Fighting Poverty One Place at a Time

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Fighting Poverty One Place at a Time Mark Partridge Ohio State University Swank Professor in Rural-Urban Policy Raquel Tsukada AED Economics OSU 1 Prepared for the JW Fanning Lecture December 10, 2010

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Fighting Poverty One Place at a Time. Prepared for the JW Fanning Lecture December 10, 2010. Mark Partridge Ohio State University Swank Professor in Rural-Urban Policy Raquel Tsukada AED Economics OSU. Motivation. Poverty is a problem but too often it is ignored! - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

Transcript of Fighting Poverty One Place at a Time

Page 1: Fighting Poverty One Place at a Time

Fighting PovertyOne Place at a Time

Mark Partridge Ohio State University

Swank Professor in Rural-Urban PolicyRaquel Tsukada

AED Economics OSU

1

Prepared for the JW Fanning Lecture December 10, 2010

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Motivation

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Poverty is a problem but too often it is ignored!

Nearly 43m Americans lived in poverty in 2009 and 1.6m Georgians. Source 2009 ACS. Rural poverty is even more overlooked

Most probably due to its dispersed nature. I will stress rural poverty for this reason—

but describe urban poverty. I will refer to an excellent report done by

UGA Carl Vinson Institute of Government (2003): DISMANTLING PERSISTENT POVERTY IN

GEORGIA: BREAKING THE CYCLE

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Why Should We Care?

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Fairness/equity: equal opportunity and the American Dream

Partridge and Rickman (2006) Children in poor families and neighborhoods:

Poverty can be intergenerational Successful role models Peer effects for school Lack healthcare

High poverty “places” are associated with: more crime, which is ‘bad’ for the economy and

society. less FUTURE economic growth.

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Why Should We Care? —cont

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Low income citizens have worse health outcomes, or more expensive.

In the global economy, we cannot compete if a large share of our population is not contributing to their fullest capacity.

In this economy, more households are at risk of being in poverty—a weak safety net.

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Place-Based vs. People-Based Policy

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People-based is build soft and hard skills Education! Training! Help with job search. Help with migration to rapidly growing areas Focus on the people who are poor regardless of

residence Place-based is help places with poor people

Policies designed to fit each place (not ‘one-size-fits-all’)

Tax incentives, wage subsidies, infrastructure Governance changes to improve economic

outcomes Ex: facilitate job creation in the Black Belt or inner Atlanta

Place and People Policies are intertangled Childcare & transportation to work combine both

notions

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Place- vs. People-Based

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Need People Based! But do we need both? I am Involved in an EU Project on this point.

Most economists have a disdain for place-based policies. With some truth, they argue that: even in best case, some benefits trickle to the

better off. Jobs may go to new migrants/residents &

commuters, not the intended original residents wasteful pork barrel spending for the elite and

politicians encourages a culture of dependency slows migration to areas with strong growth Harvard Economist Ed Glaeser famously argued to

give each New Orleans resident $200k rather than rebuild.

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Why even do place-based policies?

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Market may not work as efficiently as desired Moving is costly and people are attached to

place. Commuting is costly

Families are not capital flowing to the “highest return”

People lack information about distant jobs There can be a coordination failure where

business won’t locate in ‘poor’ places even if wages and other costs are low. Self-fulfilling expectations and a poverty trap.

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Why place-based? —cont.

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Why get training if there are no nearby jobs?Local job creation increases the

incentives to enter training programs Place policies can be designed better

to help the poor and complement people policies It is not as though people-based policies

have been wildly successful as poverty is stuck at ‘high’ levels.

Place policies should only be used when there is likelihood of success

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What is ‘Poverty’?

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Three measures to quantify poverty (FGT,1984):

z: poverty lineyi: individual incomes N: number of people in the economyH: number of poor (people with income

below z)α=0 : Headcount ratio counts the share of population who is below the poverty line

H

i

i

zyz

NP

)(1

NHP 0

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What is ‘Poverty’? —cont. Politicians/media use headcount ratio only,

but we should also be interested in how much is needed to reduce poverty

α=1: Poverty depth or the poverty gap ratio measures the average income shortfall from the poverty line

α=2: Poverty severity combines information on poverty level and income inequality among the poor.11

H

i

i

zyz

NP )(11

H

i

i

zyz

NP 22 )(1

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What is ‘Poverty’? —cont.

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Poverty is usually a relative concept. For developing countries, the WB and UNDP

use the thresholds USD1.25 /day for extreme poverty and USD2 for poverty.

Most developed countries use a definition of less than ½ of the median household income.ÞThe poverty threshold changes over time: As average incomes rise → poverty threshold risesÞUpper middle-class households in the late 19th

Century would be poor today.

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What is ‘Poverty’? —cont.

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The U.S. uses a 1960s absolute definition that is ad hoc and does not change over time: A federal researcher defined poverty as 3 times the

level of income to meet an adequate food budget. Annually adjusted for family size and then inflation. The U.S. definition of poverty is very strict.

Being ‘poor’ in 1964 would be ‘really poor’ in 2010. No cost of living adjustment between rural-urban

Higher housing costs in urban, but higher transportation costs and less access to “big box” stores in rural.

Does not count in-kind transfers (money income) Experimental ‘supplemental’ poverty measures

(considering income after taxes, food, clothing, shelter, utilities)

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What are the U.S. Poverty Lines?

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They are adjusted for inflation each year.In 2009:

For a family-unit of 5: $25,991 For a family-unit of 4: $21,954 For a family-unit of 3: $17,098

Absolute nature of the U.S. definition of poverty implies that I will understate the problem— i.e., I am reporting a 1960s notion of being

poor A place that has high poverty under the official

definition has clear economic degradation.

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Poverty Rates in the U.S.

…and then in Georgia

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Overview of National Poverty

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U.S. poverty-employment growth link was re-established in the 1990s

Strong link in 1960s and early 1970sWeak between 1973-1993 (high poverty

in 1993)Lyndon Johnson’s War on Poverty was

much more successful in the 1960s than it is given credit for.Criticism suggests that poverty is “impossible”

to address

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17 Source: http://www.census.gov/hhes/www/poverty/histpov/

1959

1961

1963

1965

1967

1969

1971

1973

1975

1977

1979

1981

1983

1985

1987

1989

1991

1993

1995

1997

1999

2001

2003

2005

2007

2009

0.0

2.5

5.0

7.5

10.0

12.5

15.0

17.5

20.0

22.5

25.0 Poverty Incidence in the U.S. (1959-2009)

Share of population below the poverty line

Pove

rty

Rate

2009:14.3% popula-tion12.5% families

1979:11.7% popula-tion10.2% families

1990s Clinton era boom

War on Poverty

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Who is in poverty?

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In 2009, the overall rate was 14.3% http://www.census.gov/hhes/www/poverty/data/historical/people.html

Children under 18 years old: 20.7% Children can’t work! Not their own fault. Intergenerational transfer of poverty

Female headed families: 32.5% Poverty has a racial/ethnic component.

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1919

5919

6119

6319

6519

6719

6919

7119

7319

7519

7719

7919

8119

8319

8519

8719

8919

9119

9319

9519

9719

9920

0120

0320

0520

0720

090.02.55.07.5

10.012.515.017.520.022.525.027.530.032.535.037.540.042.545.047.550.052.555.0 Poverty Incidence in the U.S. : The

Gender Bias

Share of families below the poverty line

Pove

rty

Rate

(%

)

2009:32.5% female headed12.5% total fami-lies

1969:38.2% female headed10.4% total families

Source: http://www.census.gov/hhes/www/poverty/histpov/

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2005 2006 2007 2008 20090.0

2.5

5.0

7.5

10.0

12.5

15.0

17.5

20.0

22.5

25.0

27.5

8.3 8.2 8.2 8.6 9.4

24.9 24.3 24.5 24.725.8

11.1 10.3 10.211.8 12.5

21.820.6 21.5

23.225.3

Poverty Rates by Race/Ethnicity

White-alone (not hispanic) Black alone Asian aloneHispanic (of any race)

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1st Take: How do we eliminate Poverty?

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A rising tide should lift all boats! Yet, the 1980s had the 3rd longest economic

expansion on record, the 1990s was the longest, and the economy grew between 2001-2007.

National unemployment rate can’t fall below zero.

To eliminate high pockets of poverty takes LONG-TERM growth, better expectations about local prospects, and more skills for the residents. Climate for wealth creation is essential Better local governance and social capacity.

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1960

1962

1964

1966

1968

1970

1972

1974

1976

1978

1980

1982

1984

1986

1988

1990

1992

1994

1996

1998

2000

2002

2004

2006

2008

-3.0

-2.5

-2.0

-1.5

-1.0

-0.5

0.0

0.5

1.0

1.5

2.0

2.5

3.0

3.5

4.0 1960-2009 Change in Poverty & Change in Unemployment Rates

Change in Unemployment Rate

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Geography of Poverty

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Geography of American Poverty

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• Rural poverty is somewhat clustered• Low poverty in the Midwest and

Northeast• High poverty in the South and West

Coast Persistent High Poverty Clusters

(USDA, 1969-99, 20%+ in every year)Central Appalachia, Historic Southern Cotton

Belt, Rio Grande Valley and Western Reservations.

• Poverty rates are spatially persistent• Large inter-regional variation

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Poverty Rates, United States, 1979

Poverty Rate0 %- 8%8.01% - 14%14.01% - 20%20.01% - 25%25.01% - 53%

High Poverty Clusters1. Mississippi Delta

2. Central Appalachia

3. Historic Cotton Belt

4. Rio Grande

5. Western Reservations

Low Poverty Regions1. Upper Midwest

2. Northeast

3. Western regions (not shown)Source: Partridge, M.D. and D.S. Rickman. The Geography of American Poverty: Is there a Role for Place-Based Policies?, Kalamazoo, MI: W.E. Upjohn Institute for Employment Research, 2006

Poverty Rates, United States, 1979

Poverty Rate0 %- 8%8.01% - 14%14.01% - 20%20.01% - 25%25.01% - 53%

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Poverty Rate0% - 8%8.01% - 14%14.01% - 20%20.01% - 25%25.01% - 57%

Poverty Rates, United States, 1999

Source: Partridge, M.D. and D.S. Rickman. The Geography of American Poverty: Is there a Role for Place-Based Policies?, Kalamazoo, MI: W.E. Upjohn Institute for Employment Research, 2006

Same circles as before except:High poverty in Central Valley of CA

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Poverty in Georgia

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Percentage of People by Income to Poverty Ratio, 2009

U.S. Census Bureau, American Community Survey, http://www.census.gov/prod/2010pubs/acsbr09-1.pdf

US Poverty Rate 14.3%, Up 1% over 2008

GA Poverty Rate 16.5%, Up 1.9% over 2008.

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Poverty in Georgia

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Georgia has its unique patterns.1. The state mostly falls in the South high-

poverty cluster2. Persistently high poverty in the Black Belt3. Atlanta metro area is vibrant and rich4. Relative to US, GA poverty has not changed since

1979 Metro GA on average relative to the U.S. metro

areas Nonmetro GA higher poverty rate compared to

the U.S. Source: DISMANTLING PERSISTENT POVERTY IN GEORGIA:

BREAKING THE CYCLE

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Source: The University of Georgia – Initiative on Poverty and the Economy.

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Poverty in Georgia

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Georgia has its own unique patterns.1. The state mostly falls in the Southern high-

poverty cluster2. Persistently high poverty in the Black Belt3. Atlanta metro area is vibrant and rich4. Relative to US, GA poverty has not changed since

1979 Metro GA on average relative to the U.S. metro

areas Nonmetro GA higher poverty rate compared to

the U.S.

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Defined areas concerning

poverty persistency:

large poverty persistence in the South, the Historic

Cotton Belt

Source: The University of Georgia – Initiative on Poverty and the Economy.

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Poverty in Georgia

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Georgia has its unique patterns.1. The state mostly falls in the Southern high-

poverty cluster2. Persistently high poverty in the Black Belt3. Atlanta metro area is vibrant and rich4. Relative to US, GA poverty has not changed since

1979 Metro GA on average relative to the U.S. metro

areas Nonmetro GA higher poverty rate compared to

the U.S.

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37Source: The University of Georgia – Initiative on Poverty and the Economy.

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Poverty in Georgia

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Georgia has its unique patterns.1. The state mostly falls in the Southern high-poverty

cluster2. Persistently high poverty in the Black Belt3. Atlanta metro area is vibrant and rich4. Relative to US, GA poverty has not changed

since 1979 Metro GA on average relative to the U.S. metro

areas Nonmetro GA higher poverty rate compared to the

U.S.

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1979-2008 Poverty Rates: Metropolitan and Nonmetro U.S. and GA

    1979     1989     1999     2008 0

5

10

15

20

25

15.9 17.314.8 15.1

22.5 2118.5

20.3

U.S. Non metro GA Non metro

    1979     1989     1999     2008 0

5

10

15

20

25

11.6 12.2 11.9 12.914.7 12.9 11.613.5

U.S. Metro GA Metro

Source: USDA.

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Rural Poverty Research

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Overview of Past Rural Poverty Research

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Rural and Urban share many of the same causes of poverty.

“Some of the same signs of despair and breakdown that wore out aging American industrial cities in the 1960's have come to the rural plains. Among teenagers, there is now a higher level of illicit drug use in rural areas than in cities or suburbs, …The middle class is dwindling, leaving pockets of hard poverty amid large agribusinesses supported by taxpayers.” Timothy Egan, “Vanishing Point; Amid Dying Towns of Rural Plains, One Makes a Stand,” New York Times (December 1, 2003, Late Edition), p. A1.

“Fundamental structural changes in technology, markets, and organizations are redrawing our nation’s economic map and leaving many rural areas behind.” Robert D. Atkinson of the Progressive Policy Institute.

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Causes of Rural and Urban Poverty

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The major view in regional science and econ geog. is that rural areas are disadvantaged due to small scale and remoteness: Low wages, weak job growth

Examples: “Oakridge, OR was a prosperous timber community of

about 4,000 people until its last mill closed in 1990. Many households now struggle in or just above poverty, though they seem determined to remain in their scenic community. Flourishing Eugene could provide employment opportunities, but being 55 miles away limits the ability of Oakridge’s residents to take advantage.” (Eckholm, 2006, New York Times)

“Among Appalachia's problems are that it is “too far from big cities to easily attract businesses.” (Altman)

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Spatial Mismatch

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Jobs requiring lower skill levels are not where the low-skilled workforce resides

Urban: jobs are in the suburbs and the poor live in central city Public transport is inadequate Discrimination, segregation & zoning limit

suburban moves Does not require racial explanations for this

argument. A rural spatial mismatch of jobs

Jobs are often in the city, but not in the country Thin labor markets weakens rural employment matches Lack transportation, childcare, work supports Structural change out of primary sector & manufacturing

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Spatial Mismatch —cont

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A part of the solution to spatial mismatch is place-based policy (along with people-based)

Argument against spatial mismatch theory is that it is really just ‘selectivity.’ Akin to arguments against place-based policy E.g., the less able or less motivated choose to live

in central cities or in rural high-poverty clusters E.g., all the local jobs in the world won’t matter

because this group generally won’t/can’t work

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Spatial Mismatch —cont

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P&R (2008) find that job growth especially reduces poverty in high poverty areas: Central cities, especially with high shares of blacks High-poverty rural areas

Exactly the opposite of selectivity: Job growth reduces poverty more in high-poverty areas. For a central county in large urban areas:

5 yr job growth of 14,000 (1 sd) more jobs per year → roughly 5,000 fewer people in poverty (all else equal)

For a ‘noncore’ rural county: 5 yr job growth of 627 (1 sd) jobs a year→ corresponds to

roughly 547 fewer people in poverty. (all else equal) Even stronger impact in high-poverty rural counties.

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P&R (2007) find that job growth attracts fewer new residents and helps retains long-term residents in more remote areas.

Our conclusion is that place-based policy can be effective in trickling down. Vigdor (2007): ‘evacuees’ who returned to New

Orleans are better off than those who did not. I argue this shows that simply relocating the ‘poor’

to places with more jobs is insufficient (info problems). And the most able will move back.

He argues that this shows that skills matter more—though he did not consider whether evacuees who returned received more training while they were away.

Spatial Mismatch —cont

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Reducing Poverty

One place at a time

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Reducing Poverty

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War on Poverty in 1960s was successful 1996 Welfare Reform and its “Work First”

showed good things about work supports—but no panacea

Promising international ideas should be tried Bolsa Família in Brazil or Oportunidades in

Mexico pay families a subsidy when their children attend school and get basic healthcare.

In New York, Opportunity NYC is a privately-funded $63 million pilot CCT program for children education, family health and adult workforce

If implemented in high-poverty places, this could break intergenerational poverty transmission and save more money than having schools to do everything.

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Reducing Poverty —cont.

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Work supports such as flexible childcare and transport—give poor families a reliable auto Place-based:

childcare differs in rural vs central city transportation is more problematic in rural

settings Help provide more skills

Provide better access to rural and urban training Recognize that people will want more training if

there are nearby work opportunities

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Reducing Poverty —cont.

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Create targeted zones within and proximate to high poverty/low income areas and reward residents.

State earned income tax credit Federal EIC is successful—rewards ‘good’

behavior, Milton Friedman State efforts are small: 24 states including

DC GA, or for that matter OH, do not have a state

EITC. Federal and state EIC should be more

generous for a worker who began the year as a targeted-zone resident Rewards workers if they move to other areas or

stay in zone Combines people-based migration with place-

based policy

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Reducing Poverty —cont.

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Generous tax incentives in targeted zone—job tax credits above a certain base level Wealth creation underlies strong regions. But, subsidize people, not capital investment The key is the job credits should be tied to place

of residence of the workers—i.e., the ‘special’ credit mostly applies to workers from the zone.

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Reducing Poverty —cont.Local Institutions

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Regional collaboration to build wealth—JW Fanning was a leader of such efforts Stronger regions build wealth Regional governance stops unnecessary

competition in metro areas and around regional growth centers.

Strong regional/local gov’ts that provide basic services such as infrastructure and police Capacity of local gov’ts is important (Labao et

al., 2010) Build neighborhood and community

institutions to give local citizens a voice Churches, community groups, youth groups,

business groups such as Chambers of Commerce.

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Reducing Poverty —cont.Local Institutions

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Need to build wealth from within Tax incentives to bribe outside firms to come are

ineffective Business Retention and Expansion Support micro-enterprises and micro-lending Support entrepreneurship

Once expectations about a community change and good institutions are in place, a virtuous cycle of growth can begin.

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Conclusions

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Conclusions

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Poverty is a corrosive condition that undermines communities and our economy. Concentrated poverty is especially damaging

Poverty can be reduced, not hopeless! Poverty reduction needs to be a higher priority.

Place-based policies can be used to complement people-based policies. Job growth works in poor places.

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Thank you!

Presentation will be posted at The Ohio State University, AED Economics,

Swank Program website:

http://aede.osu.edu/programs/Swank/ (under presentations)

Swank Program in Rural-Urban Policy

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Georgia United States

2009 Poverty Rate 16.5% 14.3%2000 Population living in poverty 1,033,793 33,899,812Poverty rate 12.99% 12.38%Population living in poverty at 50% of the poverty rate 488,190 15,337,40850% poverty rate 6.13% 5.60%Population living in poverty at 150% of the poverty rate 1,719,251 57,320,149

150% poverty rate 21.60% 20.93%Families living in poverty 210,138 6,620,945Family poverty rate 9.88% 9.16%

Aggregate income deficit $1,546,905,600

$47,983,703,500

Average family income deficit $7,361.38 $7,247.26Child poverty rate (Population under age18 living in poverty) 17.14% 16.56%% of the poverty population that is under 18 years of age 35.35% 34.65%Elderly poverty rate (Population over 64 yrs old living in poverty) 13.55% 9.86%% of the poverty population that is over 65 years of age 9.89% 9.70%

57Source: 2000 U.S. Census. Calculated by the Initiative on Poverty and the Economy and 2009 ACS.

2000Poverty in Georgia – Updated UGA Fact sheet

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59 Source: Center for Budget Priorities.

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TABLE 1:STATE EARNED INCOME TAX CREDITS BASED ON THE

FEDERAL EITCState Percentage of Federal Credit (Tax

Year 2007 Except as Noted) Refundable?Workers Without

Qualifying Children Eligible?

Delaware 20% No Yes

District of Columbia 35% Yes Yes

Indianaa 6% Yes Yes

Illinois 5% Yes Yes

Iowa 7% Yes Yes

Kansas 17% Yes Yes

Louisiana 3.5% (effective in 2008) Yes Yes

Maine 5% No Yes

Marylandb 20% Yes No

Massachusetts 15% Yes Yes

Michigan 10% (effective in 2008; to 20% in 2009) Yes Yes

Minnesotac Average 33% Yes Yes

Nebraska 8% (to 10% in 2008) Yes Yes

New Jersey 20% (to 22.5% in 2008, 25% in 2009) Yes Yes

New Mexico 8% Yes Yes

New Yorkd 30% Yes Yes

North Carolinae 3.5% (effective in 2008) Yes Yes

Oklahoma 5% Yes Yes

Oregonf 5% (to 6% in 2008) Yes Yes

Rhode Island 25% Partiallyg Yes

Vermont 32% Yes Yes

Virginia 20% No Yes

Wisconsin 4% — one child Yes No

  14% — two children    

  43% — three children    

Notes: From 1999 to 2001, Colorado offered a 10% refundable EITC financed from required rebates under the state’s “TABOR” amendment.  Those rebates, and hence the EITC, were suspended beginning in 2002 due to lack of funds and again in 2005 as a result of a voter-approved five-year suspension of TABOR.  Under current law, the rebates will resume in 2011, but a recent income tax cut that also depends on the rebates is likely to exhaust the funds, leaving the EITC unfunded. a Indiana's EITC is scheduled to expire in 2011.b Maryland also offers a non-refundable EITC set at 50 percent of the federal credit.  Taxpayers in effect may claim either the refundable credit or the non-refundable credit, but not both.c Minnesota’s credit for families with children, unlike the other credits shown in this table, is not expressly structured as a percentage of the federal credit.  Depending on income level, the credit for families with children may range from 25 percent to 45 percent of the federal credit; taxpayers without children may receive a 25 percent credit.d Should the federal government reduce New York’s share of the TANF block grant, the New York credit would be reduced automatically to the 1999 level of 20 percent.e North Carolina's EITC is scheduled to expire in 2013.f Oregon's EITC is scheduled to expire in 2011.g Rhode Island made a very small portion of its EITC refundable effective in TY 2003.  In 2006, the refundable portion was increased from 10 percent to 15 percent of the nonrefundable credit (i.e., 3.75 percent of the federal EITC).