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Eklöf Amirell, S. (2015)Female Rule in the Indian Ocean World (1300-1900).Journal of world history, 26(3): 443-489https://doi.org/10.1353/jwh.2015.0023

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Female Rule in the Indian Ocean World (1300–1900)Stefan Amirell

Journal of World History, Volume 26, Number 3, September 2015, pp. 443-489(Article)

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Journal of World History, Vol. 26, No. 3© 2016 by University of Hawai‘i Press

443

Female Rule in the In dian Ocean World (1300–1900)*

stefan amirellLund University

Introduction

The In dian Ocean——here un der stood as the mar i time and lit to ral zones stretching from the east coast of Africa to the Malay Archi­pelago of Southeast Asia—has the lon gest his tory of eco nomic in te­gra tion, intercultural con tact, and com mu ni ca tion of the world’s great oceans. Maritime com merce flourished along the north ern shores of the ocean well be fore the be gin ning of the Common Era, and Aus tro ne sian mi grants trav eled across the ocean to set tle in Madagascar, prob a bly in sev eral waves from the mid dle of the first mil len nium c.e. to the mid­dle of the sec ond mil len ni um. Long be fore the ar rival by sea of the first Eu ro pe ans at the end of the fifteenth cen tu ry, the In dian Ocean trad ing net work brought cul tural and re li gious im pulses back and forth over the ocean and along its coasts.

Many sig nif i cant as pects of this great in ter change have been ex plored by his to ri ans of the re gion, and the rise of global and entangled his tory in later years has led to a greater ap pre ci a tion of the var i ous types of sim i lar i ties, con tacts, and mu tual in flu ences across the ocean.1

*I thank Hans Hägerdal and Svante Norrhem for valu able com ments and sug ges tions on the text. Research for this ar ti cle was fi nanced by a grant from the Swed ish Research Council.

1 There is an ex ten sive lit er a ture on trade and other types of in ter ac tion across the In dian Ocean in the pre mod ern era. See Kirti N. Chaudhuri, Trade and Civilisation in the In dian Ocean: An Economic History from the Rise of Is lam to 1750 (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1985) for an in flu en tial syn the sis, and Markus P. M. Vink, “In dian Ocean Studies and the ‘New Thalassology,’ Journal of Global History 2 (2007): 41–62, for a rel a tively re cent his to rio graph i cal sur vey. See also Jennifer L. Gaynoer, “Ages of Sail, Ocean Basins, and Southeast Asia,” Journal of World History 24 (2013): 309–33, for a re cent con tri bu tion.

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One con spic u ous fea ture, how ev er, has hith erto not been ex plored sys tem at i cally for the In dian Ocean World as a whole: the rel a tively great num ber of queens reg nant through out the pre co lo nial pe ri od. Regardless of whether we turn to court chron i cles, ge ne al o gies of rul ing dy nas ties, in dig e nous oral tra di tions, or ac counts by for eign ob serv ers, in clud ing Ar ab , Chi nese, and Eu ro pean vis i tors, we find nu mer ous ref­er ences to rul ing queens on the shores and is lands of the In dian Ocean be tween the four teenth and nineteenth cen tu ry.

Several im por tant stud ies of fe male rule in in di vid ual pol i ties or re gions around the In dian Ocean rim have been published over the last few de cades, but in the con text of the his tory of the In dian Ocean World as a whole, fe male rule as a gen eral phe nom e non has hith erto not been the ob ject of any sys tem atic study. As such, the current state­of­the­art regarding fe male sov er eignty in the In dian Ocean World re flects the gen eral ne glect of gen der in world his tor i cal schol ar ship, not with stand ing fre quent calls for more gen der anal y sis of global his­tor i cal pro cess es.2 The con trast is strik ing in com par i son with the cur­rent schol ar ship re gard ing fe male sov er eignty in Europe in me di e val and early mod ern times, which has been ex plored by nu mer ous schol ars in re cent de cades.3

For the pres ent study, ref er ences to 277 women rul ers in the In dian Ocean World from the four teenth to the nineteenth cen tury have been col lected from the lit er a ture and published sources (see Ap pen dix). The list has been delimited only to women who, as far as we can tell, ruled in their own name—that is, not as, for ex am ple, re gents for a mi nor or ab sent male rul er. It seems rea son able, how ev er, to as sume that more rul ing queens may be found, par tic u larly by scru ti niz ing un pub lished ma te rial and oral sources and that more over, there were many more of whom no re cords have been pre served. The 277 queens listed in the

2 E.g., Patrick Manning, Navigating World History: Historians Create a Global Past (Hound­mills, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), 208–11; Merry Wiesner­Hanks, “World History and the History of Women, Gender, and Sexuality,” Journal of World History 18 (2007): 53–67; Marnie Hughes­Warrington, “Genders,” in The Oxford Handbook of World History, ed. Jerry H. Bentley, 195–209 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011).

3 For a his to rio graphic sur vey, see Judith P. Zinsser and Bonnie S. Anderson, “Women in Early and Modern Europe: A Transnational Approach,” in Women’s History in Global Perspective, ed. Bonnie G. Smith, 3:111–44 (Urbana: University of Il li nois Press, 2005). For some of the more im por tant re cent con tri bu tions of broader scope, see Anne J. Cruz and Mihoko Suzuki, eds., The Rule of Women in Early Modern Europe (Urbana: University of Il li nois Press, 2009); William Monter, The Rise of Female Kings in Europe, 1300–1800 (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2012); Theresa Earenfight, Queenship in Medi-eval Europe (Houndmills, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013).

Amirell: Female Rule in the Indian Ocean World (1300­1800) 445

ap pen dix should thus be seen as reflecting the ab so lute min i mum num­ber of rul ing queens in the In dian Ocean World.

It is not pos si ble to make mean ing ful sta tis ti cal com par i sons be tween re gions in world his tory with regard to the num ber or share of fe male rul ers since the avail able fig ures, among other things, de pend on the avail able source, the def i ni tion of who is a sov er eign queen or rul er, and the num ber of states or state­like pol i ties in each re gion.

A bird’s eye’s view of the world be tween 1300 and 1900 nev er the less re veals some in ter est ing pat terns. No wom an, for ex am ple, seems to have ex er cised sov er eign power over a sov er eign state in the Middle East and North Africa be tween 1300 and 1900, al though a few no ta ble women ex er cised con sid er able power as re gents, for ex am ple dur ing the so­called cen tury of women in the sev en teenth­cen tury Ot to man Em pire.4 East Asia saw only two fe male sov er eigns—both of them fig ure head Jap a nese em per ors (tennō)—dur ing this pe ri od, al though royal women oc ca sion­ally were de facto in flu en tial.5 Female rule seems to have been some what more fre quent in sub­Saharan Africa, Central Asia, and main land South Asia, but the avail able sources are, with a few ex cep tions, scarce, as they are for pre­Co lum bian America.

Possibly with the ex cep tion of the sparsely pop u lated re gion of Oceania (par tic u larly Polynesia), the only re gion apart from the In dian Ocean World in which fe male rule was rel a tively fre quent is Europe. Although there were only about thirty fe male sov er eigns in Europe be tween 1300 and 1900—in clud ing sev eral strong­willed and well­known personalities such as Isabella I of Spain, Elizabeth I of Eng­land, Christina of Sweden, and Catherine II of Russia—there were, in ad di tion, at least 170 women who, at one time or an oth er, ruled over more or less au ton o mous fiefs.6 Many of these pol i ties were at least as ad vanced as the small In dian Ocean states in terms of pow er, size, and com plex i ty. Historian William Monter has claimed that the pe riod 1300–1900 saw the “Rise of Female Kings in Europe,” an ob ser va tion

4 Fatima Mernissi, The Forgotten Queens of Is lam (Minneapolis: University of Minne­sota Press, 2006 [1990]); Leslie P. Peirce, The Imperial Harem: Women and Sovereignty in the Ot to man Em pire (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993).

5  Joan  R.  Piggott,  “The  Last  Classical  Female  Sovereign:  Kōken-Shōtoku  Tennō,” in Women and Con fu cian Cultures in Premodern China, Korea, and Japan, ed. Dorothy Ko, JaHyun Kim Haboush, and Joan R. Piggott, 47–74 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003); Lien­sheng Yang, “Female Rulers in Imperial China,” Harvard Journal of Asi atic Stud-ies 23 (1961): 47–61.

6 Pe ter Truhart, Regents of Nations: Systematic Chronology of States and Their Political Representatives in Past and Present. Part 4: Volume 1: Western & Southern Europe and Part 4: Volume 2: Eastern, Northern & Central Europe (Munich: K. G. Saur, 2004, 2006).

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that, to gether with the rel a tively ad vanced state of the his to ri og ra phy of fe male sov er eignty in Europe in me di e val and early mod ern times, pro vi des a fruit ful plat form for com par i son with the In dian Ocean World dur ing the same pe ri od.

The pres ent ar ti cle in ves ti gates why fe male rule seems to have been rel a tively read ily ac cept able and fre quent in parts of the In dian Ocean World—par tic u larly much of mar i time Southeast Asia and the east coast of Africa—in the pre co lo nial era. The pur pose is not to ex plain why women gen er ally were con sid ered un fit to rule but rather to ex plain why men some times allowed women to rule, which main ly, as far as we know, oc curred in Europe and the In dian Ocean World dur ing the pe riod un der study. Four key fac tors are in ves ti gated as pos­si ble ex pla na tions to the rel a tive fre quency of fe male rule in the In dian Ocean World: re li gion; trade, po lit i cal sta bil i ty, and gen der re la tions. It is ar gued that, whereas the first and sec ond fac tors fail to ex plain the rel a tive fre quency of fe male rule, the lat ter two—the need for po lit i­cal sta bil ity and the rel a tively non­rigid gen der roles—are cru cial for un der stand ing why so many women came to the fore as rul ers around the shores of the In dian Ocean in pre co lo nial and early co lo nial times. The dy nam ics in volved have ob vi ous sim i lar i ties with those of Europe dur ing the same pe ri od, and Eu ro pean mod els of fe male rule may to some ex tent have stim u lated the rise of fe male sov er eignty in the In dian Ocean World.

Methodological and Conceptual Considerations

The mean ing of the word and ti tle “queen”—or its equiv a lents in other Eu ro pean lan guages, such as dronning, drottning, Königin, koningin, rainha, regina, reina, reine, and so on—is in many ways prob lem at ic. Both con tem po rary Eu ro pean sources and mod ern trans la tions of non­Eu ro­pean sources use these (or sim i lar) ti tles, as does much of the lit er a ture, of ten un crit i cal ly. In its orig i nal, Eu ro pe an, his tor i cal con text, the ti tle “queen” is am big u ous and de notes sev eral rather dis tinct (but some­times overlapping) func tions, in clud ing that of queen con sort, queen dow a ger, queen moth er, and fe male vas sal.7 The pres ent in ves ti ga tion, how ev er, has in prin ci ple been delimited to queens reg nant (or rul ing queens), that is, royal women who ex er cised sov er eign power and reigned in their own name. As such, a queen reg nant em bod ied, sym­

7 In ad di tion, of course, the term is used in other con texts, such as in games and zoo log­i cal con cepts, none of which is of in ter est here.

Amirell: Female Rule in the Indian Ocean World (1300­1800) 447

bol i cal ly, the ul ti mate and highest power of the state, not with stand ing the fact that her ac tual pow er—like that of male rul ers—could vary con sid er ably. In ad di tion, vas sal queens who, as far as can be elu ci dated from the sources, ex er cised de facto sov er eignty have been in cluded in the study.

The clas si fi ca tion, how ev er, in volves a mea sure of un cer tain ty. It is not al ways clear from the de scrip tions in the sources whether a “queen” in fact was the sov er eign ruler or, for ex am ple, a queen mother act ing as re gent or an heir ess to the throne whose po lit i cal func tion was lim ited to that of trans fer ring power to her hus band. Indigenous royal ti tles, such as jumbe, mpanjaka, mwana, peracau, ra ja, ra ni, ratu, and sultanah, were of ten im pre cisely de fined (and fre quently gen der­neu tral) in the ver­nac u lar, and their ex act mean ing depended on the con text. Moreover, for eign ob serv ers, whose re ports of ten are the most im por tant con tem­po rary sources, fre quently mis un der stood lo cal struc tures of power and projected their own mod els on the so ci e ties they ob served—for ex am­ple, by un crit i cally denoting any po lit i cal leader “king” or “queen” even though it might have been more ap pro pri ate to de scribe them in terms of, for ex am ple, “chief tain” or “high priest/ess.”

The trans fer of Eu ro pean con cepts of state and pol i tics in gen eral to non­Eu ro pean con texts also in volved as sump tions about the na ture of pow er, le git i ma cy, and sov er eignty that were not al ways ap pro pri ate. Obviously, sev eral of the “queens” men tioned in con tem po rary ac counts did not rule over states in the Eu ro pean (or Chi nese or Ar ab ) sense of the word, but rather pre sided over quite small and of ten loosely or ga­nized po lit i cal units that may be more prop erly de scribed as tribes, chief­doms, or port cit ies of vary ing size and im por tance.8 To take an ex treme ex am ple, there was a huge dif fer ence in power and sta tus be tween Queen Victoria of the United Kingdom, who in the mid­nineteenth cen tury could count her sub jects in hun dreds of mil li ons around the world, and her con tem po rary, Jumbe (“Queen”) Fatimah of Mohéli in the Comoro Islands, whose mod est realm com prised around five thou sand peo ple, all liv ing on an island of a mere 230 square ki lo me ters.9

Another prob lem is that the sources fre quently are scarce and un evenly dis trib ut ed. For many of the pol i ties listed in the ap pen dix there are few or no con tem po rary writ ten sources; this is par tic u larly

8 E.g., Ian Caldwell, “Power, State and Society among the Pre­Is lamic Bugis,” Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 151 (1995): 394–421; Mi chael N. Pearson, Port Cities and Intruders: The Swa hili Coast, In dia, and Portugal in the Early Modern Era (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998), 64ff.

9 Louis Langlois, “Mohély ou les mésaventures de la pe tite reine Fatouma,” Revue de l’histoire des col o nies 28 (1934): 187.

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the case for the west ern part of the In dian Ocean be fore the turn of the six teenth cen tu ry. Apart from ar chae o log i cal ev i dence, the most im por tant sources con sist of in dig e nous chron i cles, ge ne al o gies, oral tra­di tions, and var i ous notes, re ports, and de scrip tions writ ten by Ar ab , Chi nese, and Eu ro pean vis i tors. A fur ther com pli ca tion is that many of the sources are bi ased against fe male po lit i cal lead er ship. Ar ab and Chi nese writ ers of ten found the no tion of a woman ex er cis ing po lit i cal power re pug nant and there fore, in ten tion ally or not, ig nored or down­played fe male rul ers, or painted them in neg a tive col ors.10 By con trast, queens reg nant were rel a tively com mon in me di e val and early mod ern Europe, and most of the early mod ern Eu ro pean ob serv ers seem to have been rel a tively com fort able with and at ten tive to fe male sov er eignty out side their own cul tural sphere. Modern schol ar ship (Western as well as Middle Eastern and East Asian), on the other hand, has fre quently ig nored or downplayed the queens’ im por tance—ei ther by relegating the dis cus sion of them to foot notes or by as sum ing that, be cause they were wom en, they were pow er less fig ure heads.11

These meth od o log i cal dif fi cul ties, how ev er, should not be taken as rea son to ab stain from a broader study of fe male rule in the In dian Ocean World or from com par ing the In dian Ocean World with other cul tural re gions with re spect to the in ci dence of fe male rule. The study takes as its point of de par ture the many ref er ences to women ex er cis ing

10 On the bias against fe male lead er ship in the Mus lim Middle East, see Mernissi, For-gotten Queens, 26, and on the neg a tive view in im pe rial China, see Yang, “Female Rulers.” An ob vi ous ex cep tion is Ibn Battuta’s valu able ac count, which in this con text is of par tic­u lar im por tance with regard to the Maldives; Muhammad Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, The Travels of Ibn Baṭṭūṭta A.D. 1325–1354, ed. H. A. R. Gibb (London: The Hakluyt Society, 1994 [1355]), 822–46, 865ff.

11 E.g., Said Bakari Bin Sultani Ahmed and Lyndon Harries, The Swa hili Chronicle of Ngazija (Bloomington: Af ri can Studies Program, Indiana University, 1977), 84; John Mid­dleton, The World of the Swa hi li: An Af ri can Mercantile Civilization (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1992), 44. See Kelly M. Askew, “Female Circles and Male Lines: Gender Dynamics along the Swa hili Coast,” Africa Today 46 (1999): 81, 85, for a cri tique of the bias in mod ern schol ar ship against fe male po lit i cal lead er ship, and Patricia E. Tsurumi, “The Male Present ver sus the Female Past: Historians and Japan’s Ancient Female Emperors,” Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars 14 (1982): 71–75, for a sim i lar cri tique of Jap a nese his­to ri og ra phy. See also Leonard Andaya, “ ‘A Very Good­Natured but Awe­Inspiring Govern­ment’: The Reign of a Successful Queen in Seventeenth Century Aceh,” in Hof en handel: Aziatische vorsten en de VOC 1620–1720, ed. Elsbeth Locher­Scholten and Pe ter Rietbergen, 59–84 (Leiden: KITLV Uitgeverij, 2004), al though his cri tique of Reid’s char ac ter iza tion of Taj al­Alam’s rule seems not al to gether fair. In ad di tion, some queens, such as the Malagasy Queen Ranavalona I (1828–1861), have been ex treme ly, and partly un fair ly, vil i fied; see Si mon Ayache, “Esquisse pour le por trait d’une reine: Ranavalona 1ère,” Omaly si anio 1–2 (1975): 251–70; and Gwyn Campbell, “The Adoption of Autarky in Imperial Madagascar, 1820–1835,” Journal of Af ri can History 28 (1987): 395–409, for crit i cal as sess ments of such biases.

Amirell: Female Rule in the Indian Ocean World (1300­1800) 449

sov er eign po lit i cal pow er—re gard less of the ti tle by which they are denoted in the sources—in the In dian Ocean World. Although the pre cise na ture of their power and in flu ence and the so cial, eco nom ic, and cul tural con text of the so ci e ties over which they pre sided var ied, they are united by the fact that they em bod ied, sym bol i cal ly, the high­est po lit i cal power in their per son.12

The Dis tri bu tion of Female Rulers

The greatest con cen tra tions of fe male rul ers are seen in mar i time South­east Asia, where 209 of the iden ti fied queens reg nant are found, and around the East Af ri can coast (in clud ing Madagascar and the Comoro Islands), where 62 queens are known. The dis tri bu tion within these two ma jor re gions, how ev er, is very un even, both geo graph i cally and chro­no log i cal ly. In Southeast Asia, South Sulawesi has, with 105 queens reg nant, by far the larg est num ber of fe male rul ers be cause of the Bugis tra di tion of re gard ing women of no ble de scent as el i gi ble to be come lead ers even when male can di dates ex ist. Timor (East and West) also stands out sta tis ti cally for its great num ber of fe male sov er eigns—63 in all —a cir cum stance that is largely due to the re cent re search ef forts by his to ri ans Douglas Kammen and Hans Hägerdal.13

In the west ern parts of the In dian Ocean, the greatest num ber of fe male rul ers are found on the Swa hili coast and is lands of pres ent­day Kenya and Tanzania, where al to gether 25 queens reg nant are known. The Comoro Islands, more over, saw 19 fe male lead ers and Mada­gascar 16. By con trast, only a few, scattered women rul ers are found on the north ern shores of the In dian Ocean. In the coastal states of In dia, for ex am ple, only one queen reg nant has been iden ti fied, and only two queens ruled in their own name over a main land Southeast Asian state: Shinsawbu of Pegu (Burma; r. 1453–1472) and Ang Mei of Cambodia (r. 1834–1840), al though the lat ter was a pow er less pup­pet queen.14

12 The method is in spired by the histoire croisée­ap proach—see Mi chael Werner and Bénédicte Zimmermann, “Penser l’histoire croisée: Entre empirie et réflexivité,” Annales: Histoire, Sciences Sociales 58 (2003): 7–36—and com par a tive cross­cul tural his to ry—see Marcel Detienne, Comparer l’in com pa ra ble: Oser expérimenter et construire (Par is: Éditions du Seuil, 2000).

13 Douglas Kammen, “Queens of Timor,” Archipel 84 (2012): 149–73; Hans Hägerdal, “Cycles of Queenship on Timor: A Response to Douglas Kammen,” Archipel 85 (2013): 237–51.

14 This is cer tainly not due to any lack of states or his tor i cal re cords, of which there are a great deal from the pe ri od.

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There are chro no log i cal var i a tions in ad di tion to the geo graph ic, but it is dif fi cult to as sess their sig nif i cance as the sources are un evenly dis trib uted and fre quently pro vide only ge ne al o gies with no chro no log­i cal fixed points. As expected, there is much less in for ma tion about the first two cen tu ries (be fore the ar rival of the Eu ro pe ans in the In dian Ocean) com pared with lat er, in par tic u lar for the west ern part of the In dian Ocean. In gen er al—but not in all places and re gions—the sources grow in creas ingly abun dant over time, which should, all other things be ing equal, be reflected in a grad ual in crease in the num ber of recorded fe male lead ers. Such is ap par ently the case for the first four cen tu ries, com bined with an in crease in the num ber of mar i time pol i­ties due to the boom in trade: there are 5 recorded fe male rul ers in the four teenth cen tury (that is, all or most of their re gency falls be tween 1300 and 1399), 9 in the fifteenth, 25 in the six teenth, and 58 in the sev en teenth cen tu ry.15

In the eigh teenth cen tu ry, by con trast, the num ber of fe male rul ers drops to 43. The de cline from the sev en teenth to the eigh teenth cen­tury may be interpreted as a cor rob o ra tion of the ar gu ment, made by sev eral stu dents of Southeast Asia, that fe male rule, as well as the in dig­e nous trad ing states in gen er al, de clined from the late sev en teenth cen­tury mainly be cause of Eu ro pean ex pan sion.16 In the nineteenth cen­tu ry, how ev er, there are 127 known fe male rul ers, prob a bly due to the richer sources, al though the dat ing of some of the queens is un cer tain. In view of the great sta tis ti cal un cer tain ty, these num bers are far from con clu sive, and the re gional var i a tions are con sid er able.

Religion

As his to rian Barbara Watson Andaya and oth ers have not ed, the ex pan­sion of world re li gions in the In dian Ocean World led to a gen eral de cline in the sta tus of wom en, par tic u larly with regard to their op por tu ni­

15 In ad di tion, ten rul ers are un dat ed, most of whom prob a bly be long to the pe riod ca. 1500–1700; see also Askew, “Female Circles,” 102 and ap pen dix 1.

16 E.g., Anthony Reid, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce 1450–1680: Volume Two: Expansion and Crisis (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1993), 265ff.; Cheah Boon Kheng, “Power be hind the Throne: The Role of Queens and Court Ladies in Malay His­tory,” Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asi atic Society 66 (1993): 7; Stefan Amirell, “The Blessings and Perils of Female Rule: New Perspectives on the Reigning Queens of Patani, c. 1584–1718,” Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 42 (2011): 321. See also Barbara Watson Andaya, The Flaming Womb: Repositioning Women in Early Modern Southeast Asia (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 2006), 169–72.

Amirell: Female Rule in the Indian Ocean World (1300­1800) 451

ties to take on lead ing re li gious and rit ual roles.17 It is less clear, how ev er, to what ex tent the re li gious changes brought about by the spread of Ther a vada Bud dhism, Is lam, and Chris tian ity entailed a de cline for fe male po lit i cal pow er, and the im pact var ied among dif fer ent parts of the re gion and among the three re li gions. In gen er al, the stron gest neg­a tive im pact of re li gious change on fe male po lit i cal power dur ing the pe ri od, or in the cen tu ries pre ced ing it, is found in main land Southeast Asia and Sri Lanka. In both of these ar eas, the spread of Ther a vada Bud­dhism seems to have con trib uted to a de cline in fe male royal pow er, and very few women ruled over a ma jor Ther a vada Bud dhist state in the In dian Ocean World dur ing the pe riod un der study here, with Queen Shinsawbu pro vid ing the only sig nif i cant ex cep tion.18

With regard to Chris tian i ty, the im pact is less ob vi ous. In the Phil­ippines and Eastern Indonesia, as in Latin America, col o ni za tion and the spread of Chris tian ity went hand in hand with Ibe rian ex pan sion, but col o ni za tion, par tic u larly to ward the end of the pe ri od, ap pears to have been the more im por tant pro cess with regard to the de cline in fe male rule. In Southeast Asia and Latin America alike, pre co lo nial states were con quered and in te grated in the Span ish and Por tu guese co lo nial em pires, which meant that to the ex tent that fe male rule had existed be fore the ar rival of the Eu ro pe ans, it disappeared with the loss of po lit i cal au ton omy of the in dig e nous states.

In Timor, how ev er, many in dig e nous states sur vived the co lo nial (Dutch and Por tu guese) on slaught, and around half of these were ruled at one time or an other dur ing the cen tury by one or more wom en. Nearly all of the Timorese queens are denoted in the (Por tu guese) sources by Por tu guese names, prob a bly in di cat ing that they had been bap tized. This “era of queens,” as put by Douglas Kammen, came to an end only dur ing the last de cade of the nineteenth cen tury as a re sult of the con sol i da­tion and ex pan sion of the Por tu guese co lo nial state on the island. The in creased co lo nial in flu ence brought about both a de cline in po lit i cal in flu ence of in dig e nous states and, as ob served by Hans Hägerdal, an

17 Barbara Watson Andaya and Yoneo Ishii, “Religious Developments in Southeast Asia, c. 1500–1800,” in The Cambridge History of Southeast Asia, Volume One: From Early Times to c. 1800, ed. Nicholas Tarling, 555–57 (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1992); Barbara Watson Andaya, “The Changing Religious Role of Women in Pre­Modern South East Asia,” South East Asia Research 2 (1994): 99–116.

18 Godfrey Eric Harvey, History of Burma (New Dehli: Asian Educational Services, 2000 [1925]), 117; Andaya, Flaming Womb, 75–76. See also Anthony Reid, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce 1450–1680: Volume One: The Land be low the Winds (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1988), 169–70.

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in creased ori en ta tion in pol i tics, for eign re la tions, and re li gion to ward the male rather than fe male sphere.19

The im pact of the spread of Is lam—the pre dom i nant re li gion in the In dian Ocean World dur ing the pe riod un der study—on fe male rule is like wise am big u ous. Is lam is of ten de scribed as prin ci pally op posed to the idea of fe male lead er ship, in both the spir i tual and po lit i cal spheres. The neg a tive view of women in pol i tics in the Middle East is fre quently jus ti­fied by ref er ences to Is lam, al though the sub or di na tion of women in the pub lic sphere in the re gion has pre­Is lamic or i gins.20 The fa mous Sura 4.34 of the Qu’ran pre scribes fe male obe di ence and as signs women a sub or di­nate po si tion to men, and later (me di e val) Is lamic texts, in clud ing many of the tra di tions (ha diths), fur ther reinforced the in fe ri or ity of wom en. A tra di tion, writ ten down in the ninth cen tu ry, re lates how Muhammad’s fa vor ite wife, A’isha, led an in sur rec tion af ter the Prophet’s death against the ca liph and was defeated in the bloody Battle of the Camels, and her ex am ple was sub se quently of ten cited as a warn ing against women in pol i tics. The prac tice of fe male se clu sion (which also has pre­Is lamic or i gins in the Middle East), more over, meant that wom en—par tic u larly elite wom en, for whom se clu sion was most com mon and strict—had few op por tu ni ties to take up po lit i cal lead er ship po si tions. Most of those who nev er the less did so faced staunch op po si tion, par tic u larly from re li gious lead ers and in sti tu tions, in clud ing the ca liph ate.21

This bias in Middle Eastern Is lam against fe male po lit i cal lead er ship was a ma jor fac tor that inhibited the rise of fe male po lit i cal lead ers in the re gion, par tic u larly among Ar a bic speak ing peo ples, and no woman seems to have ex er cised sov er eign po lit i cal power any where in the Mus­lim Middle East dur ing the pe riod un der study here.22 This cir cum­stance con trasts sharply with the In dian Ocean World, where around half of the 277 iden ti fied queens seem to have been Mus lims who ruled over pre dom i nantly Mus lim pop u la tions.23

19 Kammen, “Queens of Timor,” 151, 165; Hägerdal, “Cycles of Queenship,” 249.20 Gerda Lerner, The Creation of Patriarchy (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986).21 Mernissi, Forgotten Queens, 26, 66, pas sim; Nikki R. Keddie, “Women in the Middle

East since the Rise of Is lam,” in Smith, Women’s History, 71–75.22 Mernissi, Forgotten Queens. Some women did rule as re gents, how ev er, par tic u larly in

the sev en teenth­cen tury Ot to man Em pire; see Peirce, Imperial Harem.23 The es ti ma tion is based on the as sump tion that about two thirds of the 105 Bugis

queens (i.e., around 70) were Mus lims—that is, they ruled af ter the Bugis con ver sion to Is lam be tween 1605 and 1611—and the es ti ma tion that of the remaining 171 queens, about 67 were Mus lims, based on their name, ge ne al o gy, and/or the dom i nant re li gion in the state over which they ruled. For the con ver sion of the Bugis to Is lam, see Chris tian Pelras, The Bugis (Oxford: Blackwell, 1996), 135–37.

Amirell: Female Rule in the Indian Ocean World (1300­1800) 453

A rea son for the greater fre quency of rul ing queens in the In dian Ocean World ap pears to be the prevailing in flu ence of pre­Is lamic po lit i cal cul ture in which fe male rule ap pears to have been rel a tively fre quent. In mar i time Southeast Asia, for ex am ple, there were sev eral rul ing queens be fore the es tab lish ment of Is lam, in clud ing at least 2 fe male rul ers of an cient (Hin du) Java in the sev enth and tenth cen­tury re spec tive ly, 6 rul ing queens in Bali in the tenth and elev enth cen tu ry, 2 four teenth­cen tury queens reg nant in the Hindu realm of Majapahit (Java), and about 35 Bugis queens in South Sulawesi be fore early sev en teenth cen tury (that is, be fore the con ver sion of the Bugis to Is lam).24 In ad di tion, there seems to have been sev eral queens reg nant dur ing ear lier cen tu ries in the In di an ized states of main land Southeast Asia, in clud ing Funan (sec ond cen tu ry), Champa (sev enth cen tu ry), and an cient Cambodia (Jayadevi, ca. 685–ca. 720).25 In Vietnam the rebel leader Trung Trac proclaimed her self queen reg nant in 40 c.e. and ruled a great part of the coun try for three years be fore the re bel lion was crushed by a Chi nese mil i tary ex pe di tion.26 Several pre­Is lamic re li gious ideas and myths in Southeast Asia, more over, fo cus on pow er ful fe male goddesses, in clud ing that of Nyai Roro Kidul (also known as Ratu Laut Selatan, the Queen of the South Seas), a ma jor le git i miz ing leg end for the rul ers of Yogyakarta and other Ja va nese sul tan ates.27

In con trast to the Middle East, where Is lamic po lit i cal mod els be came dom i nant and the ruler based his le git i macy pri mar ily on re li gious sanc­tion ing, the po lit i cal cul ture of the Mus lim states in mar i time South­east Asia remained heavily influ enced by pre­Is lamic mod els of power and le git i ma cy. The ruler retained his or her cen tral place in the realm, and the in sig nia and rit u als of rul er ship, as well as the ti tles of both the ruler and the no bil i ty, largely retained their pre­Is lamic or i gins. After the es tab lish ment of Is lam, many Southeast Asian rul ers adopted Is lamic ti tles such as sul tan or shah, but in ad di tion they fre quently kept the San­skrit ra ja as well as in dig e nous Malay ti tles.28 With the main ex cep tion of Aceh, few of Southeast Asia’s reigning queens—most of whom are

24 See the ap pen dix for fur ther de tails and ref er ences pertaining to these.25 Trudy Jacobsen, Lost Goddesses: The Denial of Female Power in Cam bo dian History

(Copenhagen: NIAS Press, 2008), 19, 23. The his to ric ity of the for mer two is un cer tain, how ev er.

26 Henri Maspero, “Études d’histoire d’Annam,” Bulletin de l’École française d’Extrême-Orient 18 (1918): 13.

27 Judith Schlehe, Die Meereskönigin des Südens, Ratu Kidul: Geisterpolitik im javanischen Alltag (Berlin: Reimer, 1998); see also Jacobsen, Lost Goddesses, 19–22.

28 A. C. Milner, “Is lam and the Mus lim State,” in Is lam in South-East Asia, ed. M. B. Hooker, 29–36 (Leiden: Brill, 1983).

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found in Sulawesi—are denoted in con tem po rary sources with Mus lim names. Although some of them (like their male coun ter parts) had Mus­lim names and ti tles in ad di tion to their in dig e nous ones, Is lam seems, for the most part, not to have played a ma jor role in their as ser tions of le git i ma cy. Moreover, and again with the ex cep tion of Aceh, se clu sion was rarely prac ticed by the queens nor, as far as we know, by most of their sub jects. By con trast, many con tem po rary ob serv ers—Mus lim as well as non­Mus lims—noted the re laxed at ti tudes to ward Is lamic laws and pre­scrip tions in Southeast Asia.29

The con ti nu ity in the po lit i cal cul ture of the Southeast Asian states be fore and af ter the es tab lish ment of Is lam prob a bly also meant that the or der of suc ces sion and the open at ti tude to ward fe male rule, in most states, were retained. Even af ter the con ver sion to Is lam in South Sulawesi in the early sev en teenth cen tu ry, fe male rule con tin ued to be prev a lent un til the Dutch col o ni za tion of the re gion in the nineteenth cen tu ry. The sev en teenth cen tury also saw two of the most re mark­able in stances of institutionalization of fe male rule in Southeast Asia (and in the world): the Malay sul tan ates of Patani (pres ently in south­ern Thailand), where seven fe male ra jas reigned for most of the pe riod be tween ca. 1584 and ca. 1718, and Aceh (north ern Sumatra), where four sultanahs ruled con sec u tively be tween 1641 and 1699.30

In the course of the early mod ern era, how ev er, Southeast Asia came more into con tact with the wider Mus lim world, and Is lamic op po si­tion against fe male po lit i cal lead er ship in creased. In Aceh, where Is lamic in flu ences were par tic u larly strong and con tacts with the wider Is lamic world were live ly, fe male rule was never le git i mate in the eyes of many lo cal Is lamic lead ers—in spite of the at tempts, par tic u larly by the lon gest­serv ing and most suc cess ful of the four sultanahs, Taj al­Alam (1641–1675), to pro mote Is lamic schol ar ship and wor ship and to pro ject an im age of her self as a righ teous and pi ous Mus lim rul er.31 In 1699 the last of the four con sec u tive Acehnese queens, Kamalat

29 E.g., Milner, “Is lam and the Mus lim State,” 27; Andaya, Flaming Womb, 88; Amirell, “Blessings and Perils,” 308f. Note also Ibn Baṭṭūṭa’s fail ure to im pose fe male se clu sion, or even to make the women cover the up per part of their body, in the Maldives dur ing his ten­ure as qadi there in the mid-four teenth cen tu ry; Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, The Travels, 827.

30 On Patani, see Amirell, “Blessings and Perils,” and on Aceh, see Sher Banu A. Latiff Khan, “Rule Behind the Silk Curtain: The Sultanahs of Aceh 1641–1699,” (PhD dis ser ta­tion, Queen Mary, University of London, 2009).

31 Andaya, “A Very Good­Natured,” 66f.; Khan, “Rule be hind the Silk Curtain,” 193ff. In do ing so, she followed her male pre de ces sors in the late six teenth and early sev en teenth cen tu ry, all of whom spon sored Is lamic schol ar ship, mak ing Aceh the lead ing cen ter for Malay Is lamic thought at the time; see Pe ter G. Riddell, Is lam and the Malay-In do ne sian World: Transmission and Responses (London: Hurst, 2001), 103ff.

Amirell: Female Rule in the Indian Ocean World (1300­1800) 455

Sah, ab di cated af ter her op po nents had man aged to se cure a let ter, de scribed as a fat wa, from the Middle East de clar ing fe male lead er ship to be against Is lam.32 In the sub se quent cen tu ry—at least in part be cause of the in creas ing in flu ence of “sharia­mind ed” Is lam in many tra di tional Southeast Asian states33—fe male rule be came in creas ingly rare in the re gion. Except for among the Bugis, few women for mally took the reigns of power in any state in the re gion af ter the mid­eigh teenth cen tu ry.34

With regard to the west ern part of the In dian Ocean, there are very few writ ten sources be fore the es tab lish ment of Is lam. Many myths of or i gin that were writ ten down in his tor i cal times do, how ev er, fea ture Swa hili queens as the ear li est rul ers.35 Regardless of their his to ric i ty, they in di cate that a tra di tion or pre ce dent of fe male rule existed in the re gion. In Madagascar, where Is lam never was adopted by the ma jor ity of the pop u la tion or their rul ers, there were at least two queens reg nant in the six teenth cen tury and five in the eigh teenth cen tury (in ad di­tion to eleven in the nineteenth cen tu ry). Although ev i dence is scarce and fur ther re search is re quired, it thus seems likely that fe male rule along the East Af ri can coast and in Madagascar, as in Southeast Asia, drew on older, pre­Is lamic mod els of state and pow er. Such po lit i cal mod els, more over, were prob a bly to a sig nif i cant ex tent trans mit ted from Southeast Asia to Madagascar by Aus tro ne sian im mi grants.36

As in Southeast Asia, the op por tu ni ties for women to ex er cise sov­er eignty and for mal po lit i cal power de clined in the Swa hili re gion dur­ing the early mod ern pe ri od, and sev eral stu dents of the re gion have noted a gen er ally de clin ing sta tus for women from the turn of the sev­en teenth cen tu ry, in large part linked to the in creas ing im por tance of Is lamic in sti tu tions such as se clu sion and the adop tion of Is lamic laws in the re gion.37 However, as in mar i time Southeast Asia, the Is lamic

32 Khan, “Rule be hind the Silk Curtain,” 217; Anthony Reid, “Trade and the Problem of Royal Power in Aceh: Three States, c. 1550–1700,” in idem, An In do ne sian Frontier: Acehnese and Other Histories of Sumatra (Singapore: Singapore University Press, 2005), 109–10.

33 Milner, “Is lam and the Mus lim State,” 45–49.34 Andaya, Flaming Womb, 169.35 Middleton, World of the Swa hi li, 42.36 E.g. Paul Ottino, “L’Ancienne suc ces sion dynastique malgache (L’exemple merina),”

in Les Souverains de Madagascar: L’histoire royale et ses résurgences contemporaines, ed. Fran­çoise Raison­Jourde, 223–63 (Par is: Karthala, 1983); Ga briel Rantoandro, “Des royaumes concentriques de Java au ‘Royaume de Madagascar’: les fondements d’un héritage présumé,” in La na tion malgache au défi de l’ethnicité, ed. Françoise Raison­Jourde and Solofo Randri­anja, 107–24 (Par is: Éditions Karthala, 2002).

37 Randall L. Pouwels, Horn and Cres cent: Cultural Change and Traditional Is lam on the East Af ri can Coast, 800–1900 (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 28; Askew, “Female Circles,” 92; Iris Berger and E. Frances White, Women in Sub-Saharan Africa (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1999), 21.

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in flu ences were in part bal anced by the em pha sis on mila (cus tom) in the Swa hili re gion, which accorded women higher sta tus in the so cial, po lit i cal, eco nom ic, and rit ual spheres.38

Similarly, sev eral women wielded su preme power in the Comoro Islands through out the pe riod of Eu ro pean con tact. The Sultanates of Anjouan, Bajini, Hamahame, Hambuu, Itsandra, Mayotte, M’Budi, and Mohéli were each ruled by at least one woman be tween the mid­six­teenth and late nineteenth cen tu ry, and al to gether the names of nine­teen fe male rul ers of the Comoro Islands have been pre served. As in much of Southeast Asia the ob ser vance of Is lam ap pears to have been rel a tively re laxed in the Comoro Islands, par tic u larly with regard to the po si tion of wom en. Women gen er ally enjoyed high sta tus in the so cial and eco nomic spheres, se clu sion was rare among non­Ar ab wom en, and ev ery day so cial in ter ac tion be tween the sexes seems to have been rel a­tively re laxed and uncumbered by re li gious reg u la tions.39

In con trast to most of Southeast Asia, the ma jor ity of fe male rul­ers in the Comoro Islands are recorded by Mus lim names such as Alimah/Halima, Aisa, and Fatima. The name prac tice prob a bly re flects the greater Ar a bic in flu ence in the Comoros (and along the East Af ri­can coast in gen er al), but may also in di cate, from the per spec tive of the ge ne al o gies and chron i cles that have been pre served, that the Comorese fe male rul ers based their le git i macy on Is lam to a greater ex tent than their Southeast Asian coun ter parts.

Trading Queens or Warrior Queens?

The his to rian Antony Reid has ar gued for a link be tween the mer can­tile ori en ta tion of the city states in Southeast Asia and the rel a tive fre­quency of fe male rule in the re gion dur ing its “Age of Commerce,” from the early fifteenth cen tury to the late sev en teenth cen tu ry. In ad di tion to Patani and Aceh, Reid men tions Pegu, Banten, Jambi, Japara, Solor, Sukadena, and Kelantan, all of which were ruled by one or sev eral

38 Askew, “Female Circles,” 74f.; Pat Caplan, “Gender, Ideology and Modes of Produc­tion on the Coast of East Africa,” Paideuma 28 (1982): 29–43.

39 Martin Ottenheimer and Harriet Ottenheimer, Historical Dictionary of the Comoro Islands (Metuchen, N.J.: Scarecrow, 1994), 90; Anne Molet­Sauvaget, ed., Documents anciens sur les îles Comores (1591–1810) (Par is: Institut des langues et civ i li sa tions orien­tales, 1994), 43; Jean­Louis Guébourg, La Grande Comoro des sul tans aux mercenaires (Par­is: l’Harmattan, 1993), 30. Evidence from the sev en teenth and early eigh teenth cen tury is some what con tra dic to ry, how ev er, and in di cates cau tious ness on the part of Comorese women in their re la tions with Eu ro pe ans; see Molet­Sauvaget, Document anciens, 43, 67, 68.

Amirell: Female Rule in the Indian Ocean World (1300­1800) 457

women at var i ous times be tween the fifteenth and sev en teenth cen tu­ries. Female rule of ten co in cided with pe ri ods of com mer cial ex pan sion, eco nomic pros per i ty, and rel a tively peace ful con di tions for the states in ques tion. In giv ing their sup port for a woman on the throne, the city­states’ in flu en tial mer chant­aris to crats (orangkaya) opted, in Reid’s words, “not only for mild rule but for busi ness like rule.” Female rule was al leg edly also pro moted by the widely at trib uted skills of women in Southeast Asia in mat ters of trade and ne go ti a tion. Whereas men, according to Reid, were expected to give pri or ity to mat ters of sta tus and honor on the bat tle field and to be prof li gate with their wealth, it “was wom en’s busi ness to un der stand mar ket forces, to drive hard bar­gains, and to con serve their cap i tal. In gen er al, these ex pec ta tions of women as rul ers were not dis ap point ed.”40 Several au thors have fol­lowed Reid’s ar gu ment, which thus seems to have be come a widely ac cepted ex pla na tion for the rel a tive fre quency of fe male sov er eignty in Southeast Asia and pos si bly be yond.41

The as crip tion of com mer cial skills to women (his tor i cally as well as to day) are found not only in Southeast Asia, but also in the Comoro Islands and on the Swa hili Coast, where women in pre co lo nial times of ten had prominent roles as, for ex am ple, trad ers, lend ers of mon ey, and prop erty own ers.42 Since many women in the west ern parts of the In dian Ocean, just as in Southeast Asia, ruled over prosperous trad ing­states, in clud ing Itsandra, Mombasa, Pate, Pemba, and Zanzibar, Reid’s ar gu ment seems like a rea son able hy poth e sis for explaining the prev a­lence of fe male rule not only in Southeast Asia but also in the In dian Ocean World more broad ly.43

A prob lem with the prop o si tion, how ev er, is that women in both the east ern and west ern parts of the In dian Ocean were prominent mainly in

40 Reid, Southeast Asia, 1:170–72. The ar gu ment was ini tially put for ward in Anthony Reid, “Trade and State Power in the 16th & 17th Century Southeast Asia,” in Proceedings: Seventh IAHA Conference, Bangkok, 22–26 Au gust 1977, 1:408–12 (Bangkok: Chulalong­korn University Press, 1979). The ar gu ment was ex tended in a short text aimed at a wider au di ence: Antony Reid, “Charismatic Queens of Southern Asia,” History Today 53, no. 6 (2003): 30–35.

41 Francis R. Bradley, “Piracy, Smuggling, and Trade in the Rise of Patani, 1490–1600,” Journal of the Siam Society 96 (2008): 45, for ex am ple, makes the same prop o si tion with regard to the en throne ment of Patani’s first reigning queen around 1584. See also Amirell, “Blessings and Perils,” 321f.; Cheah Boon Kheng, “Power be hind the Throne.” Khan, “Rule be hind the Silk Curtain,” 8–9, ques tions this ex pla na tion, how ev er.

42 E.g., Ottenheimer and Ottenheimer, Historical Dictionary, 90; Pouwels, Horn and Cres cent, 28; Margaret Strobel, Mus lim Women in Mombasa 1890–1975 (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1979), 135ff.

43 See Reid, “Charismatic Queens,” where he ex tends the ar gu ment to South Asia (but not to Africa).

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pet ty, lo cal trade, whereas long­dis tance trade to a much greater ex tent was in the hands of men. Although some elite wom en, in clud ing mem­bers of royal fam i lies, en gaged in com mer cial ac tiv i ties, long­dis tance trade was by and large male­dom i nat ed.44 In the Swa hili re gion—but also in parts of Southeast Asia, such as Aceh—the trad ing ac tiv i ties and in ter­ac tion of women with male trad ers was ren dered dif fi cult by the prac tice of se clu sion, which was most strictly enforced pre cisely among those elite women who pos sessed the eco nomic and po lit i cal means to en gage in such trade. Moreover, for a city­state to have a fe male ruler was prob a­bly not an ad van tage when it came to deal ing with for eign mer chants or heads of state, in clud ing Ar abs, Per sians, In di ans, and Chi nese, many of whom regarded fe male rule as an un ac cept able anom a ly.45

The ar gu ment for a link be tween fe male rule and com mer cial ori en­ta tion has its stron gest sup port in the con tem po rary (Eu ro pe an) sources for Patani, where fe male rule was not only adopted as tem po rary so lu tion but in sti tu tion al ized for most of the pe riod from the late six teenth to the early eigh teenth cen tu ry. At least the first two queens, Raja Ijau (r. 1584–1616) and Raja Biru (r. 1616–ca.1624) over saw gen er ally open, peace ful, and com mer cially ori ented pol i cies that, paired with rel a­tive po lit i cal sta bil i ty, con trib uted sig nif i cantly to Patani’s com mer cial ex pan sion and gen eral eco nomic pros per i ty. Eu ro pe ans who vis ited the city­state to trade in the early sev en teenth cen tury de scribed Patani’s busi ness cli mate in pos i tive terms and ob served how Raja Ijau per son­ally was in volved in trade and trade­pro mot ing ac tiv i ties. According to the Dutch Admiral Ja cob van Neck, who vis ited Patani at the height of the Raja Ijau’s reign, she “has reigned very peace ably with her coun cil­lors . . . so that all the sub jects con sider her gov ern ment bet ter than that of the dead king. For all ne ces si ties are very cheap here now, whereas in the king’s time (so they say) they were dearer by half, be cause of the great ex ac tions which then oc curred.”46 During Raja Ijau’s reign, more­over, both the Dutch and the En glish were granted per mis sion to set up

44 Andaya, Flaming Womb, 124, 187; Reid, Southeast Asia, 1:163–65. See also Khan, “Rule be hind the Silk Curtain,” 54f., for a re but tal of Reid’s ar gu ment with regard to the en throne ment of Taj al­Alam.

45 Such sen ti ments were, for ex am ple, expressed by Chi nese mer chants about Patani in the end of the sev en teenth cen tu ry; Yoneo Ishii, ed., The Junk Trade from Southeast Asia: Translations from the Tôsen Fusetsu-gaki, 1674–1723 (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1998), 105, 113.

46 Quoted and trans lated by Reid, Southeast Asia, 1171. For the Dutch orig i nal, see Ja cob van Neck, “Journaal van Ja cob van Neck” [1604], in De Vierde schipvaart der Nederland-ers naar Oost-Indië onder Ja cob Wilkens en Ja cob van Neck (1599–1604), ed. Jhr. H. A. van Foreest and A. de Booy (’s­Gravenhage: Martinus Nijhoff, 1980), 1:226.

Amirell: Female Rule in the Indian Ocean World (1300­1800) 459

trad ing fac to ries in Patani, and the queen was per son ally in volved in trade and money lending.47

The open and com mer cially ori ented pol i cies of Raja Ijau thus con­trib uted to Patani’s flourishing in the first de cades of the sev en teenth cen tu ry. Similarly, the first and lon gest­serv ing of Aceh’s four sultanahs, Taj al­Alam, a few de cades lat er, also wel comed Eu ro pean and other trad­ers and pro moted Aceh’s rise as an im por tant entrepôt in the re gion. The coun try pros pered as a cen ter for the ex port of pep per, gold, and tin, in part be cause of the sultanah’s and the lead ing no bil i ty’s pol i cies aimed at pro vid ing se cu rity for pri vate goods and prop erty and at main­taining largely peace ful con di tions.48

Particularly in con trast to the des po tism and tyr anny of her fa ther, Iskandar Muda (r. 1607–1636), the rule of Taj al­Alam stands out for its be nev o lence and de lib er a tive char ac ter, and fe male rule was later in the sev en teenth cen tury mo ti vated as a safe guard against such ab so lut­ist excesses.49 Similar pol i cies seem to have con tin ued through out the sev en teenth cen tury un til the even tual de mise of fe male rule in Aceh in 1699.50 However, as the re cent stud ies by Amirell and Khan (on Patani and Aceh re spec tive ly) have shown, there is noth ing in the con tem po­rary sources that in di cate that fe male rule was adopted for the pur pose of pro mot ing trade or trade­friendly pol i cies.51

Beyond Southeast Asia, a few more ex am ples of com mer cially ori­ented rul ers can be found among the 277 queens reg nant in the In dian Ocean World from the four teenth to the nineteenth cen tu ry. Ibn Baṭ ṭūṭa first­hand ac count of the Maldives un der Khadija (ca.1348–1379)

47 H. Terpstra, De factorij der Oostindische Compagnie te Patani (’s­Gravenhage: Martinus Nijhoff, 1938), 9; John Anderson, En glish Intercourse with Siam in the Seventeenth Century (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner & Co., 1890), 48, 61. See fur ther Amirell, “Blessings and Perils,” 311, and therein cited ref er ences, for Raja Ijau’s trade­friendly pol i cies.

48 See Reid, “Trade and State Power,” 410, for sev eral con tem po rary re ports to that ef fect; see also Sher Banu A. L. Khan, “The Sultanahs of Aceh, 1641–99,” in Aceh: History, Politics and Culture, Arndt Graf, Susanne Schroter, and Edwin Wieringa, eds. (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2010), 15–18.

49 According to Thomas Bowrey, A Geographical Account of Countries round the Bay of Bengal, [a.1688], ed. R. C. Temple (Cambridge, U.K.: The Hakluyt Society, 1905), 298, the sultanah was put on the throne by the “wis est men” of the coun try in an at tempt to for tify them selves “against all Kingly Government.” See also Reid, “Trade and State Power,” 410. A sim i lar rea son for the institutionalization of fe male rule in Patani was given by Nicholas Gervaise, Histoire naturelle et politique du Royaume de Siam (Par is: Claude Barbin, 1688), 316, al though as a con tem po rary source in this con text he is of lim ited val ue, be cause he wrote his ac count more than a cen tury af ter Raja Ijau’s ac ces sion to the throne and prob a bly had no first­hand ex pe ri ence of Patani. See more over Amirell, “Blessings and Perils,” 319f., for a cri tique of the value of Gervaise’s ac count as a source for Patani’s his to ry.

50 Andaya, “A Very Good­Natured,” 75; Khan, “Rule be hind the Silk Curtain,” 188–89.51 Amirell, “Blessings and Perils,” 305–8; Khan, “Rule be hind the Silk Curtain,” 54–55.

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gives the im pres sion of a trade­ori ented so ci ety ac cus tomed to wel come for eign vis i tors and en ter tain ing lively com mer cial re la tions with In dia, China, and Yemen. The sultanah her self, how ev er, ap par ently wielded lit tle ac tual pow er, and state af fairs were in the hands of her hus band and prin ci pal min is ter, the Wazir.52 Wabedja, the first fe male ruler of the small sul tan ate of Itsandra on Ngazidja (Great Comoros) in the first half of the eigh teenth cen tu ry, ac tively en cour aged eco nomic de vel op­ment, in clud ing com mer cial ac tiv i ties, but in do ing so, she merely con­tin ued the pol i cies that had been ini ti ated by her son and pre de ces sor, Djumwamba.53

Against these scattered ex am ples of sup pos edly peace ful trad ing queens, at least as many ex am ples of “war rior queens” (to bor row Antonia Fraser’s term) from the In dian Ocean World can be brought for ward.54 Particularly in Southeast Asia, wom en’s ac tive par tic i pa tion in war and mil i tary af fairs more gen er ally seems to have been read ily ac cepted and rel a tively com mon, al though, women do not, as a gen­eral rule, seem to have taken part in of fen sive com bat.55 Royal wom en, none the less, fre quently took on lead ing roles in mil i tary af fairs, and in the sources war seems to be as so ci ated with fe male rule in the In dian Ocean World at least as much as trade. Queen Kalinyamat (ca.1549–1579) of Jepara, for ex am ple, is more strongly re mem bered for her na val ex pe di tions and at tack on Por tu guese Malacca than for pre sid ing over Jepara’s com mer cial ex pan sion.56

52  Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, The Travels, 826f., 833.53 B. A. Damir, G. Boulinier, and P. Ottino, Traditions d’une lingée royales des Comores

(Par is: l’Harmattan, 1985), 57.54 Antonia Fraser, The Warrior Queens: Boadicea’s Chariot (London: Ori on, 2002 [1988]).55 For ex am ples of fe male par tic i pa tion in mil i tary af fairs in early mod ern Southeast

Asia, see Reid, Southeast Asia, 1:166–68; Andaya, Flaming Womb, 170. For the co lo nial pe ri od, see Carmen A. Abubakar, “Wither the Roses of Yesteryears: An Exploratory Look into the Lives of Moro Women dur ing the Colonial Period,” Review of Women’s Studies 8 (2012): 124–25.

56 Chusnul Hayati, Agustinus Supriyono, Sugiyarto, Siti Maziyah, Mulyo Hadi Purnomo, and Alamsyah, Ratu Kalinyamat: Biografi tokoh wanita abad XVI dari Jepara (Semarang: Penerbit Jeda, 2007). See also John Crawfurd, History of the In dian Archipelago: Containing an ac count of the man ners, arts, lan guages, re li gions, in sti tu tions, and com merce of its in hab i tants (Edinburgh: Archibald Constable etc., 1820), 1:74f., for a con tem po rary de scrip tion of the queen of Lipukasi in South Sulawesi en tic ing her war riors to bat tle; and John Gray, History of Zanzibar: From the Middle Ages to 1856 (London: Oxford University Press, 1962), 52–54, for the mil i tary aid pro vided to the Por tu guese against Oman by Queen Fatuma of Zanzibar. Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, The Travels, 884–87, al leg edly vis ited the court of a war rior prin cess named Urduja of whom he gave a vivid (but dis put ed) ac count. The lo ca tion of her court (in Kailukari, Tawalisi) has not been iden ti fied, but if she was a his tor i cal fig ure, her cap i tal al most cer tainly was lo cated in Southeast Asia, prob a bly Indochina or the Philippines; see Thomas Suárez, Early Mapping of Southeast Asia: The Epic Story of Seafarers, Adventurers, and Cartographers Who First Mapped the Regions be tween China and In dia (Hong Kong: Periplus, 1999), 105.

Amirell: Female Rule in the Indian Ocean World (1300­1800) 461

Other fe male rul ers—among them a cou ple of the most pow er ful and col or ful ones—were un am big u ously ori ented to ward war, and their strong­fisted rule con sti tuted any thing but peace ful, open, or trade friendly pol i­cies. In Patani, Raja Ijau’s youn ger sis ter Raja Ungu (r. ca. 1624–1635) was an ab so lut ist ruler whose bel li cose for eign pol icy was guided by her strong an tip a thy for the coun try’s mighty neigh bor Siam. Her mil i ta rism and un yield ing for eign pol icy ran counter to the com mer cial in ter ests of both the city’s mer chant­aris to crats and the Dutch East In dia Company, and the lat ter tried in vain to me di ate and to pre vent the queen from go ing to war with Siam.57 Another ex am ple comes from Madagascar (Imerina) two cen tu ries lat er, where Queen Ranavalona I (1828–1861) discontin­ued the open and com mer cially ori ented pol i cies of her pre de ces sor and hus band, Radama I, by restricting trade, ex pel ling most Eu ro pe ans, and per se cut ing Chris tians. Her reign was marked by a great de struc tion of hu man lives and so cial and eco nomic up heav al.58

Aside from these and a few other iso lated ex am ples of strong fe male rul ers, how ev er, most reigning queens of the In dian Ocean World be tween the four teenth and nineteenth cen tury seem to have ex er­cised rel a tively lit tle real pow er. The ma jor ity of the fe male rul ers whose names and ap prox i mate reigns have been pre served in the sources have left lit tle fur ther trace of their con text, char ac ter, and pol i cies. In this re spect, how ev er, they do not dif fer from most of their male coun ter parts dur ing the Age of Commerce in Southeast Asia and much of the wider In dian Ocean World. The typ i cal rul er, both in the mar i time Southeast Asian city­states and their coun ter parts on the Swa hili Coast and in the Comoro Islands, was a pri mus in ter pares—a mer chant­prince(ss) whose first duty was to rep re sent the state vis­à­vis other states and whose power mainly depended on per sonal wealth, which gen er ally was de rived from a com bi na tion of land own er ship, royal mo nop o lies, tax­a tion, and trade.59 In this re spect, there was lit tle dif fer ence be tween a male and fe male rul er, and the le git i ma cy—at least in the Weberian le gal­ra tio nal sense—of most rul ers depended above all on their abil­ity to de liver sta bil ity and fa vor able con di tions for trade and thus pros per i ty. Given that there are plenty of ex am ples through out the In dian Ocean World of male rul ers who pro moted trade­friendly pol i cies and,

57 Amirell, “Blessings and Perils,” 315, and therein cited con tem po rary sources.58 Hubert Deschamps, Histoire de Madagascar (Par is: Éditions Berger­Levrault, 1972),

152–53, 159–61, 164–67; see also Ayache, “Esquisse pour le por trait”; Campbell, “Adoption of Autarky.”

59 Middleton, World of the Swa hi li, 44. Middleton, like Harries, in Ahmed and Harries, Swa hili Chronicle, 84, is dis mis sive, how ev er, of the pos si bil ity of women ex er cis ing real po lit­i cal power at all , al though the ques tion is not ex plored in depth.

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con verse ly, plenty of ex am ples of fe male rul ers who en gaged in war and gen er ally ag gres sive for eign pol i cy—and since no con tem po rary sources ex plic itly states that fe male rule would have been adopted for com mer cial rea sons—the prop o si tion of a link be tween fe male rule and com mer cial ori en ta tion must be regarded as tan gen tial rather than caus al.

Peace and Political Stability

Female rule is some times—par tic u larly from ide al is tic, maternalist per­spec tives but also in some tra di tional Southeast Asian cul tures, such as among the Minangkabau—linked to peace and ac com mo da tion.60 Even though there are nu mer ous his tor i cal ex am ples of women who have more or less suc cess fully led their countries in war—a few of them even phys i cal ly, on the bat tle field—the ar gu ment is rel e vant both in terms of pre scribed gen der roles and be cause his tor i cally a ma jor task of the sov er eign has been that of war lead er. As such, due to phys i cal, cul tur al, and pos si bly so cio bio log i cal dif fer ences be tween men and wom en, men have of ten been regarded as more qual i fied po lit i cal lead ers. A ma jor rea­son why the over whelm ing ma jor ity of heads of state through out his tory have been men thus seems to be due to the fact that women gen er ally have been regarded as less ca pa ble than men in mil i tary mat ters.61

In early mod ern Europe, the per ceived mil i tary weak ness of a coun try governed by a woman was ad vanced as a ma jor ar gu ment against fe male rule dur ing the so­called Querelle des Femmes in the six teenth and sev en­teenth cen tu ries.62 Similar per cep tions seem to have been dom i nant in Southeast Asia and pos si bly the wider In dian Ocean World. For ex am­ple, in Patani, the de cline of royal power dur ing the last of the four reign­ing queens of the so­called Inland dynasty around the mid­sev en teenth

60 E.g., Marija Gimbutas, The Civilization of the Goddess: The World of Old Europe (San Francisco: HarperSanFrancisco, 1991); Francis Fukuyama, “Women and the Evolution of World Politcs,” Foreign Affairs 77, no. 5 (1998): 24–40; Peggy Reeves Sanday, Women at the Center: Life in a Modern Matriarchy (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2002), 45. See also Jean Bethke Elshtain, Women and War (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995); Fraser, Warrior Queens.

61 Marvin Harris, Our Kind (New York: HarperCollins, 1989), 284–93; see also Eileen McDonagh, The Motherless State: Women’s Political Leadership and Amer i can Democracy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009), 7.

62 Jean Bodin, Les Six livres de la république (Par is: Iacquees du Puys, 1583), 1006–13. For the Eu ro pean con text, see fur ther Paula Louise Scalingi, “The Scepter or the Distaff: The Question of Female Sovereignty, 1516–1607,” Historian 41 (1978): 59–75; Joan Kelly, “Early Feminist Theory and the ‘Querelle des Femmes,’ 1400–1789,” Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 8 (1992): 4–28; Sharon L. Jansen, The Monstrous Regiment of Women: Female Rulers in Early Modern Europe (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010 [2002]).

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cen tury was re lated to for eign in cur sions (from Johor and Aceh) backed by vi o lence and threats of vi o lence.63 Toward the end of the cen tu ry, more over, when Patani was but a shadow of its for mer glo ry, partly as a con se quence of Si a mese in va sions in 1674 and 1688, a Chi nese vis i tor ob served that “Patani is a coun try ruled by a Queen and not a coun try of mil i tary prow ess.”64 Even among the Bugis of Sulawesi, who were unique in accepting that women of no ble de scent could be come sov­er eigns wielding real power in their own name even when there were el i gi ble male can di dates, women seem to have been dis ad van taged be cause of their gen er ally weaker mil i tary skills.65 From this per spec tive, it seems un likely that fe male rule would have been pre ferred as a means of se cur ing peace ful for eign re la tions, and no con tem po rary ar gu ments to that ef fect seem to have been pre served.

Domestically, how ev er, and in the ab sence of a le git i mate male heir, fe male suc ces sion was use ful as a way to pre serve dy nas tic sta bil ity and avoid or end dy nas tic in fight ing and civil war. Such was the case in Patani at the time of Raja Ijau’s ac ces sion to the throne around 1584. According to the Hikayat Patani, her reign followed upon a pe riod of po lit i cal in sta bil ity and dy nas tic in fight ing, which had left all the male heirs to the throne dead. The city’s no bil ity then elected Raja Ijau, the el dest daugh ter of a for mer king, as queen reg nant. That fe male rule was in sti tu tion al ized in the first half of the sev en teenth cen tu ry, more over, seems to have been due to the ab sence of male heirs. All three sub se­quent suc ces sions (in 1616, 1624, and 1635) to other fe male mem bers of the dy nasty also ap pear to have been un con test ed.66

In Aceh, the institutionalization of fe male rule orig i nated with Taj al­Alam’s ac ces sion to the throne in 1641. According to a con tem po­rary first­hand wit ness, how ev er, Taj al­Alam was orig i nally proclaimed “re gent” (Regente) rather than sultanah or ruler in her own right,67 a cir cum stance that in di cates that her reign ini tially was regarded as a tem po rary so lu tion. Her ac ces sion followed the ad vice of the most

63 Amirell, “Blessings and Perils,” 317f.64 Ishii, Junk Trade, 60; com pare Reid, Southeast Asia, 2:266.65 Caldwell, “Power, State and Society,” 408; see also F. Da vid Bulbeck, “The Politics

of Marrriage and the Marriage of Polities in Gowa, South Sula Wesi, dur ing the 16th and 17th Centuries,” in Origins, Ancestry and Alliance: Explorations in Aus tro ne sian Ethnography, ed. James J. Fox and Clifford Sather, 283–317 (Canberra: Aus tra lian National University, 2006), http://www.oapen.org/download?type=document&docid=459399.

66 Amirell, “Blessings and Perils,” 306f. In Aceh, by con trast, the suc ces sions in 1675, 1678, and 1688 were all contested by male claim ants to the throne.

67 Nicolaus de Graaff, Reisen van Nicolaus de Graaff na de vier gedeeltens des Werelds, als Asia, Afica, America en Eu ro pa (Amsterdam: tot Hoorn, 1701), 9; de Graaff was in Aceh at the time and wrote his ac count shortly af ter wards.

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in flu en tial Malay mir ror of princes at the time, Taj us-Salatin (“The Crown of Kings,” 1603): Women, according to the man u al, were in prin­ci ple un fit to rule be cause of their ten dency to make de ci sions based on emo tions rather than ra tio nal con sid er ation. In ex traor di nary cir­cum stances, how ev er, women could be allowed to as cend the throne when no male heir was avail able in or der to pre vent in ter nal cha os.68 Moreover, the cir cum stance that fe male rule, as far as we know, was not in sti tu tion al ized in any other Southeast Asian trad ing city­state in di­cates that it was gen er ally seen as an ex traor di nary mea sure aimed at pre serv ing dy nas tic or der of suc ces sion and po lit i cal sta bil i ty.

Antony Reid has suggested that Aceh “pre sum ably” was in spired by Patani in adopting fe male rule, al though he does not ad vance any con crete ev i dence or in di ca tion in sup port of the pre sump tion.69 Contemporary sources rather in di cate that England un der Elizabeth I (1558–1603) was the main in spi ra tion for Aceh. The Acehnese rul ers and other no ta bles ap pear to have been well in formed about Eu ro pean pol i tics, par tic u larly the ac tions of the En glish queen. The En glish en voy James Lancaster, who vis ited Aceh in 1602, reported that he spoke at length to Acehnese no ta bles about Queen Elizabeth’s be nev­o lent rule and England’s vic tory over Spain and that they were very in ter est ed.70 Against that back ground, it may be no co in ci dence that the Taj us-Salatin, which was com posed in Aceh around the same time, seems to echo some of the ar gu ments for and against fe male rule that were voiced in Europe dur ing the Querelle des Femmes. The ex plicit laws designed to pre clude Taj al­Alam from mar ry ing or com ing un der the con trol of any man, more over, show re sem blance to the Eu ro pean dis cus sions about the prob lems of fe male rule in the pre ced ing cen tu ry.71

Another in di ca tion that Eu ro pean mod els of fe male mon ar chy may have been of some sig nif i cance is the re port by an En glish vis i tor to the Comoro Islands, John Pike, in the be gin ning of the eigh teenth cen tu ry. He was told that the el e va tion of Alimah III to the throne of Anjouan was in spired by an En glish ex am ple (Queen Anne).72 Pike him self, how­ev er, did not be lieve that this was the ac tual rea son, and his skep ti cism

68  Bukhārī, Taj Us-Salatin, [1603], ed. Khalid M. Hussain (Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, 1992), 60.

69 Reid, “Charismatic Queens,” 33.70 James Lancaster, The Voyages of Sir James Lancaster to Brazil and the East Indies, 1591–

1603, [1603], ed. Sir William Foster, (London: the Hakluyt Society, 1940), 96ff.; see also William Marsden, The History of Sumatra: A Reprint of the Third Edition: Introduced by John Bastin [1811] (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986), 448.

71 Bowrey, Geographical Account, 298f.72 Mollet­Sauvaget, Documents anciens, 67.

Amirell: Female Rule in the Indian Ocean World (1300­1800) 465

should per haps cau tion us not to give un due im por tance to pos si ble trans­na tional in flu ences be tween Europe and the In dian Ocean World. As the Dutch ori en tal ist Pieter Johannes Veth pointed out in re la tion to Aceh al ready in 1870, it is wrong to as sume that fe male rule was some­thing new and pre vi ously un heard of in sev en teenth cen tury Southeast Asia: It was, in fact, a rel a tively com mon and well­established prac tice through out the Malay world well be fore the ar rival of the Eu ro pe ans in the In dian Ocean.73

The need to pre serve dy nas tic sta bil ity thus ap pears to have been a ma jor mo tive for fe male rule in the In dian Ocean World. In that sense, the dy nam ics of gen der and royal suc ces sion re sem ble their Eu ro pean coun ter part, and in deed the prag matic ar gu ments for and against fe male rule bear strik ing re sem blance to those ad vanced in Europe in the six teenth and sev en teenth cen tu ries. Particularly in the case of Aceh, Eu ro pean in flu ences may have played a role, but in gen­er al, the oc ca sional adop tion of fe male rule in both Europe and the In dian Ocean World be tween the four teenth and nineteenth cen tu ries seems to have been con di tioned more by sim i lar i ties in po lit i cal and kin ship sys tems than by the trans fer of po lit i cal ideas from one re gion to an oth er. There are also in di ca tions that Eu ro pean ad vances in the po lit i cal, dip lo mat ic, and re li gious spheres, par tic u larly af ter the turn of the eigh teenth cen tu ry, to some ex tent dis cour aged fe male rule in parts of mar i time Southeast Asia (and pos si bly be yond).74

Matrifocality and Female Rule

In spite of great cul tural var i a tions, a com mon de nom i na tor of most so ci­e ties of the In dian Ocean World where rul ing queens are found is their matrifocal ori en ta tion.75 The ex act def i ni tion of the term “matrifocal” has been the sub ject of much dis cus sion since it first was coined in the 1950s, but for the pres ent pur poses it will be used in the sense pro­posed by an thro pol o gist Nancy Tanner. In her com par a tive study of Asian, Af ri can, and Af ro­Amer i can so ci e ties, she de fined matrifocality

73 P. J. Veth, “Vrouwenregeeringen in den indischen archipel,” Tijdschrift voor Nederlandsch-Indië 4 (1870): 366.

74 E.g., Andaya, Flaming Womb, 169; Hägerdal, “Cycles of Queenship,” 249.75 E.g., George Coèdes, The In di an ized States of Southeast Asia (Honolulu: University of

Hawai‘i Press, 1968 [1963]), 8–9; Reid, “Charismatic Queens”; Ottino, “L’Ancienne suc ces­sion,” 257; Jocelyn Linnekin, Sacred Queens and Women of Consequence: Rank, Gender, and Colonialism in the Ha wai ian Islands (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1990). On Polynesia, see also Niel Gunson, “Sacred Women Chiefs and Female ‘Headmen’ in Poly­ne sian History,” Journal of Pacific History 22 (1987): 139–72; Andaya, Flaming Womb, 38f.

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in terms of two con structs: “(1) kin ship sys tems in which (a) the role of the mother is struc tur al ly, cul tur al ly, and af fec tively cen tral and (b) this mul ti di men sional cen tral ity is le git i mate; and (2) the so ci e ties in which these fea tures co ex ist, where (a) the re la tion ship be tween the sexes is rel a tively egal i tar ian and (b) both women and men are im por tant ac tors in the eco nomic and rit ual spheres.”76

In most of the so ci e ties un der study here, kin ship was traced ei ther ma tri lin eally or bi lat er al ly. This was the case among most Aus tro ne sian groups of mar i time Southeast Asia, as well as in the wider Aus tro ne sian world, in clud ing Polynesia and Madagascar. Both in the Swa hili re gion and in the Comoro Islands, more over, pre­Is lamic sys tems of kin ship were prob a bly ma tri lin eal, and traces of this are still vis i ble in parts of the re gion even to day.77 The Minangkabau of Sumatra also trace kin­ship ma tri lin eal ly, and women play im por tant roles in all spheres of pub­lic life. Even though no ex am ple of a his tor i cal reigning queen is known from the Kingdom of Minangkabau, the leg end of Puteri (Princess) Jamilan—a ti tle at trib uted to a line of leg end ary but highly re vered queen moth ers—in di cates that fe male po lit i cal au thor ity was highly respected and even feared among the Minangkabau.78

Although the cul tural var i a tions among the many eth nic groups and so ci e ties are vast, women gen er ally enjoyed a rel a tively high sta tus in most of the so ci e ties where fe male rul ers are found. Barbara Wat­son Andaya, in a com pre hen sive and crit i cal in ves ti ga tion of women in early mod ern Southeast Asia, ar rived at a “guarded de fence” of the claim that women in Southeast Asia gen er ally were less in fe rior to men than in neigh bor ing re gions, in clud ing East and South Asia. According to Andaya, this rel a tive gen der equal ity was based on pat­terns of kin ship, lo ca tion, and mar riage as well as on wom en’s eco nomic roles.79

76 Nancy Tanner, “Matrifocality in Indonesia and Africa and Among Black Amer i­cans,” in Woman, Culture, and Society, Michelle Zimbalist Rosaldo and Louise Lamphere, eds. (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press), 131. See also Peggy Reeves Sanday, Female Power and Male Dominance: On the Origins of Sexual Inequality (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 116f., for a sim i lar def i ni tion of the con cept.

77 Derek Nurse and Thomas T. Spear, The Swa hi li: Reconstructing the History and Lan-guage of an Af ri can Society, 800–1500 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1985), 92; Pouwels, Horn and Cres cent, 28; Damir et al., Traditions d’une lingée royales, 16–20; Sophie Blanchy, Maison des femmes, cités des hommes: Filiation, âge et pouvoir à Ngazidja (Comores) (Nanterre: Société d’ethnologie, 2010).

78 Andaya, Flaming Womb, 167; Sanday, Women at the Center, 32–47; Hans Hägerdal, “Kerajaan2 Indonesia: An al pha betic enu mer a tion of the for mer princely states of Indone­sia, from the ear li est time to the mod ern pe ri od, with sim pli fied ge ne al o gies and or der of suc ces sion,” unpubl. ms. (Växjö: Linnaeus University, 2014), 193–95.

79 Andaya, Flaming Womb, 227f.; see also Veth, “Vrouwenregeeringen.”

Amirell: Female Rule in the Indian Ocean World (1300­1800) 467

Women seem to have enjoyed par tic u larly high sta tus among the Bugis of South Sulawesi, where most of the iden ti fied queens reg nant in Southeast Asia dur ing the pe riod are found. Although as cribed gen der roles existed among the Bugis, they were gen er ally not rig idly de fined, and nei ther sex was seen as in trin si cally dom i nant over the oth er. Rulers were elected among the mem bers of the rul ing fam i ly—which was traced bi lat er al ly—and both male and fe male mem bers were el i gi ble. Filiation on the fe male side was of ten pre ferred, be cause wom en, in con trast to men, were prohibited from mar ry ing be low their rank and con se quently their off spring would be of equal or higher rank than their moth er.80

Bugis fe male rule was not a sim ple mat ter of “de scent trumps gen der,” how ev er. The throne was not inherited according to fixed rules (such as pri mo gen i ture); rath er, the ruler was elected from among those of royal blood, chiefly on the grounds of per sonal char ac ter and mer its. Many of the women who reigned over Bugis king doms are de scribed as strong­willed and ca pa ble, which prob a bly is a re flec tion of the mer it o cratic as pects of this or der of suc ces sion. Although re stricted by de scent, the sys tem gave pos si bil i ties for able and am bi tious in di vid u als, men as well as wom en, to at tain the highest po lit i cal of fice. The much greater fre quency of male rul ers, mean while, is prob a bly at trib ut able to the im por tance at tached to typ i cally male traits, such as phys i cal strength and mil i tary prow ess.81

The strict re quire ment that the ruler be of pure royal blood was a cru­cial fac tor for the per sis tence of fe male rule among the Bugis, par tic u­larly af ter Is lamic in flu ences be came more prominent. Gender re la tions, more over, con tin ued to be rel a tively equal among the Bugis even af ter the adop tion of Is lam. In that re spect, the Bugis were part of a broader pat tern in the In dian Ocean World, as the in flu ence of Is lam on gen der re la tions and kin ship in gen eral took a lon ger time and was less thor ough among non­Ar ab Mus lims liv ing far away from the Is lamic heart lands of the Middle East. Women in the Swa hili re gion and the Comoros sim i larly enjoyed rel a tively high sta tus in terms of in her i tance rights, eco nomic au ton o my, mar i tal res i dence, and pub lic and rit ual roles, for ex am ple, even af ter the es tab lish ment of Is lam in those re gions.82

80 Pelras, The Bugis, 160, 169. According to Thomas Stamford Raffles, women were held in high es teem among the Bugis, as dem on strat ed, among other things, by the fact that the blood money paid for the mur der of a woman was a third higher than that for a man; Thomas Stamford Raffles, The History of Java [1817] (Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1965), vol. 2, ap pen dix F, clxxix; see also clxxxv.

81 Caldwell, “Power, State and Society,” 408; see also Susan Bolyard Millar, “On Inter­preting Gender in Bugis Society,” Amer i can Ethnologist 10 (1983): 477–93; Pelras, The Bugis, 176.

82 E.g., Pouwels, Horn and Cres cent, 28; Askew, “Female Circles”; Caplan, “Gender, Ideology and Modes of Production”; Ottenheimer and Ottenheimer; Historical Dictionary,

468 journal of world history, september 2015

In many places, how ev er, the com ing of Is lam brought about a shift from ma tri lin eal, or bi lat er al, rec og ni tion of kin ship to more strictly pat ri lin eal sys tems. The shift was most marked among the lead ing strata of so ci e ty, par tic u larly rul ing fam i lies, in the Swa hili re gion. In this con­text, many sources at test to what may be termed “strang er­kings”—whether war riors, mer chants, or Is lamic teach ers—who mar ried in dig­e nous women of the rul ing dy nasty to found a new, pat ri lin eal dy nasty and or der of suc ces sion.83 This pro cess was par tic u larly marked in the Swa hili re gion, where Mus lim im mi grants iden ti fied as “Shirazi” (that is, al leg edly but not prob a bly, orig i nat ing from the Per sian town of Shi­raz) established new, pat ri lin eal dy nas ties, from the six teenth cen tury on ward. The shift to ward pat ri lin eal kin ship and in creased male dom i­nance in so ci e ty, how ev er, was not com plete, and some rul ing fam i lies con tin ued to rec og nize ma tri lin eal or bi lat eral de scent long af ter the es tab lish ment of Is lam.84

In some re spects, Swa hili cul ture was char ac ter ized not so much by a syn the sis of Is lamic and in dig e nous tra di tions as by a su per im po si tion of Is lamic laws and prac tices. Traditional in dig e nous gen der re la tions and kin ship sys tems con tin ued as part of the tra di tional mila ideology and prac tice.85 As with the Bugis, who also retained pre­Is lamic sys tems of kin ship and in her i tance, fe male rule on the Swa hili Coast and in the Comoro Islands con tin ued to be rel a tively fre quent un til the eve of col­o ni za tion—even though the in flu ence of many of the later fe male (as well as male) rul ers seems to have been lim it ed.

Conclusions

Between the four teenth and nineteenth cen turies a large num ber of queens reg nant, 277 of which have been iden ti fied and listed here, are found in the In dian Ocean World, par tic u larly in the west ern and east ern fringes of the re gion (the Swa hili coast, the Comoro Islands,

90. See also Veth, “Vrouenregeeringen,” for a com par a tive dis cus sion on the Ber bers of North Africa and the Malay Archipelago with re spect to the po si tion of wom en.

83 E.g., Nurse and Spear, The Swa hi li, 92; Ahmed and Harries, The Swa hili Chronicle, 84; Middleton, World of the Swa hi li, 44; Claude Guillot and Ludvik Kalus, Les mon u ments funéraires et l’historie du Sultanat de Pasai à Sumatra (Par is: Cahiers d’Archipel, 2008), 57–91. See Marshall Sahlins, Islands of History (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985), 73–103, for the gen eral con cept.

84 Damir et al., Traditions d’une lingée royales, 15–20; Nurse and Spear, The Swa hi li, 76–78; Berger and White, Women in Sub-Saharan Africa, 19.

85 Caplan, “Gender, Ideology and Modes of Production”; see also Askew, “Female Circles,” 74f.

Amirell: Female Rule in the Indian Ocean World (1300­1800) 469

Madagascar, and the Malay Archipelago). To a large ex tent, the queens are found in ar eas dom i nated or influ enced by Aus tro ne sian speak ing peo ples. Most of them ruled over rel a tively small king doms or chief doms, many of which were heavily in volved in long­dis tance com mer cial net­works. By con trast, few queens reg nant are found on the north ern shores of the In dian Ocean or as rul ers over large or com plex, in in sti tu tional terms, states.

Most of the queens were pre sum ably Mus lims rul ing over re put edly Mus lim so ci e ties, and about a tenth ap pear to have been Chris tians, mainly in Timor. The rel a tive fre quency of Mus lim queens reg nant in parts of the In dian Ocean World con trasts sharply with the pre dom i­nantly Mus lim re gion of Southwest Asia and North Africa, where no women seem to have ex er cised for mal po lit i cal sov er eignty dur ing the pe riod un der study. The so ci e ties over which the women ruled, how­ev er, are gen er ally not de scribed in con tem po rary sources as giv ing a prominent po si tion to Is lamic law and prac tices. With few ex cep tions—mainly in sev en teenth cen tury Aceh—most of the queens for whom in for ma tion is avail able do not seem to have based their le git i macy to any great ex tent on re li gion. On the con trary: Is lam was at times used as a ba sis for op po si tion against fe male rule, and the spread of Is lam was in many places ac com pa nied by the adop tion, or su per im po si tion, of pat ri lin eal kin ship sys tems as well as a more pro nounced male dom­i nance in gen er al, both of which seem to have caused a de cline in the fre quency of queens reg nant as well as in their in flu ence. In some parts of the re gion, how ev er, such as among the Bugis of South Sulawesi, in Timor, Madagascar, and the Comoro Islands, fe male rule con tin ued to be rel a tively fre quent in spite of the ad vances of world re li gions, par tic­u larly Is lam and Chris tian i ty.

Female rule may have be come more com mon in the nineteenth cen tury up un til the advent or con sol i da tion of Eu ro pean col o ni za tion, al though this im pres sion may largely be due to the richer sources. In the end, how ev er, the in ten si fied Eu ro pean ex pan sion brought about a de cline in fe male po lit i cal au thor ity as in dig e nous states were in cor­po rated in co lo nial em pires. Not only did col o ni za tion bring about the end of au ton o mous po lit i cal pow er, thereby ef fec tively end ing the long­stand ing ac cep tance for fe male sov er eign ty. Since co lo nial gov­ern ments and ad min is tra tions were heavily male­dom i nat ed, to the ex tent that in dig e nous so ci e ties were able to pre serve some au ton­o my, female rule also declined because the co lo nial state tended to deal with and thus fa vor male lead ers.

Previous re search has suggested that fe male rule—par tic u larly in com mer cially ori ented city­states in Southeast Asia—was pre ferred by

470 journal of world history, september 2015

in flu en tial com mer cial elites be cause it was seen as peace ful, busi ness­like, and be nev o lent in con trast to the bel lig er ence, ar bi trar i ness, and des po tism of ab so lut ist male rul ers. The ar gu ment, how ev er, seems to be tan gen tial and is not supported in the con tem po rary sources. In the trad ing states of both the Swa hili re gion and mar i time Southeast Asia, the au thor ity of the sov er eign, re gard less of whether it was a man or a wom an, was gen er ally rel a tively weak, and his or her main task was to pro mote com merce and main tain se cu ri ty. With regard to the for mer task, gen der prob a bly did not mat ter great ly, but with regard to the lat­ter, hav ing a fe male ruler im plied mil i tary weak ness and was as so ci ated with greater risk of for eign ag gres sion and in tru sions.

On a gen eral lev el, the ex pla na tion for the rel a tive fre quency of fe male sov er eignty in the In dian Ocean World lies in a com bi na tion of two fac tors: the need to pre serve po lit i cal sta bil ity and the matrifocal ori en ta tion of many so ci e ties in the In dian Ocean World. With regard to the first fac tor, the In dian Ocean World re sem bles Europe dur ing the same pe ri od. In many, if not most, states in both re gions, fe male rule was ac cepted as a last re sort when there was no el i gi ble male heir to the throne. Allowing a woman to ac cede to the throne in such ex traor­di nary—but not un usu al—cir cum stances gave a greater flex i bil ity and sta bil ity to the po lit i cal sys tem and pro vided the es sen tial means to avoid a dy nas tic cri sis and the as so ci ated risk of po lit i cal up heaval and civil war.

A sec ond con di tion for the rel a tive prev a lence of fe male rul ers in the In dian Ocean World from the four teenth to the nineteenth cen tury was the matrifocal ori en ta tion of many so ci e ties in the re gion. Although there are con sid er able var i a tions over time and among dif fer ent so ci e­ties and cul tures, women gen er ally enjoyed a rel a tively high de gree of au ton omy and sta tus in both Southeast Asia and along the east coast of Africa, in clud ing the Swa hili Coast, the Comoro Islands and Madagascar. Women could in most places own and in herit prop er ty, and they of ten played prominent roles in pub lic and rit ual life. As in Europe, de scent was seen as more im por tant than sex in mat ters of dy nas tic suc ces sion, but since women for the most part were not seen as in trin si cally de fi cient or less ca pa ble than men—in con trast to the mi sog yny ev i dent in most of the dom i nat ing re li gious and ideo log i cal sys tems of main land Eurasia at the time—fe male sov er eignty was less of an anath ema in the In dian Ocean World. Female rule could thus fre quently be ac cepted with rel a tive ease—al though it rarely seems to have been the pre ferred so lu tion.

App

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ulaw

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246

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306

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a: N

usa

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1646

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4H

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243

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e)

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nesi

a: S

ulaw

esi

1647

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7H

äger

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014:

99

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013:

242

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l 201

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103

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84H

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l 201

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1726

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1985

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ia

dos S

anto

s Pin

toV

emas

se (

Bau

cau)

East

Tim

orfl.

1815

Kam

men

201

2:17

0

170

Dew

a A

gung

Istr

i K

anya

Klu

ngku

ngIn

done

sia:

Bal

ica

.181

5–18

50H

äger

dal 2

014:

126

171

Don

a U

rsul

a da

C

osta

Liqu

ica

(Liq

uica

)Ea

st T

imor

ca.1

818–

?K

amm

en 2

012:

169

172

I M

anen

g A

ru

Dat

aB

one

Indo

nesi

a: S

ulaw

esi

1823

–183

5H

äger

dal 2

014:

66

173

Dae

ng T

anis

anga

Tane

teIn

done

sia:

Sul

awes

i18

24; 1

825–

1827

Häg

erda

l 201

4:29

417

4B

oki P

anes

iB

ungk

uIn

done

sia:

Sul

awes

i18

25–?

Häg

erda

l 201

4:72

175

Ran

aval

ona

IIm

erin

aM

adag

asca

r18

28–1

861

Stew

art 1

999:

147

176

Sang

gedo

gie

(Pin

edog

ie)

Bon

ggal

a (B

anaw

a)In

done

sia:

Sul

awes

ia.

1830

Häg

erda

l 201

4:87

177

Fati

ma

Dae

ng

Mat

ena

Saw

itto

Indo

nesi

a: S

ulaw

esi

a.18

31H

äger

dal 2

014:

239

(con

tinue

d)

No.

Nam

eSt

ate/

Polit

yLo

cati

on (

pres

ent s

tate

)R

eign

Sour

ce

178

Ang

Mei

Cam

bodi

aC

ambo

dia

1834

–184

0Ja

cobs

en 2

008:

112

179

Tsio

mek

oB

oina

(Sa

kala

va)

Mad

agas

car

1836

–184

0Tr

uhar

t 200

2:10

5618

0G

usti

Ayu

Istr

i B

iang

Agu

ngM

engw

iIn

done

sia:

Bal

i18

36–1

857

Häg

erda

l 201

4:18

9

181

Tenr

ipad

a Si

ti A

isa

Mar

tinr

oe ri

Gow

aB

arru

Indo

nesi

a: S

ulaw

esi

1836

–187

5H

äger

dal 2

014:

48

182

Gus

ti B

esar

Tana

h B

umbu

Indo

nesi

a: B

orne

oa.

1841

Häg

erda

l 201

4:29

218

3Ju

mbe

Fat

imah

Moh

éli

Com

oro

Isla

nds

1842

–186

8St

ewar

t 199

9:16

018

4Fa

tum

a bi

nti A

liTu

mba

tu Is

land

Tanz

ania

a.18

45A

skew

199

9:10

218

5R

aja

Pere

mpu

anJe

nilu

Indo

nesi

a: N

usa

Teng

gara

ca.1

845

Häg

erda

l 201

4:11

518

6A

isya

hTa

lloIn

done

sia:

Sul

awes

i18

45–1

850

Häg

erda

l 201

4:29

018

7A

ji Tu

kul,

Rat

u In

tan

IITa

nah

Bum

buIn

done

sia:

Bor

neo

19th

c.

Häg

erda

l 201

4:29

2

188

Bal

ok L

orok

Lake

kun

Indo

nesi

a: N

usa

Teng

gara

19th

c. (

?)H

äger

dal 2

014:

144

189

Ban

u Lo

rok

Lake

kun

Indo

nesi

a: N

usa

Teng

gara

19th

c. (

?)H

äger

dal 2

014:

144

190

Hoa

r Tet

iLa

keku

nIn

done

sia:

Nus

a Te

ngga

ra19

th c

. (?)

Häg

erda

l 201

4:14

419

1I S

ama

To B

uku

Maj

ene

Indo

nesi

a: S

ulaw

esi

a.18

50H

äger

dal 2

014:

172

192

Panr

eM

amuj

uIn

done

sia:

Sul

awes

ia.

1850

Häg

erda

l 201

4:17

519

3Pu

atta

Mas

aile

Mam

uju

Indo

nesi

a: S

ulaw

esi

a.18

50H

äger

dal 2

014:

175

194

Pura

Pur

abue

, M

atin

do d

i B

uttu

paja

Mam

uju

Indo

nesi

a: S

ulaw

esi

a.18

50H

äger

dal 2

014:

175

195

Mar

ukal

uli

Taw

aeli

Indo

nesi

a: S

ulaw

esi

a.18

50H

äger

dal 2

014:

297

App

endi

x. (

Con

tinu

ed)

196

Pasa

nuri

naTa

wae

liIn

done

sia:

Sul

awes

ia.

1850

Häg

erda

l 201

4:29

719

7Si

nga

wa

Mad

i D

jimba

(A

isa)

M’B

udi

Com

oro

Isla

nds

p.18

50–c

a.18

60Tr

uhar

t 200

2:10

67

198

Safy

Miz

ongo

Bem

ihis

atra

Mad

agas

car

ca.1

852–

1881

Bar

é 19

80:5

8ff.

199

Don

a G

uim

ar d

a C

osta

Pin

toA

llas (

Man

ufah

i)Ea

st T

imor

fl.18

54K

amm

en 2

012:

168

200

Don

a Se

bast

iana

dos

R

eis e

Cun

haB

ebic

o (M

anuf

ahi?

)Ea

st T

imor

fl.18

54K

amm

en 2

012:

168

201

Say

Boi

bau

(Liq

uica

)Ea

st T

imor

fl.18

54K

amm

en 2

012:

168

202

Don

a A

nna

Rib

eiro

da

Cos

taC

ova

(Bob

onar

o)Ea

st T

imor

fl.18

54K

amm

en 2

012:

168

203

Don

a C

lara

da

Silv

aD

ailo

r (A

ileu)

East

Tim

orfl.

1854

Kam

men

201

2:16

820

4D

ona

Vas

so B

e­re

Erm

era

(Erm

era)

East

Tim

orfl.

1854

Kam

men

201

2:16

820

5D

ona

Mar

ia T

avar

esFo

hola

u (M

anuf

ahi)

East

Tim

orfl.

1854

Kam

men

201

2:16

820

6D

ona

Aur

elia

So

ares

Her

a (D

ili)

East

Tim

orfl.

1854

Kam

men

201

2:16

9

207

Don

a In

grac

ia

Dou

tel C

arce

re[s

]La

clo

(Man

atut

o)Ea

st T

imor

fl.18

54K

amm

en 2

012:

169

208

Don

a R

oza

Rod

rigu

es T

avar

esLa

clut

a (V

ique

que)

East

Tim

orfl.

1854

Kam

men

201

2:16

9

209

Don

a Jo

seph

a da

C

osta

dos

Rem

edio

sLa

leia

(M

anat

uto)

East

Tim

orfl.

1854

Kam

men

201

2:16

9

210

Don

a A

urel

ia S

oare

sM

anat

uto

(Man

atut

o)Ea

st T

imor

fl.18

54K

amm

en 2

012:

169

211

Don

a M

aria

de

Mat

tos

Man

ufah

i (M

anuf

ahi)

East

Tim

orfl.

1854

Kam

men

201

2:17

0

(con

tinue

d)

No.

Nam

eSt

ate/

Polit

yLo

cati

on (

pres

ent s

tate

)R

eign

Sour

ce

212

Don

a U

rsul

a G

uthe

rres

Ven

ilale

(B

auca

u)Ea

st T

imor

fl.18

54K

amm

en 2

012:

170

213

Don

a Si

moa

da

Cos

ta R

ange

lV

ique

que

(Viq

uequ

e)Ea

st T

imor

fl.18

54K

amm

en 2

012:

170

214

Web

angk

iR

appa

ngIn

done

sia:

Sul

awes

i?–

1855

Häg

erda

l 201

4:22

921

5W

e M

addi

tana

Rap

pang

Indo

nesi

a: S

ulaw

esi

a.18

55H

äger

dal 2

014:

229

216

Wet

enri

onan

gR

appa

ngIn

done

sia:

Sul

awes

ia.

1855

Häg

erda

l 201

4:22

921

7W

e Te

nri O

lleTa

nete

Indo

nesi

a: S

ulaw

esi

1855

–191

0H

äger

dal 2

014:

294

218

Don

a In

esSi

kka

Indo

nesi

a: N

usa

Teng

gara

a.18

57H

äger

dal 2

014:

248

219

Don

a M

aria

Sikk

aIn

done

sia:

Nus

a Te

ngga

raa.

1857

Häg

erda

l 201

4:24

822

0D

ona

Mar

ia d

a C

osta

Men

des

Mot

ael (

Dili

)Ea

st T

imor

1857

–185

8K

amm

en 2

012:

170

221

Bas

se K

ajuw

ara

Bon

eIn

done

sia:

Sul

awes

i18

58–1

860

Häg

erda

l 201

4:66

222

Patt

a La

caba

lai

Alit

taIn

done

sia:

Sul

awes

ia.

1859

Häg

erda

l 201

4:9

223

We

Map

alew

aA

litta

Indo

nesi

a: S

ulaw

esi

a.18

59H

äger

dal 2

014:

922

4A

rung

Ani

pong

(N

ipo)

Alit

taIn

done

sia:

Sul

awes

i18

59–1

861

Häg

erda

l 201

4:9

225

D. A

nton

io d

a C

osta

Sea

bra

Faila

cor (

Man

atut

o)Ea

st T

imor

fl.18

60K

amm

en 2

012:

168

226

Don

a Lu

cind

a D

ias

Vie

ira

God

inho

Lale

ia (

Man

atut

o)Ea

st T

imor

fl.18

60K

amm

en 2

012:

169

227

Nah

arov

aM

enab

éM

adag

asca

rp.

1860

Truh

art 2

002:

1055

228

Bas

se K

ajuw

ara

Supp

aIn

done

sia:

Sul

awes

i18

60–1

880

Häg

erda

l 201

4:27

322

9W

e Te

nrip

adar

ang

Alit

taIn

done

sia:

Sul

awes

i18

61–1

902

Häg

erda

l 201

4:9

App

endi

x. (

Con

tinu

ed)

230

Ras

oahe

rina

Imer

ina

Mad

agas

car

1863

–186

8St

ewar

t 199

9:14

723

1I J

atila

balu

m

alot

ong

Pam

baua

ngIn

done

sia:

Sul

awes

ia.

1866

Häg

erda

l 201

4:21

2

232

Puan

na I

Aso

Pam

baua

ngIn

done

sia:

Sul

awes

ia.

1866

Häg

erda

l 201

4:21

223

3To

mep

ajun

g Pa

tola

Pam

baua

ngIn

done

sia:

Sul

awes

ia.

1866

Häg

erda

l 201

4:21

223

4N

ema

Salim

a Fe

y M

wan

dza

Ham

buu

Com

oro

Isla

nds

a.18

67Tr

uhar

t 200

2:10

65

235

Ran

aval

ona

IIIm

erin

aM

adag

asca

r18

68–1

883

Stew

art 1

999:

147

236

Pasu

lu D

aeng

B

ulea

ngSa

wit

toIn

done

sia:

Sul

awes

i18

70–1

886

Häg

erda

l 201

4:23

9

237

Don

a M

aria

Pir

esC

ova

(Bob

onar

o)Ea

st T

imor

fl.18

71K

amm

en 2

012:

168

238

Don

a Eu

grac

ia

Rod

rigu

es P

erei

raM

otae

l (D

ili)

East

Tim

orfl.

1871

, 187

4K

amm

en 2

012:

170

239

Don

a M

aria

M

icha

ela

Dou

tel d

a C

osta

Bal

ibo

(Bob

onar

o)Ea

st T

imor

fl.18

71, 1

879

Kam

men

201

2:16

8

240

I Ban

ri D

atu

Cit

ta

Aru

Tim

urun

gB

one

Indo

nesi

a: S

ulaw

esi

1871

–189

5H

äger

dal 2

014:

67

241

Dae

ng P

angi

piTa

wae

liIn

done

sia:

Sul

awes

ia.

1873

Häg

erda

l 201

4:29

724

2M

aria

ma

Taw

aeli

Indo

nesi

a: S

ulaw

esi

a.18

73H

äger

dal 2

014:

297

243

Don

a Fr

anci

sca

Soar

esH

era

(Dili

)Ea

st T

imor

fl.18

73K

amm

en 2

012:

169

244

Bar

wed

ja N

’Dra

ruB

ajin

iC

omor

o Is

land

sca

.187

3–p.

1880

Truh

art 2

002:

1064

245

Don

a M

aria

Dou

tel

Mau

bara

(Li

quic

a)Ea

st T

imor

fl.18

77K

amm

en 2

012:

170

246

Don

a Iz

abel

de

Frei

tas G

uthe

rres

Ven

ilale

(B

auca

u)Ea

st T

imor

1879

–188

8K

amm

en 2

012:

170

(con

tinue

d)

No.

Nam

eSt

ate/

Polit

yLo

cati

on (

pres

ent s

tate

)R

eign

Sour

ce

247

Don

a Jo

seph

a N

oron

ha C

arce

res

Lacl

o (M

anat

uto)

East

Tim

or18

79–1

891

Kam

men

201

2:16

9

248

Mar

iana

Ros

a da

C

osta

Jeni

luIn

done

sia:

Nus

a Te

ngga

ra18

79–1

893

Häg

erda

l 201

4:11

5

249

Dja

na N

iem

a bi

nti

Dju

mbe

Fum

uM

’Bud

iC

omor

o Is

land

sa.

1880

Truh

art 2

002:

1068

250

Dja

mba

ba b

inti

D

jum

bam

baB

ajin

iC

omor

o Is

land

sp.

1880

Truh

art 2

002:

1064

251

M’Z

ade

M’B

a­Ji

niB

ajin

iC

omor

o Is

land

sp.

1880

Truh

art 2

002:

1064

252

Sabi

ni b

inti

N

gum

iM

ikin

dani

Tanz

ania

p.18

80A

skew

199

9:10

2

253

Opu

Ang

rong

guru

Luw

uIn

done

sia:

Sul

awes

i18

80–1

883

Häg

erda

l 201

4:16

525

4B

inao

Bem

ihis

atra

(Sa

kala

va)

Mad

agas

car

1867

–192

3Sh

eldo

n 20

05:3

125

5D

ona

Mag

dale

na

Soar

esFu

nar (

Man

atut

o)Ea

st T

imor

fl.18

81K

amm

en 2

012:

168

256

Don

a B

inai

que

Lacl

ubar

(M

anat

uto)

East

Tim

orfl.

1881

, 188

3K

amm

en 2

012:

169

257

Don

a G

raci

a da

C

osta

Rod

rigu

es

Pere

ira

Liqu

ica

(Liq

uica

)Ea

st T

imor

fl.18

81, 1

883

Kam

men

201

2:16

9

258

Don

a R

osa

do

Am

aral

Luca

(V

ique

que)

East

Tim

or18

81–1

888

Kam

men

201

2:16

9

259

Bin

aoB

emih

isat

raM

adag

asca

r18

81–1

898

Bar

é 19

80:5

826

0I M

adel

lung

Aru

ng

Kaj

uwar

aSu

ppa

Indo

nesi

a: S

ulaw

esi

1881

–190

0H

äger

dal 2

014:

273

261

Ann

a El

isab

eth

Aun

oni

Am

foan

Indo

nesi

a: N

usa

Teng

gara

1881

–190

2H

äger

dal 2

014:

21

App

endi

x. (

Con

tinu

ed)

262

Ran

aval

ona

III

Imer

ina

Mad

agas

car

1883

–189

7St

ewar

t 199

9:14

726

3D

ona

Senh

orin

ha

Pim

ente

lFa

ilaco

r (M

anat

uto)

East

Tim

orfl.

1884

Kam

men

201

2:16

8

264

I Bat

ari T

oja

Bar

ruIn

done

sia:

Sul

awes

i18

87–1

908

Häg

erda

l 201

4:48

265

Aru

Am

mas

anga

nB

inua

ngIn

done

sia:

Sul

awes

ia.

1888

Häg

erda

l 201

4:61

266

Sira

Mal

uwa

Indo

nesi

a: S

ulaw

esi

a.18

90H

äger

dal 2

014:

173

267

Don

a En

grac

ia d

a C

osta

Del

gado

Liqu

ica

(Liq

uica

)Ea

st T

imor

1890

, 189

2K

amm

en 2

012:

169

268

Don

a G

uim

are

da

Cos

taB

ibilu

to (

Viq

uequ

e)Ea

st T

imor

fl.18

91K

amm

en 2

012:

168

269

I Mer

ette

Cen

rana

Indo

nesi

a: S

ulaw

esi

1892

–189

6H

äger

dal 2

014:

7827

0D

ona

Mar

gari

da

Rib

eiro

Pir

esC

ova

(Bob

onar

o)Ea

st T

imor

fl.18

94K

amm

en 2

012:

168

271

N. (

daug

h ter

of

Sabi

ni b

. Ngu

mi)

Mik

inda

niTa

nzan

iala

te 1

9th

c.A

skew

199

9:10

2

272

Bak

akek

uD

olo

Indo

nesi

a: S

ulaw

esi

a.19

00H

äger

dal 2

014:

247

273

And

i Ton

ang

Enre

kang

Indo

nesi

a: S

ulaw

esi

a.19

00H

äger

dal 2

014:

8927

4Pa

loig

iK

ulaw

iIn

done

sia:

Sul

awes

ia.

1900

Häg

erda

l 201

4:13

627

5In

tobo

ngo

Sigi

Indo

nesi

a: S

ulaw

esi

a.19

00H

äger

dal 2

014:

247

276

Pue

Bua

Sigi

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