it is impossible to

overhear and defend all ignorant remarks. He later added that a handful of players

on the club team do not always support the victimized teammates when racist

statements are made. This is an issue that Long discusses in his writing as well. Long

declares, “If people do not contest racism when they encounter it, the racist position

is strengthened; repetition and acceptance allow the attitudes to be normalized and

reproduced… The lack of challenge to racism may also arise from a denial of its

presence, or a displacement of it to somewhere/one else” (Long 255). In the

circumstance of Anton and the club rugby team, there is a clear absence of

teammates standing up for one another and contesting racist remarks or

acknowledging the occurrences. This results in perpetuated racism in the sport of

rugby being strengthened and unfortunately maintained. Although rugby does not

directly inform Anton’s racial identity, he is intrinsically affected by the actions of

those around him via his teammates tacit actions and opponents prejudiced

comments.

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Another facet of Anton’s interview that was particularly noteworthy was

centered on women’s rugby and contradictions with masculinity. Throughout our

interview, the concept of masculinity was immensely relative within most of his

formulated responses to my questions on his respective sport. It is common to find

athletes who participate in hyper masculine sports to often brush off the conception

of women participating in these contact sports such as rugby, football, or lacrosse.

This is due to classic stereotypes of heterosexual females as delicate, girly, and a

non-aggressive typecast when thinking about sports.

I began by asking general questions about the female team and what Anton

could tell me about them. Anton asserted, “I know almost everyone on that team.

I'm just going to be frank, I have never really enjoyed women's rugby. I think for the

same reason that it has a stigma, it attracts, I think, a lot of athletes who are, again,

fringe athletes.” I went on to ask what he meant by the term “fringe” athletes. Anton

responded, “It's a fringe sport. This is much different than New Zealand. Whereas in

New Zealand, women's high school and college rugby is a super serious sport. Top

athletes are playing it. Rugby is much more prominent. Whereas here, it's a little bit

more social.” I then inquired about the aptitude and skill of the women’s team at the

University of Oregon. He averred, “ There are women's teams that are good and our

women's team is actually very good this year. They are nationally ranked as well.

I'm actually very impressed with that, but in the past I've been kind of down on

women's rugby. I've never really taken it as seriously because it's slower and there

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are not as many athletic girls really playing.” After taking some time to let Anton’s

answers sink in and attempt to relate them to concepts and material I had been

researching, I recalled the model of hegemonic masculinity.

Hegemonic masculinity is a concept that was popularized by R.W. Connell,

which identifies practices that guarantee the dominant social position of men, and

the subordinate social position of women. R.W. Connell declares in his dissertation

entitled Hegemonic Masculinity: Rethinking the Concept, “Hegemonic masculinity

was understood as the pattern of practice (i.e., things done, not just a set of role

expectations or an identity) that allowed men’s dominance over women to

continue” (pg. 832). This quote by Connell is significant in that it highlights certain

undertones in Anton’s responses regarding female athletes in rugby. Anton

marginally employs the practice of hegemonic masculinity in his responses as he

discusses some of the women’s rugby team as less athletic and slower on the field

when paralleled with the men’s. Statements like this can be risky as they may

perpetuate hegemony of male athletes being superior to female athletes while

strengthening the social hierarchy of men over women. This is not to say that Anton

believes in hegemonic masculinity, as his reasoning is clearly a product of the level

of rugby that he experienced growing up in New Zealand in addition to the

athleticism he overlooks as captain of the men’s team.

Moreover, hegemonic masculinity is manifested within rugby due to the

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sport being full contact. Contact sports largely function as a representation of

machismo due to the fact that they are more available to men then woman to

participate in. Connell affirms, “Sports sociology also found significant use for the

concept of hegemonic masculinity. It was deployed in understanding the popularity

of body-contact confrontational sports – which function as an endlessly renewed

symbol of masculinity – and in understanding the violence and homophobia

frequently found in sporting milieus (Messner and Sabo 1990).

Hegemonic masculinity similarly enforces the sexuality hierarchy of

heterosexual men over homosexual men. Gender identity is a touchy subject when

thinking about sports, as it is uncommon for athletes to be openly gay within a

locker room. Only recently have homosexual men come out of the closet to their

teammates. Examples of this are Michael Sam, the University of Missouri standout

football player, who was recently drafted in the 7th round of the 2014 National

Football League draft by the St. Louis Rams. Jason Collins, the professional

basketball center of the Brooklyn Nets, who became the first openly gay athlete of

the National Basketball Association. While interviewing Anton, I asked him about

his experiences with gay athletes on his team. He stated, “The men's club I played

for had two gay guys who were on the starting A-side and it was a non-issue. If they

can physically compete with any of the other guys on the team and myself, he's

going to play. We played a game earlier in the year and one of the guys had a huge

impact on the game, he came in as a sub and laid huge hits on people and stopped

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them dead in their tracks. Had he not come in, we may have lost that game.” Anton’s

responses counter the normative issues in present day sports with athletes being

afraid to come out of the closet. Connell elaborates on these issues as he

pronounces, “In the development of the concept of hegemonic masculinity, divisions

among men – especially the exclusion and subordination of homosexual men – were

quite central issues. The policing of heterosexuality has been a major theme in

discussions of hegemonic masculinity since then” (pg. 837). Anton has instilled

principled values and a welcoming culture on his team in which no player should be

fearful of a hegemonic masculinity dynamic.

Anton’s internal and external identities mesh flawlessly for him as an athlete

on the rugby team here at the University of Oregon. He identifies as a white Pacific

Islander. His internal physical and emotional characteristics along with his innate

gifts and talents as an athlete match his external cultural classifications regarding

his New Zealand nationality and familial and cultural ties to the sport. He does not

need to combat his external identity with his internal identity, unlike Andre and

Conrad.

The athletes I interviewed for the sport of soccer include Ricardo Gomez of

Latino ancestry (Mexican), and Trevor Tow of Asian decent. Throughout this section

of my dissertation, I will examine the ways in which soccer has informed the racial

identities of these three players in addition to reconnoitering ideas about

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discrimination and prejudices, integration, and internal and external factors relating

to identity in their respective sport.

Ricardo Gomez is 20 years old and was born in Mexico City, Mexico to native

parents of the country. He moved to the Bay area when he was five years old and

spoke very little English upon his arrival. Ricardo discussed throughout our

interview that he had struggles with integrating into American culture and making

new friends at school. His difficulties making friends were so troubling for him that

one summer he sat in front of the TV daily and mimicked English speaking

commentators announcing soccer games in order to eliminate his accent. He felt as

though his accent was the major obstacle in terms of his integration into American

society. Ricardo attended a 4,000-student high school that had the largest Latino

population in Northern California. Ricardo was bitter about attending a school with

a large Latino population due to the fact that he was often pigeonholed into a certain

Latino identity. Ricardo identifies as Latino and therefore was generalized like the

other Latinos at his school. He emphasized that the simplifications related to

laziness, a lack of mental capacity, and a propensity to party. Ricardo gives an

example of this in our interview as he states, “I enjoyed proving people wrong in

school. In group projects, my partners would assume I was an idiot. I always ended

up being the person in leadership roles and people would say how this was a

refreshing new side to a Latino kid.”

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I went on to enquire about whether these generalizations spilled onto the

soccer field. He alleged that stereotyping in soccer was just as common as it was

within the confines of his high school. For instance, Ricardo talked about the ways in

which Mexican soccer teams are viewed and the expectations placed upon him by

his teammates due to his Mexican lineage. Ricardo states, “Mexican teams in soccer

are seen as really physical, very cheeky, and they like to foul a lot. Many of my

teammates as well as coaches would tell me to set the tone of the game and do those

things too. I attempted to take these stereotypes in stride because the coach was

instilling a lot of his confidence in me as a Latino player.“ This quote underscores a

disappointing phenomenon of stereotyping that is all too prevalent in everyday life

and sports in particular. In addition to the stereotypes Ricardo dealt with

throughout his soccer career as well as his arduous integration experiences in

school, he also was the target of racial slurs. Ricardo asserted that opposing players

referred him to as the “jumping bean” on multiple occasions.

Ricardo’s identity is erected through a diverse array of internal and external

factors. In the sport of soccer, Ricardo feels as though he has a sense of belonging

because of the prevalence of the sport in Mexico where he was born. Soccer is an

enormous part of Mexican culture and has played a sizeable role in his upbringing.

His father also played soccer as a child and encouraged Ricardo to participate, which

also informs external factors regarding Ricardo’s identity. Furthermore, Latino

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athletes in soccer are not conventionally considered the minority. Ricardo’s external

identity is not manipulated by a lack of Latino athletes in the soccer with whom he

identifies with. It is feasible that Ricardo may have had an easier time with the

formulation of his racial identity in soccer when paralleled with Andre, who also

identifies as Latino. In the case of Andre, he is one of the only Latino athletes on the

rugby field, whereas Ricardo is one of the many Latino athletes on the soccer field.

Ricardo’s internal identity as an athlete may have been altered and reformed

as a result of the stereotyping he experienced from coaches, teammates, and

opposing players. As I discussed earlier, Ricardo was often expected to play a more

physical and aggressive style of soccer similar to other Mexican players, even if that

was not the way he learned to play the game. This could have led to the adaptation

of different strengths, skills, and capabilities on the soccer field that his internal

identity would not normally possess. Harrison proclaims in his writing entitled

African American Racial Identity and Sport, “Stereotypes significantly influence the

way we view other groups as well as our own behavior. Stereotypes function to

organize and simplify information, preserve important social values, maintain group

beliefs, justify collective actions and sustain positive group distinctiveness” (pg.

127). This quote explains that the typecasting of him to play a Mexican style of

soccer influenced the internal identity of Ricardo as a soccer player.

Ricardo acknowledged in our interview that he was often associated with the

negative stereotypes of Latino’s growing up. However, despite wanting to further

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himself from most of the Latino stereotypes, Ricardo did want to be associated with

the good Latino stereotype at his school in soccer. This facet of Ricardo’s identity as

a Latino soccer athlete is comparatively analogous to the racial identity of African

Americans in sports. Harrison claims in African American Racial Identity and Sport,

“One of the few areas where African Americans are depicted positively is sport.

African American athletes are highly visible and occupy a lofty status in the eyes of

American society… In an attempt to cope with the alienation and frustration some

African American athletes channel their creative energies into the creation of

distinctive and demonstrative sport skills, styles of demeanor” (pg. 127). This quote

pertains to Ricardo’s situation particularly during his high school days in which he

was commonly associated with negative Latino stereotypes. Ricardo looked to

soccer as a positive form of depiction for his identity, particularly in the eyes of his

Mexican ancestry due to the sport’s popularity in the Latino community. This quote

also touches on the ways in which athletes channel their energy into specific sport

skills and styles of demeanor. Ricardo channeled his energy into a Mexican style of

soccer as a result of the frustration he accumulated from his coaches, teammates,

and opposing players stereotyping him. In soccer, Ricardo’s internal identity was

altered by the addition of a different style of play, while his family, culture, and race

informed his external identity. Yet, it was his external identity that provided Ricardo

with struggles with integration outside of the sporting realm.

Trevor Tow is 22 years old and grew up in Danville, California. Trevor is of

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Chinese nationality and racially identifies as Asian. He has played soccer since the

beginning of grade school and has similarly experienced typical stereotypes and

heard racial slurs on the soccer field like Ricardo. However, certain forms of

discrimination that Trevor experienced differ from the types of prejudices that

Ricardo received. A noteworthy instance in which Trevor was discriminated against

occurred prior to college regarding an all-star soccer team in his hometown. The

coach that was picking the squad had a debauched reputation with a lack of

knowledge in the sport. According to Trevor, this coach “Pulled a lot of strings and

ended up picking all white athletes for his team including his undeserving son of a

roster spot.” In year’s prior, Trevor was a lock for a roster spot due to his ability on

the field and leadership experience off of it from the past seasons. Yet, the old coach

of the all-star team took a different job, which led to the coaching change. Trevor

alluded to Asian stereotypes of the one-dimensional, non-athletic, quiet, and

unthreatening typecast as the main reason behind the new coach’s politics when

selecting his team.

Trevor’s identity is extremely multifaceted internally and externally. He has

grappled with his racial appearance in soccer for years as he as been overlooked on

numerous occasions due to the lack of Asians in the sport and preconceived notions

about their ability. Additionally, soccer is not fully embraced by Trevor’s parents as

they stress academics above extracurricular activities. On the field, Trevor feels

somewhat out of place, as he does not racially identify with the majority of the other

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players on the field. Yet, Trevor asserted that he chose to participate in soccer and

be the minority rather than a sport such as tennis and be the majority because he

desired the chance to defy stereotypes that had countlessly been placed upon him.

Crew is a sport that can be traced back to the early 18th century. Professional

watermen on the Thames River in London, United Kingdom established the sport’s

roots. Crew, which is also known is rowing is based on propelling a boat on water

using oars. Crew is both recreational and competitive. The competitive races include

several different boat classes such a single scull (one person boat) or a coxed eight

(eight person boat). Coxed eight is the version of the sport that is used at the

University of Oregon. I was intrigued by this sport as part of my research in large

part because of its universal white participation and prevalence. Reasons for the

lack of people of color in the sport, particularly in America include a lack of

exposure to the entire population. Crew generates its most popularity once every

four years when the summer Olympics roll around. Many people would never

consider crew as a sport that they had interest in because it is not on the same

popularity level as basketball, football, baseball, soccer etc. Additionally, crew is an

expensive sport to participate in because of equipment and travel. In order to play

the sport, a team needs a boat, oars, and a lake or river to practice on.

Transportation to the lakes can be expensive and oftentimes, there are no lakes are

rivers close enough to have a team. The price of an 8 person vespoli racing boat can

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range anywhere for $10,000 - $30,000 according to Vespoli’s online store. Boats in

the &10,000 range are used whereas newer boats are on the higher end of the

spectrum. This price quote does not include the price of oars, which also run close to

$500 brand new. Due to these outrageously high prices, a large demographic of

people are unable to participate in the sport simply because of the costs. Crew is

immensely prestigious in principally because of the socioeconomic status required

to participate in the sport. This leads to a clear white power dynamic associated

with the sport.

Frank Leng is a 21-year-old junior from the Beaverton, Oregon area. He is of

Chinese heritage and racially identifies as Asian. He only recently joined the crew

team as a freshman in college. He asserted that he is the only Asian on the crew

team with the only other minority being of Indian descent. He also maintained that

most teams he competes against are predominately white. I asked Frank why he

thought more white people participate than people of color. Frank stated, “If you

compare crew to a sport like football or basketball, where it's a lot of work on the

human body, I in my opinion, Asian body types don't bode well, especially on a lot of

repetitive movements and a lot of stress on the body. Sports like football and

basketball require a lot of agility and bursts of speed, I think that you are basically

born with that gift. For sprint work it's hard to become really good at sprinting

without a natural gift. Endurance work is more of your work ethic. You can always

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build a good work ethic. You can’t' always learn natural talents.” Frank’s response

was interesting as it demonstrated a belief in biology within race. His answer was

reminiscent of the film entitled Race: The Power of an Illusion in which various

students had a belief in race as biologically constructed. In the film, a female runner

responds to a question by the narrator concerning the sport of track and field.

According to a transcript of the film posted on newsreel.org, She is quoted saying,

“Some rumors I've heard are just like Blacks have an extra muscle in their leg. But I

don't think anything's true.” A second female runner proclaims, “I assume that a

white girl can't beat me in the 200. In my mind I don't think she can beat me, but I

won't, I won't sleep on her.” Finally a male runner responds to the question by

affirming, “I don't want to get too controversial here, since I really don't know

exactly. But I'd say that there's maybe a little bit that - not to use as an excuse as

why they beat me sometimes - but maybe, considering when you look at the

Olympics, you know, who, who tends to dominate the 100, the 200 and the quarter,

for the most part. I'd just have to say the way it all falls out tends to point to what

your race is.” These quotes are indicative of Frank’s response, as the students

believe race is biologically constructed much like Frank did. Race is not based on

biology, but race is rather an idea that is often ascribed to be biology.

The internal and external factors that construct Frank’s identity are very

fascinating for several reasons. Externally, Frank does not relate to his teammates

MacMillan 26

according to his appearance, as he is the only Asian on the team. His parents are not

entirely ecstatic that he is on the crew team either because they stress academics

ahead of sports much like Trevor’s parents. I asked Frank about his identity at the

University of Oregon. He replied by asserting, “I think right now crew's definitely a

large part of my identity. There are three identities at the campus. There's the

international identity where you're basically international Asian, there are also

Asians that are born here but not necessarily participating in non-Asian things. They

basically stick to what their parents have suggested for them. I also feel like there

are Asians who have broken away from the norms of Asian culture and take more

risks. I would consider myself a part of that. I'm not saying I'm a pioneer or

anything, it's just definitely a different identity and I think it's a minority within the

Asian sub-culture.” This is significant because it alludes to external factors that have

informed a part of Frank’s identity. Of the three Asian identities on campus

according to Frank, he has attempted to stray away from the international identity

as much as possible by participating in a sport, joining Greek life, and not

necessarily putting academics above the rest. Frank called himself more of a risk

taker and stated that he wanted to create his own identity rather than be shaped by

his parents’ desires and apparent Asian sub-cultures on campus. Crew is an avenue

he partially chose to evade preset Asian identities.

Throughout my research project, I identified three distinct sports and

studied them through a lens that eternally fascinated me. I interviewed a varying

MacMillan 27

number of participants of distinctive racial descent in rugby, soccer, and crew in

order to understand the means by which an athlete’s racial identity is informed and

influenced by the sports they play. The first section focused on rugby and explored

themes of masculinity, hegemonic masculinity, and ideas on tacit racism. The

subsequent segment focused on soccer and assessed ideas about racial identity,

discrimination, and integration. The third segment encompassed the sport of crew

and engaged ideas about white dominance in the sport and the incorrect belief of

race as biology. Furthermore, I tied these three distinct sports of rugby, soccer, and

crew together through internal and external factors that play a role in the athlete’s

racialized experiences of their sport. I ascertained through my research that these

athlete’s identities were shaped by the combination of varying internal and external

dynamics. The sport an athlete is involved in can influence the individual in a

myriad of ways that go beyond the naked eye. Yet, it is oftentimes external and

internal factors that lead that athlete to their particular sport in addition to the

influences that manipulate their identity formulation.

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