Federalist Paper 1

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New Federalist Paper no. 1Author(s): PubliusSource: Publius, Vol. 2, No. 1 (Spring, 1972), pp. 98-115Published by: Oxford University Press

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NEW FEDERALIST PAPER N0. 1

Publius

We liketheblessings f strong entral overnment: clear direc-tion toward ocialgoals,a willingnesso counteractconomicfreez-ings and overheatings, singlevoice in world affairs. ut we arerepelledby centralization's ide effects: neffectivedministrationthatbreeds esentment,nflexible ureaucracyhatbreeds leination.Wealso like theblessingsf decentralizationr homerule, withits respectfor diversity,ts ready responseto local demands, tspersonality ailoredto its constituents. utwe arerepelledbyfre-quent ocalunwillingnessrinabilityo meethumanneeds.Do we have to choose one way or the other-centralizationrdecentralization-takinghe bitterwith whateverwe consider hesweet?Manythinknot,and havespentthepastyear working utasynthesisf themostdesirablenboth central overnmentnd homerule. t hasbeencalled The NewFederalism.For a time,the synthesiss likelyto be praisedor dismissed smiddleof theroad, and thereadyacceptanceof this abelbythemenespousing t maybe a safeposture. ooneror later,however,both critics nd supporters illdiscover omethingmore foot.ThisNew Federalist pproachto governingmightultimately e consid-ered a usefulnew developmentn American olitics-andwhathasbeen assumed o be themiddleof an old road willturn ut to be anew roadentirely.The purposeof theNew Federalisms not to wrap iberalprinci-ples in conservativelothing,rviceversa; hepurpose s to cometogripswitha paradox: a needforbothnational nity nd local diver-sity; need to protectbothindividual quality t the national eveland individualuniquenessat the local level; and a need both toestablish ational oalsand to decentralize overnmentervices.The New Federalists id not invent he paradox,but theyhaverecognizedt,and areusing n approachbest described s nationallocalism in trying o deal with it. National localism is as oxy-98

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NewFederalistaperNo. 1 99

moronic phrases thunderousilence r loyal pposition -theadjectivet first lance ppears ofighthenountmodifies-yetnattemptoput ocalism n a national asis s not scontradictorysit sounds. t shouldnotbe surprisinghat paradoxical eedhascalled orthparadoxicalesponse.FederalismldandNewThe old Federalism asespoused yHamilton, adison ndJay nder previousncarnationfthepenname Publius. ppro-priately,ne RomanPubliuswas a writer f moralmaximswhopointed ut nthe1stcentury.C. that youshould ammerourironwhent sglowingot. *To drumpsupportnNewYork ndother tates or he atifica-tionof thenewAmerican onstitution,hese hree ounding a-therswith passion orpseudonymityublished series fpapersarguinghat 1) a strong ational nionwasnecessaryor nternalmonetaryrder,2) a Federalcompactwas needed o enable heyoungnation o make ts nfluenceelt n theworld,3) this om-pactwould essen heominousspiritffaction hatwasalreadystirringmong heStates, nd finally4) that national uthoritywouldnotsupersedeocal sovereignty-theightsf theStates-inmattersssentiallyocal n character.Thenotion f States' ights, nlike heother ositiveointsntheFederalists'resentation,asdefensiven toneas well s con-tent, nd remainso to thisday.The needfor n even trongerdefense gainst ncroachmentn personal reedom y a centralauthorityoon became pparento theFederalists,orcinghem oamendheirriginalonstitutionith Bill fRights.The new Federalists aveno needto sell their resent-daycompatriotsn thewisdom f a centraluthorityo manage hemonetaryystem r foreignffairs,nd haveno inclinationodenounce he spirit f factionn a nationwhere artisanshipassharpenedebate nd enshrinedissent. uttheirpproacho thelimits f central owerFederalists, ith temperf itsownthatcomes romwocenturiesnthe ruciblefpractice.A sea-changen theapproach o the limitationf centralizedpower-partfwhats new nthenewFederalism-ishat States'rights avenowbecomerights f first efusal. ocal authority illnowregain herighto meet ocalneeds tself,ndgain n additionalright o Federalfinancial elp;but it willnotregain herighttonceheldto neglect heneeds of itscitizens. tates'rightsre nowmoreaccurately described as States' duties; thisis a fundamentalchange inFederalism, removing tsgreatfault withoutunderminingts essentiallocal-firstcharacter,and provides the New Federalists with two of* The maximof Publiusmost applicableto politicalfund-raisings: He doublybenefitstheneedywhogives uickly.



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100 Publiustheir rime auses: he causeofregainingontrol,ndthecauseoffairness.TheCause fRegainingontrolOver hepast hirty ears,ocal uthoritiesere ften nwillingoassumeresponsibility,r unable o raiserevenuesnd still tay noffice. ederaluthorityrenchedower owardhe enter,irst orefficiency'sake, ater ut ofsheer abit; hebeneficialesult astoupgradendextend overnmentervicesomeethuman eeds n ascalenever eforeontemplated.But a concomitantesultwas to de-humanizeovernment,oseparatehecitizen rom hecentersfdecisionsffectingis ife,andto lose ocalfocus nthe ignificantetail na systemhat adits yeonly nthebigpicture.ThePeople, es -theperson,o.This nhumanlementypicalfcentralizationithome, ausingthe samerevulsionoward igGovernment'stultifyingaternalismas had earlierxisted gainst ll government'snabilityo providesecuritynd extend pportunity.amnedbya Depressionenera-tionwhen t did too little, ederal overnmentasdamned yaprosperousenerationhen t didtoo much-or,more ccurately,damnedntheway twasdoingmuchmore.Anotherind fBill fRightswas calledforto protect ersonal reedomrom egulatoryarbitrariness,rom he frustrationf impersonalization,ndfromdistanceromccountability.It is notonlywhatwespend hatmatters, residentixon oldthenation'sGovernors,it is thewaythatwespend t... Thees-sence fthenewFederalisms togain ontrolfournational estinyby returningontrol o the Statesand localities. n thisway,power, unds nd authorityre channeledncreasinglyo thosegovernmentslosesto thepeople.Theobject sto gain ontrolfournational estiny -whichadbeensteadily iminishingn recent ears-throughelective ecen-tralization, new distributionf administrativeower. n thisnewdistribution,heFederal resenceften akes backseat, houghtsits eadyobecome backseat river hen ecessary.Manyof thoseon the ocal levelwhotalkofregainingontrolwantpower o they an choosenotto exerciset. Involvement,participation,venold-fashionedhomerule have ll toooftenmeant nvolvementf a few,participationnly by theill-equippedand the home ruleof a local oligarchy.n transmittingncreasingauthority, ational localismdoes not transmit ltimatepower;inhanding over administration, it does not advocate handing overcontrol of laws for whose execution central government s legallyresponsible. National localism says to communities, Do it your



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New Federalist aperNo. 1 101

way, adding oolly, but do it.With thismoresubtlekindof inducement rom hecenter, worequirementseculiar o regainingontrolnourtime remet:The personnow on theperiphery eedsto feela greaterenseofpersonalpower,not onlyto makehisvotecountbut to makehis ifecount;paradoxically, overnmentt the centerneeds to acquireasense of controlthat can onlybe achievedwhenfarflungrogramsarerealisticallyarried utbypersons inthefield.Mostof those who feelhelpless nd alienated odayarenot frus-trated o muchbytheworkings f BigGovernments bythe nabil-ityofanykindofgovernmento enlist hem nthenecessary rocessof control.Correspondingly,overnmentfficials ftenfeelpower-less not because theydo nothavepower,but because their ctionsfritterwaypotencybefore heyreach hetarget.Thus, control-whichoften parades under a more ominous-soundingword,order-mustbe gently utsystematicallynducedbycentral uthority o avoid the spectacleofgovernment'soosing tsthunderboltsnlytobe lost nthesmog.But who determines hatpower s best returnedo the locality?In this elective ecentralization,hoselects ndwhy?PowerSeeksItsOwn LevelThe successes nd failures f thepastthirty ears n theefficientuse ofgovernmentalowerhave led to a politicalArchimedes' rin-ciple:Power eeks tsownlevel.If powerwere allowed to flow naturally o its most efficientoutlet, heFederalgovernment oulddo what thas proventdoesbest-raise revenues,borrow money, handle massivemechanicalchores uch asmailing ocial Security hecks. tateandlocalgovern-mentwould do whattheydo best-reflect lexibilityn administra-tion, respond to local customand idiosyncrasy,nd experimentwithoutbeing intimidated y the dangerof colossal failure.Theindividualwould do whathe does best by doingwhat is best forhimself.The Federal government as oftenshown itselfto be best atcollecting and distributing ash and worst at enlistinganddistributingervices;herefore,hepower o distributeervicest thelocal level houldflow wayfrom hecenter.Followingthisprinciple f powerseeking ts own level,thenewFederalists ubstitute he practicalforthe ideological.Decisions todecentralizemust be based primarilyn the abilityof a particularlevelofgovernmento deliver ervices.These servicesneed not be suppliedbygovernmentt all; when-ever possible,the New Federalism nlistsor encouragesvoluntary



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102 Publius

agencies, oundations,nd familynd othernaturalunits n the obof ordering ociety. Voluntarism, ictured y some centralistssthelastspasmof do-goodism yHelenHokinson adiesat their ocalgarden lub, s embraced yNew Federalistss an article ffaithnthe return f powerto thepeople. Oddly,bothviews re truefromtherespective antagepoints: n a societywhose needsaremetbyastrongcentralauthority, he voluntary gencies are a witheringvestigial ppendage; n a society eeking o shift owerclosest o itspointofpurchase,thevoluntary ay gains mportance.Not onlydo voluntarygenciesdeliver etter ervice or esscost,theyare irreplaceable or citizen involvement.n its zeal for taxreform,heNixon Administrationessened the incentive orchari-tablecontributionsnd watched he House ofRepresentativesressfor a tax on foundations;when t becameapparent hatthiswas adirect onflictwithone of theprimaryoalsoftheNewFederalism,the Treasuryabout-faced, eturninghe incentives o charitablegivingndopposingmostoftheHouse-passed oundationax.The next-to-lasttopdownthelinetoward ndividual elf-controlis the social orderbrought boutby theexistence f a family nit.One of the earliestdecisions made by urbanologistsn the newadministration-theroposalthatarousedno oppositionnan other-wise profoundly ebatedprogram-had o do withthe re-establish-mentof the unityof the welfare amily.A requirementn manystates hatwelfare ould not be paidunless he father ad lefthomehad,not surprisingly,ed to the wholesaledesertionfpoorfamiliesby theirmale heads in orderto enabletheirdependents o receivepublic id.Oneof thefirstenets fthenewFederalistheorywas toend this economic ncentiveo desertion,nd to restore he disci-pline, uthoritynd love that re thetiesthatbind.

Highlymportant,f course, stheopportunityor ndividual elf-government-for personto runhis own life.In all the claimsoflocal,Stateand nationalgovernmentpon an individual aycheck-in addition o charity rives, uescheck-offs,ndthe extendedhandof a brother-in-law-theres the strong laim of the individual ospendhisownearningsnhisownway.He tends ess to resist educ-tionsfrom isearnings hich ffer im specificervicelocal policeandfire rotection,ational efense) ndmuchmore o resist educ-tions o helphis fellowman.The NewFederalism efends he ndividual's ighto controlmoreofhis own income, rhetorical ayofsayinghat nanyassessmentof nationalpriorities,onsiderationmustultimately e givento adrop in the rate of increasingaxation.This is oftendenounced spanderingo thegreedof theelectorate, uttax reductions consis-tentwith ncreasingheshare f ocal control-in his ase,a person's



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control fhisownpocket-book.While howing oncernwithtax reductionounds conservative,the applicationof thesameprinciple f furtheringorecontrol fone's own destiny o welfare ecipients ounds liberal. The newFederalists ay that the Federal governmenthould send out thesame checkto dependent amiliesverywheresomethinghecentralgovernmentoes best); the States have the right o increase hosebenefits r not, as the local citizenryeesfit whichtheStatesdobest,adding lexibility);ndthen hat he ndividual ecipienthouldhave theright o spendthemoney s he sees fit on theassumptionthat running ne's own life is done most democratically y theindividual-not ythenutritionistrthesocialworker).New Federalismputs priorityn the distributionf cashratherthanservices r food and clothing.f themoney s squandered nsoda pop and floppyhats,theresponsibilityf governmentt everylevel is to educate the personhow betterto use moneyto stayhealthy,rather han to assume controlof the welfare ecipient'smoney forhis owngood.The idea of lettingpowerseek its own level appearsto elevatepragmatismo thehighground fpolitical hought. utpragmatismis best suited forexecuting ather hansetting oals. An idealisticimpetus s neededbefore nyphilosophy as a reasonforbeing; heidealism n thenewFederalism, heheartof thematter,sthecauseoffairness.TheCauseofFairnessThe American xperience vertwo centuries annotbe dismissedas a seriesof luckybreakshappening o a resourceful eople in aresource-filledand. There had to be a collectivewisdom of thepeople operative n government,makingthe rightchoices moreoften than the law of averageswould predict.Perhapsthiswasbecause thenationwas not outfittedn itsinfancywith n ideologi-cal straitjacket;the circumstances hichhavestunted ur interestinpoliticalphilosophy,wroteDanielBoorstinn a discussion fourphantomgeniusof a system, have also nourished ur refusal omake oursociety ntothegravenmage fanyman'spoliticalphilos-ophy.If such a collectivewisdomexistsand thepeople are capable ofactingoverthe ongterm nthenational nteresttfollows hat hereis a nationalchorusof still, mall, ocal voicesacting s a collectiveconscience,eekinghemostfairnessor hemostpeople.This nationalconsciencewas theobjectof Lincoln'sappealwhenhe shifted hefocus of theCivilWar from preserveheUnion toend slavery; his forcecausedTheodoreRoosevelt o refer o his



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104 Publius

offices a bully ulpit ndFDRto the residencys primarilypositionfmoraluthority.heneed oweighhemoralorcefpoliticalctionwill lways e currentnddebatable;hevoice fconsciencesheardnthedesireo honor ur ommitmentsythosewhowishodisengageromietnamngood rder,nd s lsoheard s the immoralar hargefthedissentershowantowithdrawmmediately.When henationalonscienceormsroundpecific oralssues,it softenfflictedithpluralisticgnorance -aase nwhichhemajoritypinionoesnot ealizethasbecomehemajority.ation-al leadersancrystallizehis oncern,ive hephantom ajoritytslegitimatetatus,nd urntsmoraludgmentnto ationalolicy.In a proudlyiverse,luralisticociety, hats ingood on-science n oneplacemaybe in bad conscienceomewherelse.Good men iffernmarijuana,egregation,ndtheconflictfrightsetweenree ressnd airrial; hat eterminesnationalconscience?o theNewFederalists,oralityna nationsdeter-mined otbygovernmentolicy,hurchecree,rsocialeader-ship-whatsmoralswhatmost eople ho hinkboutmoralitytallthinksmoraltagivenime.

Absolutistsillhaveno part fthis;what srightsrightomatterfall mankindsagainstt.Perhaps;ut working,urrentdefinitionf nation'sonscienceswhatmost eoplen hat ationbelieves only air. heresultsanamalgamf ocal nd ndivid-ualscruples,ndmanyimestrong,egionalompunctionsre eftoutsidehe ale.This national conscience,on any issue,mustclash with localconscience on that issue somewhere, nd in the way clash ofconscience s resolved s thetestoftheNewFederalism.Ifthenational onscience idesroughshodver ocal conscience,fit allows no roomforadjustment nd accommodation nd gradualacceptance, atreds bred s thebeliefs f a minorityre gnored.On the otherhand,if the nationalconscienceknuckles nder olocal conscience o as to allowthelawtobe broken, ationalpolicycan be permanently arped, nd hatred s bredas the rights f aminorityredenied.Running herapidsbetween hosedangersstheNew Federalism.Itsmoredelicatetreatmentf therelationshipetweennational nd

local conscience s beingundertaken ot to satisfy theory rfulfilla ringing ampaign ledge, ut nresponse o a rising iscontent ithman-made nequity n society, healthy,naggingnsistence n anintangiblecalled fairness.Long ago, it was felt that an individual could gethis fairest hakefromthegovernment hatwas closest to him: he could face up to the



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New FederalistaperNo. 1 105decision aker,ould eason ithnotherumaneing,rcould etback t a localnaysayeryorganizationpposition.ut nrecentyears,tcame obe felt hat n individual-especiallypoorper-son-could o longer et air reatmentocally; ithhe ocaldeckstackedgainstim, iseyes urnedoWashingtonor newdealand fair eal.Today,t sbeingssumedy n ncreasingajorityfAmericansthat airnessnprincipletilliesnFederaltandardsndminimums,but hat airnessnadministrationsuallyies losestohome. oomany ears fburgeoningureaucracy,oomanymiles fdistancehave eparatedhegovernedromhegoverning,nd he esultasbeen he trophyfequity.There as obesomeone, politicalbossofa previousenturyaid, that man an urno for elp.Noneofyourustice,mind ou-but elp. airnessnsettingheruleshasdevelopedponnationalovernment,utflexibilitynapplyingherules-bendinghesystemo fit he ndividual-canmost ffectivelyndmostasily e a functionf ocalgovernment.Havingearnedhe essonsfabdicationong go, ocalgovern-ment snowready or ts econd hance.t can dealwith umanbeings, hile henationalovernments limitedo dealing ithnumbersnd files-annormousdvantageor ocalauthorityncomingo gripswith heurgentequirementfmore ndmorepeople or fairness.FairnesshreadshroughheentirerrayfnewFederalistro-posals. axreform,rafteform,elfareeform,ducationeform-allemphasizefairharingftheburden,fairhancetoppor-tunity.Sensitivityothis ervoror airness,nd he dea f arryingutthe rgingsf nationalonscienceybringinghe dministrationfgovernmentnto lose roximityiththe onsentf he overnedwheneverhatsmostffective,sthe econdreatause f heNewFederalists.hemethodywhichhey ave hosen o deliverfairnessay esultnanew oalitionfpeoplewho nowhey aveleadershiphat nderstandsheireedsoday.hatwillay he asisforwhat andidateixonnearly 968called a new lignmentfideas, ndnot ny rtificialonstructionfregional,deologicalrethniclocs.Of llthe tatementsonstructedy nd or ohn.Kennedy,heonethatwill robablyeverberateongestouchedchordmillionsfeel bout nfairness:There s alwaysnequityn ife, etoldpress onference.Somemen rekilledna war nd omemen rewounded, nd somemenarestationedntheAntarctic,ndsomearestationedn San Francisco. t isvery ard nmilitaryrpersonal ifeto assure complete equality. Life is unfair ..



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NewFederalistaperNo. 1 107The Governorswho urgedthe completetakeoverof thewelfaresystem y the Federalgovernment ereconcernedwith heirmme-diatefinancial eadaches, ut missed basicpointoftheplan:Local-ities differ,nd each should retain ts own initiativesn providingbeyond he minimumor tscitizens. rganized elfare egan nlocalities nd thebestwayto findnew answersn thisfield sto keepthe nnovative andoftheStateandlocalitynthesystem.B. RevenueSharingndGrants-in-AidThe examplemost oftencitedof Federal nducemento Statestomeetsocial needs is revenue haring,whichrecognizes hedifficultyof State taxationand acknowledges he betterudgment f mostStates n spending undswithin heir wnboundaries. imilarly,heproliferationf Federal grant-in-aidrograms ana tangleof apronstringso fifty tatecapitals, heckingocal initiative. he Adminis-tration ought egislative uthorityo consolidate heseoverly-speci-fic grants,giving ocal authoritymore room to maneuverwithinlarger eneral udgets.C. UnemploymentnsuranceIn thePresident'smessage o theCongress roposingwider over-age, he urgedtheStatesto increase heamountofbenefits aid tounemployedworkers. I call upon theStatesto act within henexttwoyearsto meetthisgoal, thePresidentwrote, therebyvertingtheneed forFederalaction. Nationalstandardswerenotset,butafirmhand couldbe detected nside hekidglove ndthe ikelihood sthat the Stateswill avert theneed forFederal ctionby ncreasingthebenefits hemselves. eatherswere not ruffled;n issuewas notjoined. The necessary hangewill probablytake place by politicalosmosis.D. TaxPolicyAll thetalkof a threatenedtaxpayers evolt offersn interest-ing llustration f thequality ffairnessn theAmerican onscience.The high evelof taxationwas not onlywhatbrought eopleto theboilingpoint; ikeKingMithridates,heyhad been swallowingver-increasing oses of poison foryears, nd theirmainreactionwas aresigned,ustainedmoan. The sticking ointwas the revelation fhow manywealthypeople could escapepaying axesat all.Whetherthe burdenwas being sharedfairlywas moreimportant o manycitizensthan the totalweight f theburden tself.Reacting o thisdemand forequity,theAdministrationroposeda limiton all taxpreferences-inffect,making ertain hateveryonepaid at leastagood portionof his incometo the Federal government,o matterhow he was able to take advantage ftax incentives.n theAct that



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108 Publius

passed,thisappeared n comparable orm s a minimumncome ax.However,this principleclashed with another national localistprecept n the taxationofmunicipal onds. fthese itybondswereleft tax-exempt, he loophole-seeker ould stillget off scot free(although ll hisfundswould be tiedup inenterprisesfhigh ocialbenefit.)But ifmunicipal ondswere axed, venwithFederal ubsi-dizationof the added coststo thecities fborrowingthigherates,controlof cityfinances-oneof thelastvestiges f local initiative-would quicklybe drawn to Washington.n thiscase, theMayorsprevailed nd the substancedefeated hesymbol; ocalismwas pre-served t thecostof a neat,across-the-boardisplayof taxfairness.E. ManpowerTrainingA refinement of the principle of gaining-control-by-returning-controlan be found n the overhaul fmanpower olicy.The objectis to decentralizedministrationfmanpowerervices oStatesand metropolitanreas,but past experiencehas shownthatsuddendumping fresponsibilityn local government ith ccom-panying inger-waggingo involve hepoor has led to waste,cor-ruption,dismay,and finallywidespreadpublic rejectionof whatshouldbe a necessary,egenerativerogram. ereistheNewFeder-alist pproach:First, Statewilladminister0 percent f thefunds pportionedto itwhen t develops comprehensive anpower lanning apabil-ity;second, it will exercisediscretion ver66 2/3percentwhen testablishes comprehensive anpowerTraining gency o adminis-terthe unifiedprograms;nd third,twilladminister00 percentwhentheStatemeetsobjective tandardsfexemplary erformanceinplanningndcarryingutitsmanpowererviceystem.In theabove,notetheuseof theverbs administer nd exercisediscretionover ; they are ways of not saying control as theFederal government ystematically ields involvement o localauthorities ithout urrenderingltimate esponsibility.F. HumanNeedsThe New Federalistsbelieve that economicadvancement s theonly asting nswer o theneedsof all thepoorandthebestanswernow to theneedsofminorities. t thispoint n ourhistory, egroesfindcold comfort n openhousing tatuteswhen hey annot ffordto buy thehomes in neighborhoods ow legallyopen to them,ordesegregationstablished s a principlewhena lack ofmoney ffec-tivelynforces efacto egregationnmany ities.



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Access to good jobs and the training ecessary o get and holdthose obs is a sourceof pride s wellas funds;n the ongrun, hereis no power s puissant s buying ower.Amongthe first roposalsof the Nixon Administrationas thereleaseof 6,000,000peopleat orbelowthepovertyine from ayingFederal incometaxes. This was followedby a proposalto extendunemploymentnsurancecoverageto farmworkers nd hospitalworkers-who re mainlyminorityroupmembers-and o increasethe benefits nd extend the periodsbenefits re paid if nationalunemploymentwere to rise significantly.he most far-reachingimpetusto buying power,of course,was the proposednationalwelfareminimum.n effect,twouldpromptly oublethe ncomeofmillions f poor families-Negrond white. nMississippi,or xam-ple, a familyof four now receiving 90 would receive $1600yearly-nobonanza,butwhen added to about $750 in food stampsas partof thenewanti-hungerrogram,ot to be lightly ismissednitseconomic mpact.This typeof helpto thepoor-whateverheir olor-wouldfallfarshortof the goal of genuineeconomicadvancementfitwerenotaccompaniedby incentiveso self-help-as, orexample,n theman-power training roposalsand the release of houseboundmothersthrough stronglyncreasedystem fdaycareforchildren.In thisregard, heNew Federalists ecognize heymust cometogripswith a shortage f opportunitynd a shortage f capital.TheDepartmentof Labor's action in Philadelphia,requiringunionssupplyingaborto contractorsworkingn Federally-assistedrojectsto showgood faith n openingthe work rolls to Negroes,has nowbeen expandedto othercities.Organized abor's resistance o thisPhiladelphia lan causedthefiercest, hort, itchedegislativeattleinthis rea astyear.The natural reluctanceof New Federaliststo apply nationalpressure o local areasis overriddenn the case of equal job oppor-tunity y thedictatesofnationalconscience, nd is justified ythepatentunfairnessf usingfundsraisedfrom ll thepeople to per-petuatediscriminationagainst segmentfthepublic.Black capitalism s an integral artofthisoverall pproachtoeconomicuplift.Becausemost menofwhatever olorarenot bornentrepreneurs,hiswill neverbe a panacea,but it willbecome aspecific timulusnd a visible ourceofpride.Throughmallbusinessinvestmentompanies, esigned o helpminoritynterprise,ederalloans will be made available to investors n black-owned businesses;the$500 million nnew capitalfrom ublic ndprivate ources hatwillresults a good start.



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110 Publius

G. ForeignAffairsThe Nixon Doctrineabroad s consistentwith tsNew Federalistapproachat home: It emphasizes air-share,nsists n responsibilityat the local level,offering merican etaliatory oweras a shieldagainstbig-powerggression,ndprovidingmilitaryupply ssistancetowardthe minimum tandards f defensethat our allies need.The American resencemakes tself elt,but seeksnot to takeoverlocal defenses. It meanshelping therfreenationsmaintain heirown security, he Presidentaid, butnotrushingntodo for hemwhattheycan and should do forthemselves.. It meansforgingnewstructurefworldstabilitynwhich he burdens s well as thebenefitsrefairlyhared. .H. EconomicAffairsThe nationalgovernment ecognizes ts responsibilityo restorepricestabilitywhileprotecting igh mploymentndhas insisted na balancedbudget. n tandemwith heFederalReserve's ightmoneypolicy,thisstrategygainstnflation mounts o national conomicmanagementn a grand cale,but it s accompanied ydeferenceolocalism:no wage or pricecontrols r pattern f specific-companyinterventionn the workings f a free marketeconomy. Finetuning s forgotten,eplacedbyrealistic ppealsto theenlightenedeconomic self-interestf industriesnd unions.Specificguidelines,abandoned n themid-Sixties,rereplacedbymoregeneral dmoni-tions,butwhentheseare totally gnored-as happenedflagrantlynthe constructionndustry-central uthorityhas acted to affectsupply nddemand.The New Federalists ee inflations justas muchpsychologicalseconomic,preferringroup therapy o shocktreatment,nd influ-encebyexamplerather han nterferenceyexhortation.L EcologisticsCall it the pursuit fhappiness, s thePresident id in anArtsand Humanitiesmessagethat startledhis most outspoken non-admirers,r thequality f ife or the climate ffreedom -underwhatevercatchphrase, he subject of environmental ontrolandrespectfornature's cology s risingn importance n theAmericanagenda.

The moreinroadswe makeupon our land and water nd air,CandidateNixonsaid in a little-notedampaign peechon conserva-tion, the less we are able to enjoy ife nAmerica. n returningothattheme n his first tateof the Unionaddress,he crystallizedgoal that mostAmericanscan agree upon and one thatthe NewFederalism an beginfrom relative eginning, ithoutneeding o



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gothroughhe yrationsfbureaucraticeform.Pollutedstreams rossStatelines, s do exhaust-emittingars ndtrucks;clearly,nationalstandards re calledfor n settingimits owhichfactoriesnd vehicles anpollute veryone lse'sair andwater.Rising ublic ndignations expressinghenationalonscience,ndnational answerscan be expected-such as tax requirementsorpollution ontrol evices, national trategyaiddownbya newCouncil on Environmental uality,as well as Federally-sponsoredresearch.However, heaccent willnot be on theconstructionfa massive,Federal,anti-pollutionureaucracy. romthestart, tate, ocal andregional roupswillbe involved,ncouragedo settheirwnstan-dardsresponsive o local needs above theFederalminimum,nd astrongffortwillbe madeto enlistbusinessnvoluntaryffortsalongmoreaggressiventi-pollutionines.The administrationfpollutionontrolwillremainocal,withnewemphasisn regional,greater etropolitanrea roupings.Ofcourse,hecampaigngainst ollutions only heopeningwedge n a wider pproach o man n hisenvironment,hichwillrangefrom he need forurbanvest-pocketarks nd modernmasstransitoworld opulationlanning,rom studyfcreativesesofleisure ime to theinducementf a broader ppreciation fthearts.A call forcleanupof airandwater, earkeningack as itdoes to theconservationfTheodoreRoosevelt, s non-controversialndappealsto all age groups; roof fsuccessnthese reas f mmediateangerwill pennew pportunitiesor ction nother ronts.NewFederalism: rinciplesFrom the foregoing xamples,certainrequirementsf nationallocalismemerge o formwhatEdmundBurkewould call extrava-gant ndpresumptuouspeculations :1. The unityof the nationrequires cceptanceofnationalgoalsand the assumptionof responsibility or achievingthem; theseinclude full and equal employment nd educationalopportunity,helpfor thehelpless bove thesurvivalevel, ssurance fprotectionagainst rime nd violence, n economycapableofsustained rowthin a stable atmosphere, nd enoughnationalstrengtho create aworld rder hatwillpreventwar.2. The diversityf thepeople requireseewayfor ocal optiononthe degreeof supportgiven ducation, he control f crime nd allotherpowers reserved o the States as longas thosereservationsareactively sed.3. The freedomof the individualrequiresFederal and judicial



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112 Publius

checks on any unfairnessnflicted y local governmentr privateenterprise,nd local flexibilityn unfairnessnflicted y nationalpolicies rthe etter fFederal aw.4. The future f Federalism equires hatpowerbe permitted oseek its own level of efficient esponse,flowing o the level ofgovernmenthat can deal directlynd compassionately ithhumanneeds,decentralizingelectivelyo permitocalities o develop nsti-tutions apableofgainingndividualnvolvement.5. The creativityfdemocracy equiresocal innovation, rovid-inga variety f experimentation,imitingheliability f failure ndextendinghepossibility f discoveringolutions hatcanbe appliednationallyfter uccessfulocaltesting.6. The ethic ofWestern ivilization equires reliance n individ-ual responsibility, ithtransmissionf neglected esponsibilityosuccessivelyarger nitsofgovernment,utwithout heusurpationofresponsibilityyhigheruthorityhatweakens ocal initiativendarbitrarilyimits ersonal reedom.7. The paradoxof Federalism equires citizen o think nd acton two levels: to contribute o the determinationf a nationalconscience nd to involvehimselfocally ncarryingutthedictatesof thatconscience-indeed, o exceedthem ndmakethemuniquelyfittingolocal needs, ustoms ndtraditions.Not surprisingly,he rhetoric f sucha system ocuseson personrather hanpeople,on responsibilityather hansecurity,n oppor-tunity ather hanguarantee, n correctingealwrongs ather hancreatingnew rights. n foreign elations impose has become anuglywordandWilson'socalself-determinationheshining rinciple.Metaphorically,henewFederalists eplacethemelting otwith hesaladbowl.Because synthesiss not as readily apsuled n cheer ines or slo-gansas thesis r antithesis,he strategyor he Seventies hasbeenjudged up to now by political criteria f the Thirties.These oldcriteriatandready s ever obe usedto denounce false ssumptionofbothliberal nd conservativeabels-as, forexample, ntheclaimthat one is a liberal n humanaffiars nd a conservativen fiscalaffairs. ut the factthatsomesyntheses avea falseringdoes notmeanthat very ynthesismustbe scorned.TheNeedforNew CriteriaIf the national ocalismof the NewFederalistswerenothing utacompromise etweenpreviously pposing deologies, t would limpalong,ultimatelyatisfying either ide. But if it succeeds in syn-thesizingwhat s bestin bothmodes, t can create side thatdid



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New FederalistPaperNo. 1 113

not existbefore. The old liberal-conservativend centralist-localistcalibrationswill lose meaningwhenapplied to a fusionof certainelements f liberalism ndconservatism,fcentral oncern nd localconsent.The New Federalism ffers considered nd differentpproach othe conduct of governmentalffairs, ased on the applicationofnationalpride,conscience nd minimumshroughncentiveso localadministrationnd involvementndecision-making.Criticswho understandwhattheNew Federalists retryingo domustcome upwiththeir wn newminimumtandardsormeasure-ment.These mustgo beyondspeculating,Are theyheadedLeftorRight? or beratinghepursuers f a paradoxas zig-zaggers. heneed fornew criteriamaybe distressingo those whofind t com-fortable o reactautomaticallyn theleft-rightcale to every ctionof government,ut unlesspoliticalthinkersre willing o reassesstheircritical tandards, heywill findthemselves iggingwhile thephilosophy fbothmajorpartiesntheSeventies aszagged.This is because the rise of the New Federalistshas not beencounteredby a correspondingiseof New Whigs.The amalgam fnationalconsciencewith ocal involvements takingplace all alongthe ideological spectrum, ike the progressivismf the late 19thcentury,tgrowswithroots n bothparties. n early1968, RichardNixon and RobertKennedywereechoingsectionsof each other'sspeeches; ften hedifference asmore nslogan han ubstance.*TheStandard fSuccessIn hisown eyes,a New Federalist succeeds if he can do well ntwo arenas. n thearena of themind,he mustbe able to divine henationalconscienceand not confuse t withthenationalmood,orthe conscienceof onlythose he knowsor reads.To determine ispolicydirection nd thebalance ofnationalpriorities,emustover-lay his evaluationof the nationalconsciencewithhisown belief nwhat s right.As with ll governmentstimates, herewillbe a high-low rangeabout how muchthe nationalconsciencewilldemandorpermit; he New Federalistwill tryto come in at thehigh, akingmoral leadershipwithoutdisappearing rom hesight f histroops.In this ense,he is an ideologue, t thecuttingdgeofa national rgeto help people help themselves-more pportunity,moretraining,more reward for initiative,more of a fair chance and a fairshare.* Anearly raftfNixon's BridgesoHuman ignity peech ontainednexpositionfblackentrepreneurship.e changed his n thefinaldraft o thecatchier blackcapitalism; henHubertHumphreyoonespoused hesame dea,he couldnot una-bashedlyiftNixon's logan,ndwound pusingblack ntrepreneurship.



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In the arena of action,he changesthe simple,directFederalcommand-whichhas been subverted,gnored r watereddown atthe local or individual evel-to a more complex, ncentive-ladenFederal suggestion, ccepting he burdenof persuasion o as to beable to shift heburden f central dministrationnd instill senseof local participation.f he succeeds,he has transmittedrequire-mentformore fairnessn lifealongwiththeability o accomplishthat fairnesswherereal people live. And if he fails, n TheodoreRoosevelt'swords, he failswhiledaring reatly,o thathe is neveramongthose cold and timid souls who know neither ictorynordefeat.Unfortunatelyorhis dramatic nstinct,he New Federalist anseldomoperatewiththeflair nd panacheof a TheodoreRoosevelt.The natureof his approach-theamalgamof nationalpurpose ndlocal purposefulness-condemnsimin mostcases to the soft ell,the underpromise,he counterpunch. heerlinesand sloganshavetheir hallowedplace in Americanpolitics, nd the New Federalistwill use them when they serve his purpose,but his general onecannotbe stridentlyonfident ecause thenewroad sas unfamiliar

to the eaders s to the ed.Too FarFromConcordThe yearningfthegovernedohavetheir akeandeat it-to reapthe blessing f nationhood nd rejectthe curseof a limitation fpersonal reedom-isnothing ewto politics.

Legendhas it thatRalph Waldo Emerson efthis homeinCon-cord, Massachusetts o travelto a midwesternmeeting f worldfederalistsn the mid 19thcentury.He grew ncreasinglyrritatedthroughheconvocation;whenone speaker roposed hat hecapitalof the worldbe Constantinople,e walkedout,growling,It's toofarfrom oncord.ManyAmericans odayfeel hat heirnational overnments toofarfromConcord. Their answer s notto takeawayfrom centralgovernment hat t does best,norto denytheruleof themajorityon matters fnational oncern, or to create newnation fsullen-

ly solated ommunities.Theiranswer s to forge newconcordof national urpose,ocaladministration nd individual involvement.Unlike pragmatism,which limits tselfto whatworks s good, theNew Federalismsuggestshata national onsciencebe appliedto determine hat s



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NewFederalistaperNo. 1 115

good, ndthe ocalitiesnd ndividualse nvolvedo make twork.The time for an evolutionf Federalismntoa newform ascome; t hasbeen teadilydgingtsway nto heforefrontfpoliti-cal action,with the most diverseupport. he New Federalismexpectsno instant cceptance, ut deserves-to se its favoritephrase-a fairhare fseriousonsideration.

Federalist Paper 1

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