Explorations into the World of Lewis and Clark Volume I Sample

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Explorations into the World of Lewis and Clark194 Essays from the Pages of We Proceeded On.

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Captain William Clark Captain Meriwether Lewis

When Lewis and Clark returned from their expedition across the trans-Mississippi West to the Pacific Coast they were proclaimedheroes by the American public. Charles Willson Peale, founder and curator ofthe Philadelphia Museum, and a pre-eminent portrait artist, who had paintedthe portraits of several of the colonial and Revolutionary greats, requestedpermission to paint the portraits of the two new American heroes upon theirvisit to the states. The two officers agreed and the above portraits weredone—Meriwether Lewis’s in March 1807, and William Clark’s three yearslater. Today the Portraits are prime holdings of Independence National HistoricPark in Philadelphia.

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Explorations into the Worldof Lewis and Clark:

194 Essays from the pages of We Proceeded On

Edited with Introductions and Notes

by

Robert A. Saindon

VOLUMEI

ISBN 1-58218-762-2

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Dedication

Eldon George Chuinard, M.D. (1904-1993)

Knowing the late Dr. Eldon G. (“Frenchy”) Chuinard was both a pleasureand an inspiration. He was a gentleman with tenacity, a scholar with

enthusiasm, and a friend with devotion. Although orthopedic surgery (for which hegained international fame) was his profession, he maintained an abiding love forLewis and Clark, often referring to one or the other as his friend.

His interest in the Expedition began at the age of ten and continued the remainingseventy-eight years of his life. He was a member of the 1964 United StatesCongressional Lewis and Clark Commission, and helped establish the modern trailroute. He was a founding father of the Lewis and Clark Trail Heritage Foundation,and served as the Foundation’s second president. He was a long-time chairman ofthe Oregon Governor’s Lewis and Clark Trail Committee; and was instrumental inthe establishment of various Lewis and Clark interpretive signs, and memorials.

Frenchy was the author of the scholarly, yet popular, book Only One ManDied: The Medical Aspects of the Lewis and Clark Expedition, which has seenseveral printings since it was first published in 1979.

He founded We Proceeded On, the quarterly publication of the Lewis andClark Trail Heritage Foundation, Inc. It was, therefore, because of those effortstwenty-five years ago that the publishing of the present anthology of Lewis andClark essays was ultimately made possible.

To paraphrase from the words of Oregon Governor Barbara Roberts whenpresenting the 1993 Thomas Jefferson Honored Citizen Posthumous Award toFrenchy: We proudly honor the worth of Dr. Chuinard’s lasting imprint upon thefabric of our treasured Lewis and Clark heritage, and in so doing we dedicate thepresent work to his beloved memory.

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Contents

VOLUME ONE

Dedication. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .vIllustrations. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .xviiiForeword. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxiEditorial Procedures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxiiiPreface/Acknowledgments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxviIntroduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxviii

IBefore Lewis and Clark

Introduction to Section I . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1

George Vancouver1. “Vancouver’s Legacy to Lewis and Clark”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Arlen J. Large 3

Alexander Mackenzie2. “Mackenzie’s Wonderful Trail to Nowhere”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Arlen J. Large 113. “The Realities and Complexities of Food for Sir

Alexander Mackenzie, (1789)” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Jim Smithers 19

Don Martin de Sasse/Alexander Mackenzie4. “North and South of Lewis and Clark”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Arlen J. Large 23

Russia/Great Britain/Spain/United States/France5. “International Interpretation and ‘Internationalist’s’ Interpretation

of the Lewis and Clark Expedition”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . James A. Gardner 31

Jean LaPerouse6. “Of Rivers and Oceans: Comparing the Lewis and Clark

Expedition with that of LaPerouse”. . . . . . . . . . . Robert R. Hunt 47

Menard7. “Old Menard”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Robert A. Saindon 59

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IIExpedition Preparations:

Introduction to Section II . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69

Persons—Thomas Jefferson8. “Thomas Jefferson and the Pacific Northwest” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Donald Jackson 709. “The American Philosophical Society

and Thomas Jefferson”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Carol Lynn MacGregor 7910. “Trailing Lewis and Clark: ‘The Spirit of Discovery’”. . . . . . . . . . . .Arlen J. Large 8911. “Lewis and Clark Under Cover (Secrecy Involving the

Expedition—A Cipher-Text Letter)”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . Arlen J. Large 93•Boxed Feature: “Portable Soup” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103—Meriwether Lewis12. “Meriwether Lewis: Devoted Son” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Mary Newton Lewis 10413. “Lewis...in Washington”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Arlen J. Large 11314. “The Phantom Farmer: Lewis and the American

Board of Agriculture” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Arlen J. Large 12215. “Meriwether Lewis at Harpers Ferry”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Joseph D. Jeffrey 12616. “Captain Lewis and the Hopeful Cadet”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Arlen J. Large 136

—William Clark17. “Clark And Lewis Homeplaces” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Jane Henley and Guy Benson 14118. “Clark Land in Virginia and the Birthplace

of William Clark” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ..Robert E. Gatten, Jr. 145

—Andrew Ellicott19. “Andrew Ellicott—Astronomer, Mathematician, Surveyor . . . . . . . . . . . . . Nancy M. Davis 154

Finances20. “$25,000 Vs. $38,722.25: The Financial

Outlay for the Historic Enterprise. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Robert E. Lange 16121. “President Jefferson’s Letter of Credit: Why so Many Copies?”. . . Robert A. Saindon 165

Places22. “A Grand Tower”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ann Rogers 17023. “Lewis and Clark and the American Bottom” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Linda Mizell 17624. “St. Louis in 1804” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Frances H. Stadler 18325. “Where did the Lewis and Clark Expedition Start?”. . . . . . . . . .Eldon G. Chuinard 19226. “Where the Trail Begins: The Illinois Legacy to

the Lewis and Clark Expedition”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Everett L. Sparks 200•Boxed Feature: “The Widow Lady—Another Candidate”. . . . . . . . . . . . Bob Moore 207

Events27. “Changing (Louisiana) Territorial Ownership: “Louisiana’s Irrelevant

Flag: Lewis and Clark Were Going Anyway”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Arlen J. Large 208Articles

28. “The Not So Enigmatic Lewis and Clark Air Gun”. . . . . . . . . . . . .Roy M. Chatters 218

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•Boxed Feature: “Lewis’s Airgun as Mentioned in the Journals”. . . Robert E. Lange 221

IIIExpedition Personnel

Introduction to Section III . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 222

In General29. “Expedition Specialists: The Talented

Helpers of Lewis and Clark”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Arlen J. Large 22330. “Additions to the Party: How the Expedition Grew and Grew”. . . . Arlen J. Large 232

Non-Commissioned Officers—Sergeant Charles Floyd31. “Dr. Elliott Coues and Sergeant

Charles Floyd”. . . . . . . . ... . ... . . . . . .Paul R. Cutright and Michael J. Brodhead 24232. “Monuments to ‘A Young Man of Much Merit’”. . . . . . . . . . ..James J. Holmberg 251—Sergeant Patrick Gass33. “Sergeant Patrick Gass: Irishman? Scotsman?”. . . . . . . . . . . . . Eldon G. Chuinard 26734. “The Photographs of Sergeant Patrick Gass” . . . . . . . . . . . . . Eldon. G. Chuinard 26935. “The Patrick Gass Photographs and Portraits: A Sequel.”. . .Jeanette D. Taranik 274—Sergeant Nathaniel Pryor36. “ Sergeant Nathaniel Pryor of the Lewis

and Clark Expedition”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Robert E. Lange 280—Corporal Richard Warfington37. “Corporal Richard Warfington’s Contribution

to the Expedition” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Robert E. Lange 283

Enlisted Men—William Bratton38. “William Bratton: One of Lewis and Clark’s Men”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Robert E. Lange 285•Boxed Feature: “Supplemental Note on William Bratton” . . . . . . . . . . . .Robert E. Lange 292—Private John Colter39. “John Colter: One of Lewis and Clark’s Men”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Barbara Kubik 29340. “John Colter: RIP”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ruth Frick 305—Privates Joseph and Reuben Field41. “The Expedition’s Brothers: Joseph and Reuben Field”. . . . . . . . Robert E. Lange 312—Robert Frazer42. “Frazer’s Mutiny”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Arlen J. Large 315—Private John Newman43. “The Court-Martial of Ensign Meriwether Lewis (Some Observations

to the Court-Martial of the Expedition’sPrivate Newman)”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Eldon. G. Chuinard 317

—Private George Shannon44. “Private George Shannon: The Expedition’s

Youngest Member, 1785 or 1787-1836”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Robert E. Lange 324—John Shields45. “John Shields: Lewis and Clark’s Handyman:

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Gunsmith, Blacksmith, General Mechanic”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Robert E. Lange 335—Private Alexander Hamilton Willard46. “The Gravesite of the Expedition’s

Alexander Hamilton Willard” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Wilbur Hoffman 340•Boxed Feature: “Additional Information on Alexander Willard. . . . . . . .Robert E. Lange 343

Non-Military Personnel—Jean Baptiste Charbonneau47. “A February Birthdate: An Infant Explorer

Joins the Expedition”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .William C. Adreon 344—Toussaint Charbonneau48. “Poor Charbonneau! Was He as Incompetent as the

Journals/Narratives Make Him Out to Be?”. . . . . . . . . . . . . .Robert E. Lange 347—George Drouillard49. “George Drouillard: One of the Two or Three

Most Valuable Men on the Expedition”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Robert E. Lange 35350. “George Drouillard and For Massac”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Jo Ann Brown 357—Engages51. “New Light on Some of the Expedition Engages”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Jo Ann Brown 363—Sacagawea52. “Sacajawea? Sakakawea? Sacagawea?

Spelling, Pronunciation, and Meaning”. . . . . . . . . . . . . Irving W. Anderson 37153. “Sacajawea, Boat-launcher: The Origin and

Meaning of a Name...Maybe”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Robert A. Saindon 37554. “The Abduction of Sacagawea”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Robert A. Saindon 38355. “Sacagawea and Sacagawea Spring”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Eldon. G. Chuinard 38856. “Sacagawea, the Guide, Vs. the Purists”. . . . . .Arlen J. Large and Edrie L. Vinson 39157. “Another View of Sakakawia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Calvin Grinnell 39958. “One Remarkable Lady: An Interview

with Blanche Schroer”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Marie Webster Weisbrod 40559. “Sacagawea—Her Name and

Her Destiny”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Irving W. Anderson and Blanche Schroer 412—Seaman60. “Call Him a Good Old Dog, But Don’t Call Him Scannon”. . . . . . Donald Jackson 41961. “Seaman’s Trail: Fact Vs. Fiction” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Louis Charbonneau 422

Index to Volume One. . . . . . . . . .

VOLUME TWO

IVPeople, Places, Things, and Events Along the Trail

Introduction to Section IV. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 427

In General62. “In the Wake of the Red Pirogue: Lewis and Clark and the

Exploration of the American West”.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .John Logan Allen 428

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63. “A Most Perfect Harmony: Life at Fort Mandan”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . James P. Ronda 44164. “The Summer of Decision: Lewis and

Clark in Montana, 1805”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . John Logan Allen 44965. “Imagining the West Through the Eyes of Lewis and Clark” . . . . James P. Ronda 459

People (Non-Indian)—Joseph Graveline66. “Joseph Gravelines and the Lewis and Clark Expedition”. . . . . . Paul C. Graveline 468—Place Names67. “All in Family—The In-house Honorifics of Lewis and Clark”. . . .Arlen J. Large 472

Places—Spirit Mound68. “Lewis and Clark and the Legend of the ‘Little People’”. . . . . Robert A. Saindon 478—Knife River Villages69. “Knife River Indian Villages”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Gary E. Moulton 48270. “The Sakakawea (Awatixa) Site”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ..Erik Holland 484—Among the Mandans71. “Fort Mandan: Wilderness Preparation Headquarters”. . . . . .Alan R. Woolworth 488—Lewis and Clark Graffiti72. “They Left Their Mark: Tracing the Obscure Graffiti

of the Lewis and Clark Expedition”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Robert A. Saindon 492—Slaughter River Pishkun73. “Slaughter River Pishkun or Float Basin?” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .W. Raymond Wood 504—Great Falls Portage74. “The Great Portage—Lewis and Clark’s Overland

Journey Around the Great Falls of the Missouri”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Larry Gill 510— Jefferson River75. “‘Clark’s Lookout’: An Interpretation of

an Age-Old Landmark” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Robert A. Saindon 517—Lolo Trail76. “Along the Lolo Route”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Carol Lynn MacGregor 522—Fort Clatsop77. “The Western End of the Lewis and Clark Trail” . . . . . . . . . . . . Eldon G. Chuinard 528—Horse Trading78. “Captain Clark’s Plan to Enter into the

Horse Trade Business”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Robert A. Saindon 538—Pompey’s Pillar79. “Pompey’s Pillar: Should Mere Fragments of Facts

Become a ‘General’ Conclusion?”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Arlen J. Large 54080. “‘My Boy Pomp’: About the Name”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Joseph A Mussulman 547

Things:—Flags81. “Symbol of Peace, Sign of Allegiance, Banner of Pride: The

Flags of the Lewis and Clark Expedition”. . . . . . . . . . . . . Robert A. Saindon 552—Espontoons82. “The Espontoon: Captain Lewis’s Magic Stick” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Robert R. Hunt 561

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83. “The Espontoons of Captains Lewis and Clark” . . . . . . . . . . . .Howard Hoovestol 569—The Corn Mills84. “The Mystery of the Third Corn Mill” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . John H. Stofiel 572—Survey Instruments85. “The Instruments of Lewis and Clark”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Martin Plamondon II 575

Events:86. “Luck or Providence—Narrow Escapes on the

Lewis and Clark Expedition”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Robert R. Hunt 58187. “Christmas Came Three Times to the Corps of Discovery” . . . . . Robert E. Lange 59188. “The Leapfrogging Captains” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Arlen J. Large 59789. “The Brig Lydia Misses a Rendezvous with History”. . . . . . . . . Robert E. Lange 60190. “The Empty Anchorage: Why No Ships

Came for Lewis and Clark”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Arlen J. Large 60791. “Riled Up Blackfeet: Did Meriwether Lewis Do It?”. . . . . . . . . . . . . .Arlen J. Large 61492. “Was it the Pawpaw?”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ann Rogers 624

Transportation:—Boats93. “The White Pirogue of the Lewis and Clark Expedition”. . . . . . . Robert A. Saindon 62794. “A Note on the White Pirogue” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Gary E. Moulton 63695. “The Rocky Boat Ride of Lewis and Clark

(All Boats of the Expedition)” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Arlen J. Large 63896. “Captain Lewis’s Iron Boat: The Experiment”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Donald W. Rose 648—Horses97. “Hoofbeats and Nightmares (A Horse Chronicle

of the Lewis and Clark Expedition”) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Robert R. Hunt 655

Fishing:98. “Incompleat Anglers on the Lewis and Clark Expedition”. . . . . . . Robert R. Hunt 670

Foods and Drinks99. “Gills and Drams of Consolidation: Ardent Spirits

on the Lewis and Clark Expedition”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Robert R. Hunt 680100. “Where’s the Salt”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Donald Nell 700101. “The Making of a Myth: Did the Corps of Discovery

Actually Eat Candles?”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Robert J. Moore, Jr. 710Military Life

102. “Crime and Punishment on the Lewis and Clark Expedition”. . . . Robert R. Hunt 716

Clothing and Shelter103. “Mockersons: An Unspoken Tongue”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Robert R. Hunt 733104. “The Clothing of the Lewis and Clark Expedition”. . . . . . . . . .Robert J. Moore, Jr. 742105. “A Closer Look at the Uniform Coat of the

Lewis and Clark Expedition. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Robert J. Moore, Jr. 754106. “Tent Shreds and Pieces: Nomadic Shelter

of the Lewis and Clark Expedition”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Robert R. Hunt 761Fun and Games

107. “Fun and Games on the Lewis and Clark Expedition”. . . . . . . . . . Robert R. Hunt 773108. “Merry to the Fiddle Music: The Musical Amusement

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of the Lewis and Clark Party”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Robert R. Hunt 784109. “Men in High Spirits—Humor on the

Lewis and Clark Trail”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Joseph A Mussulman 796

V.Scientific Aspects of the Expedition

Introduction to Section V . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 806

General110. “Soundscapes. . .The Sonic Dimensions of the

Lewis and Clark Expedition”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Joseph A. Mussulman 807Plants

—General111. “The Military Naturalists: Lewis and

Clark Heritage”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Michael J. Brodhead 815112. “Well-Traveled Plants of Lewis and Clark” . . . . . . . . . . . . .Paul Russell Cutright 824—Roots113. “Lewis and Clark’s Wapato: Endangered Plant,

Fight for Survival”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ..Roy D. Craft 829—Trees114. “Meriwether Lewis and His Cedar Tree”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Bob Holcomb 836—Flowers115. “Cleome integrifolia the Third”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Paul Russell Cutright 841

Animals—Prehistoric116. “Lewis and Clark and Dinosaurs” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Robert J. Moore, Jr. 847—Mammals117. “Lewis and Clark Meet the ‘American Incognitum’”. . . . . . . . . . . .Arlen J. Large 852118. “Pronghorns as Documented by the 1804–1806

Lewis and Clark Expedition”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ken Walcheck 861119. “Lewis and Clark in Buffalo Country” . . . . . . . . . . .Raymond Darwin Burroughs 869—Birds120. “Birds of the Lewis and Clark Journals”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Virginia C. Homgren 875121. “A Summary of Birds Seen by Lewis and Clark”. . . . . . . . . . Virginia C. Homgren 885122. “A Glossary of Bird Names Cited by

Lewis and Clark.”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Virginia C. Homgren 890123. “A History of Lewis’s Woodpecker and

Clark’s Nutcracker”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Paul Russell Cutright 903

Reptiles and Amphibians124. “Herpetology on the Lewis and Clark Expedition 1804–1806”. . Keith R. Benson 916

Astronomy125. “Lewis and Clark: Part Time Astronomers”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Arlen J. Large 928

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Geography/Cartography126. “John Thomas Evans and William Clark: Two Early

Western Explorers’ Maps”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . W. Raymond Wood 933127. “The Maps of the Lewis and

Clark Expedition”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Elizabeth Langhorn and Guy Benson 942128. “Another Look at William Clark’s Map of 1805”. . . . . . . . . . . . . .Gary E. Moulton 947129. “Fort Mandan’s Dancing Longitude”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Arlen J. Large 953130. “The Three Forks of the Missouri River: The Jefferson,

Madison and Gallatin Rivers” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Robert E. Lange 960131. “The Mountain Passes”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Robert E. Lange 964

Meteorology132. “‘. . .it thundered and lightened,’ The Weather Observations

of Lewis and Clark”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Arlen J. Large 969133. “The Expedition and Inclement Weather of

November-December, 1805”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Robert E. Lange 977

Ethnography, Ethnology, Philology134. “The Names of Nations: Lewis and Clark as Ethnographers”. . .James P. Ronda 982135. “Lewis as Ethnographer: The Clatsops and Shoshones”. . . . Stephen Ambrose 993136. “Lewis as Ethnographer: The Clatsops and Chinooks”. . . . . .Stephen Ambrose 1000137. “Games Sports and Amusements of Natives Encountered

on the Lewis and Clark Expedition” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Robert R. Hunt 1006138. “Frazers’s Razor: The Ethnology of a Common Object”. . . . . . . . James P. Ronda 1014

I. Medical:139. “A Medical Mystery at Fort Clatsop”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . E. G. Chuinard 1018140. “The Blood Meal: Mosquitoes and Agues on the

Lewis and Clark Expedition”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Robert R. Hunt 1022

Index to Volume Two. . . . . . . . . .

VOLUME THREE

VI.Journals, Letters and Related Early Writings

Introduction to Section VI . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1037

141. “The ‘Writingest’ Explorers of Their Time: New Estimates of theNumber of Words in the PublishedJournal of L&C Expedition”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Robert B. Betts 1038

142. “Meriwether Lewis’s ‘Colouring of Events’” . . . . . . . . . . . .Paul Russell Cutright 1049143. “‘we commenced writing &c.’ A Salute to the Ingenious

Spelling and Grammar of William Clark.”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Robert B. Betts 1069144. “Writing in Clover: The Versatile

Vocabulary of Lewis and Clark”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Arlen J. Large 1074

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145. “Battery of Venus: Clue to the Journal-KeepingMethods of Lewis and Clark”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Thomas W. Dunlay 1078

146. “The Journal of Captain Meriwether Lewis (SomeObservations Concerning the JournalHiatuses of Captain Lewis”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Paul Russell Curtright 1083

147. “The Role of the Gass Journal”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Carol Lynn MacGregor 1090148. “The Biddle-Clark Interview”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Arlen J. Large 1098149. “The Lost Vocabularies of the

Lewis and Clark Expedition”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Robert A. Saindon 1101150. “The Journals of the Lewis and Clark

Expedition: Beginning Again”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Gary E. Moulton 1107151. “An 1894 Monograph about Sergeant Floyd’s Journal”. . . . . . . Robert E. Lange 1114152. “Elliott Coues on Lewis and Clark: A Discovery” . . . . . . . . . . . . .George Tweney 1120153. “New Documents of Meriwether Lewis” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Gary E. Moulton 1125154. “‘I wish you to see and know all’ The Recently Discovered

Letters of William Clark to Jonathan Clark”. . . . . . . . . . .James J. Holmberg 1131155. “The ‘New’ William Clark Letters” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .James J. Holmberg 1145156. “‘The Report Has Vexed Me a Little’—William Clark

Reports on an Affair of Honor”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . James J. Holmberg 1152157. “Literary Borrowings from Lewis and Clark” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Arlen J. Large 1156

VII.Immediately Following the Expedition

Introduction to Section VII . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1164

Fur Trade158. “Expansion of the Fur Trade Following

Lewis and Clark” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Charles E. Hanson, Jr. 1165

Telling the Story159. “Expedition Aftermath: The Jawbone Journals”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Arlen J. Large 1171

Persons—Meriwether Lewis160. “Meriwether Lewis Comes Home”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Donald Jackson 1181161. “Conflict! Frederick Bates and Meriwether Lewis” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Ruth Frick 1184162. “Lewis and Clark: Master Masons”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Eldon. G. Chuinard 1190163. “Rest, Rest, Perturbed Spirit (About the Death

of Meriwether Lewis)”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Paul Russell Cutright 1193164. “How Did Meriwether Lewis Die? It Was Murder.” . . . . . . . . Eldon G. Chuinard 1213•Boxed Feature: “Lewis and Clark are not Alone”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Dwight Garrison 1237165. “‘A Fatal Rendezvous’: The Mysterious

Death of Meriwether Lewis” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .John D.W. Guice 1238—William Clark166. “Fincastle-Santillane and William and Judith Clark”. . . . . . . . Eldon G. Chuinard 1253167. “Captain Clark’s Belated Bonus” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Arlen J. Large 1259—Zebulon Pike168. “Zebulon Pike: The Poor Man’s Lewis and Clark”. . . . . . . . . . . .Donald Jackson 1264

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—Alexander Von Humbolt169. “The Humbolt Connection” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Arlen J. Large 1271

Events170. “St. Louis Welcomes and Toasts the Lewis and Clark Expedition:

A Newly Discovered Newspaper Account” . . . . . . . . . . . . . James P. Ronda 1279

VIII.Lewis and Clark Trail Sites

Introduction to Section VIII. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1282

Archaeological Work171. “Searching for the Invisible: Some Efforts to Find

Expedition Campsites”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Kenneth Karsmizki 1283•Editorial: “Folklore versus Archaeological fact”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1305172. “Nez Perce Claim to have Lewis and Clark Arifacts” . . . . . . . Robert A. Saindon 1306

Old Trail Revisited173. “Colonel Gibbon Tracks Lewis and Clark”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Arlen J. Large 1310174. “Old Map Helps Pinpoint Location of Original Fort Clatsop”. . .Marty Erickson 1316175. “The Rediscovery of Clark’s Point of View”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Glen Kirkpatrick 1319176. “We Encamped by Some Beautifull Springs—An Interpretation of

Captain Clark’s Campsite of July 7, 1806”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . .Anna Loge 1325

IX.Commemorations, Interpretations, and Depositories

Introduction to Section IX . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1335

Events177. “We Met Them at the Fair: Lewis and Clark Commemorated at the 1904

Louisiana Purchase Exposition”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ann Rogers 1336Geography

178. “Montana’s Mystery Mountains” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Arlen J. Large 1346

Reflections and Interpretations179. “The ‘Core’ of Discovery” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .James P. Ronda 1353180. “Voyage of Discovery: Lewis and Clark Expedition,

Lewis and Clark College. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .James A. Gardner 1360181. “Meriwether Lewis and William Clark and the

Discovery of Montana”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Harry W. Fritz 1370182. “The Clark/Sacagawea Affair: A Literary Evolution”. . . . . . . . . . . Arlen J. Large 1378183. “The Corps of Discovery: A Roaring good Story”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . Dan Murphy 1384184. “The Chimneys of Fort Mandan. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Dayton Duncan 1388185. “What the Lewis and Clark Means to America”. . . . . . . . . . . . . .Dayton Duncan

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1397186. “Meriwether Lewis’s Curious Adventure”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Dayton Duncan1407187. “. . .one smal trout” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Wilbur P. Werner 1414

Depositories of Lewis and Clark Materials188. “Lewis and Clark in New England: Memorabilia at the Peabody

Museum, Boston Atheneum, and Bienecke Library”. . . . . . . . .Walter Marx 1418189. “New Treasures in Old Depositories (Philadelphia)” . . . . . . . . . . . .Frank Muhly 1424190. “Lewis and Clark and the Filson Club”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . William P. Sherman 1430

X.Some Prominent Lewis and Clark Scholars

Introduction to Section X. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1432

Nicholas Biddle191. “History’s Two Nicholas Biddles”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Arlen J. Large 1433

Olin Wheeler192. “Lewis and Clark Historian: Olin D. Wheeler”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Robert E. Lange 1443

Elijah Harry Criswell193. “Dr. Elijah Harry Criswell (1888-1967)”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Paul Russell Cutright 1446

Bernard DeVoto194. “Bernard DeVoto and His ‘Struggle of Empires’” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Arlen J. Large 1449

Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .1458 Index to Volume Three

Contents

xviii

Illustrations

Volume I

1. William Clark’s 1810 map as it was engraved for reproductionto accompany the 1814 official narrative ofthe Lewis and Clark Expedition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .pocket inside back cover of vol. I

2. Portraits of Meriwether Lewis and William Clark by Charles Willson Peale . . . . frontispiece3. A detail of Captain George Vancouver’s Map of the Pacific

Northwest (published in 1798) showing the mouth of theColumbia River and adjacent mountains. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2

4. Sir Alexander Mackenzie’s Map of western Canada published in 1801. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105. Sir Alexander Mackenzie’s 1793 Route to the Pacific. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .276. Map of the voyage of Laperouse. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 517. Portion of David Thompson’s map showing the “Road to the

British Establishments” from the Mandan/Hidatsa trade center. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 618. Facsimile pages from Executive Journal showing vote on appropriation

for L&C Expedition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 929. Code for secret messages between Meriwether Lewis and President Jefferson . . . . . . . 9910. Silhouette of Meriwether Lewis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10511. Pencil sketch of Locust Hill, childhood home of Meriwether Lewis. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10512. Key to the coded rating of Army officers used by Meriwether Lewis. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11613. Facsimile of clipping from National Intelligencer listing Lewis

on Board of Agriculture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12014. 1803 view of the U.S. Capitol building . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12315. Location map of Harpers Ferry in 1803. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12716. The Point and Large Arsenal at Harpers Ferry c. 1803 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12817. U.S. Geological Survey map showing Clark property in Virginia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14818. Map showing Ben Tompkin’s estate, adjacent to the Clark grant of 1730. . . . . . . . . . . . 14919. Virginia Historical marker for William Clark’s birthplace. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15120. Map showing John and Anna Rogers Clark’s property in Spotsylvania County. . . . . 15221. Facsimile of President Jefferson’s letter of credit given to Meriwether Lewis . . . . . . . 16822. Clark’s map of the Grand Tower area of the Mississippi River . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17323. Wood River Camp by Artist Ruth Means. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20224. Map showing original (1808) Wood River Township Survey. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20525. Comparison Map showing Wood River area in 1804 and 1970. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20626. Artist George Catlin’s 1832 drawing of Floyd’s Bluff . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24927. Photo showing vicinity of Sergeant Floyd’s grave. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26128. Photo of workmen “pointing up” the apex of Sergeant Floyd’s monument . . . . . . . . . 26529. Photo of people in attendance at the 1901 unveiling of Sergeant Floyd’s monument. . 26630. Ambrotype of Patrick Gass. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27231. A reproduction of a small photo of Patrick Gass. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27232. A photo of a portrait of Patrick Gass. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27233. Photo of Robert Gass holding a photo or Patrick Gass. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27334. Photo of a large tinted photo of Patrick Gass when he was in his nineties. . . . . . . . . . . 27535. A portrait painting made in Patrick Gass’s later years. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27636. Portrait of Patrick Gass taken from a daguerreotype when he was nearly ninety-nine. . 277

xix

Illustrations

37. Photo of Patrick Gass’s folding lorgnette . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27838. Photo of Annie Jane Gass Smith daughter of Patrick Gass. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .27839. Inscription on the face of William Bratton monument . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29140. Detail of Clark’s 1809–1810 map showing John Colter’s post-Expedition journey. . . .29941. Township map from 1878 Atlas of Franklin Co., MO. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30842. 1984 map showing survey No. 975, Franklin Co., MO. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30943. Karl Bodmer’s painting with the possible likeness of Toussaint Charbonneau. . . . . . .35244. Clark’s map showing overland trail from Mandan/Hidatsa

villages to the Yellowstone River . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .387

Volume II

45. Eulachon drawn by William Clark. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . frontispiece46. Heads of Clatsop Indians drawn by William Clark . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . x47. Ancient mummy of a elfin-like creature found in the Pryor Mountains of Wyoming. .48048. Map showing Mandan and Hidatsa village sites . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48249. Modern map showing locations of Hidatsa villages on Knife River . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48550. Sitting Rabbits drawing of the Hidatsa village where Sacagawea

and Charbonneau resided . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48651. Aerial view of Sakakawea Village Site. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .48752. Facsimile of quadruped drawn by Clark on his map for May 29, 1805. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50553. Detail of U.S. Geological Survey map showing the mouth of Arrow Creek . . . . . . . . . .50654. Detail of Clark’s 1805 map showing mouth of Arrow Creek. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50755. Modern map showing Lewis and Clark’s Great Falls Portage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .51256. Map showing western end of Lewis and Clark Trail. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53457. Clark’s drawing of a U.S. flagon the keelboat . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .55458. Illustration showing an example of a spontoon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56859. American spontoon blade (circa. 1750–1760) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .56960. “Espontoon” blade drawn by Lewis at Fort Mandan. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57061. American spontoon blade (circa. 1770–1780) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .57062. Spontoon axe of the type Lewis described at Fort Mandan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .57063. Detail of a photo of the statue “Explorers at the Portage”

showing Lewis with his “espontoon”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57164. Drawing of sextant with description of its parts. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57765. Equatorial Theodolite . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57866. Clark’s drawing of the side view of Lewis’s keelboat. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .62867. Clark’s top-view drawing of White Pirogue indicating its eight-ton capacity. . . . . . . . 63068. Three views of the White Pirogue—conjectural drawing by Robert Saindon. . . . . . . . .63069. Top view of Lewis’s keelboat as drawn by Captain Clark. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .63570. “Stave Winder” for wrapping fishing line. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67271. “Stave reel” drawn by Chris Partington perhaps like Lewis used when fishing. . . . . . 67272. Moccasins belonging to Meriwether Lewis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73973. Illustration of Private, First Infantry uniform about 1803. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76074. Illustration of what Sergeant John Ordway’s uniform would have looked like. . . . . . . 76075. Illustration of a “tent of cover” used by troops on the march. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77176. Dance Music for Cruzatte’s fiddle. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .794

xx

77. Reproduction of a drawing of the ragged robin. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82878. Digging stick used by the natives for digging roots. . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83479. Map showing location and number of buffalo killed by the L&C Expedition. . . . . . . . 87480. Head of a gull, drawn by Captain Clark. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88181. Head of brant, drawn by Captain Clark. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88182. Head of Vulture (Condor) drawn by Captain Clark. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .88283. Cock of the Plains, drawn by Captain Clark. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88384. Lewis’s Woodpecker and Clark’s Nutcracker. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 90585. Mountain quail drawing by C.W. Peale. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91586. Western tanager drawing by C.W. Peale. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91587. Lewis woodpecker drawing by C.W. Peale . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91588. John Evans’s 1796–1797 map showing Mandan and Hidatsa villages. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94189. Page from the British Nautical Almanac and Astronomical Ephemeris. . . . . . . . . . . .95690. Segment Reproduced from Lewis’s Weather Diary for December 1804. . . . . . . . . . . . . 97491. Engraving of Lewis wearing a tippet given to him by Cameahwait. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99692. Four-stick game of Klamath Indians. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101293. Netted hoop for the hoop and arrow game. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1013

Volume III

94. White Salmon Trout drawing by William Clark. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . frontispiece95. First page of Joseph Whitehouse’s journal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . x96. Front and reverse of Lewis’s herbarium label for the honeysuckle. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 112797. Promissory note of Meriwether Lewis written Sept. 27, 1809. . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . .112898. Facsimile of Julia Hancock’s signature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125599. Facsimile of George Hancock’s certificate of assent for his

daughter to marry William Clark. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1255100. Marriage certificate of William Clark and Julia Hancock. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1256101. Caywood’s exploratory Excavation of Fort Clatsop . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1287102. Lewis and Clark’s map of Wood River vicinity. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .1293103. Possible 1804–1805 Fort Mandan with Missouri River channel 1881 and 1981. . . . . .1296104. Clark’s map of the area about the Great Falls of the Missouri. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .1305105. Nez Perce hat and Lewis and Clark adz. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .1307106. Lewis and Clark axe head . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1308107. Nez Perce elk horn wedge scarred by Lewis and Clark party . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1308108. Lewis’s saddle found by the Nez Perce. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1308109. Lewis and Clark powder measurer given to Nez Perce. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .1309110. 1851 map of U.S. Coast Survey showing Fort Clatsop as “log hut”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1318111. Auction catalog cover and page five describing Lewis’s airgun. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .1427

xxiii

Editorial Procedures

How should one proceed in presenting scholarly research to both the scholarand the common reader? The Lewis and Clark Trail Heritage Foundation, althoughacademically sound, is not a professional association. It is made up of people fromall walks of life who are (as the great Lewis and Clark historian Elliott Coues describedhimself) Lewis and Clark enthusiasts. And so, the articles found in We ProceededOn, the Foundation’s quarterly, although scholarly researched by professionals andstudents alike, were written with the common Lewis and Clark enthusiast in mine. Itwas, therefore the role of the editor of the present work to maintain some sort ofeditorial balance in presenting the articles to the general public. It was a conundrumof sorts in attempting to fix on a style that would please the scholars, the enthusiasts,and the general public.

My charge with this project was somewhat simple: present to the reader thefeature articles of the past twenty-five volumes of We Proceeded On. Presentfacts without embellishment, prose without flair—write for the people not the Pulitzer.

As it is the writer’s role to be faithful to his subject matter, it is the editor’s roleto be faithful in presenting the writer’s material to readers. In attempting to befaithful to my readers, I have at times been rather critical of the writer’s presentationof certain information. When I found it difficult to understand I attempted to clarifyit; when I found it incorrect I tried to correct it; when I thought another opinionshould be expressed, I expressed it; when I found a statement that didn’t makesense to me, I noted it; and when I found statements illogical to me, I pointed themout. I respect all of the authors whose work appears on the pages that follow, and Ido not pretend that in being critical of certain aspects of their work that I have anysuperior knowledge of their subject matter. As editor I have felt an obligation toassist my readers through the material presented. In the final analysis, it will be myremarks that are subject to critical review.

The Latin abbreviations and phrases so common in academic referencing andfootnoting is antique to the common reader and therefore were, for the most part,eliminated. Likewise, other abbreviations and symbols common in certain literarycircles have been kept to a minimum.

To facilitate the reading of the articles, the sources and notes were placed atthe bottoms of the pages to which they refer, rather than at the end of each article,section, or at the end of the work itself.

In an anthology of articles as closely related in subject matter as the onespresented here, it is understandable that certain sources will be repeated many

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times. Because of that, it was decided that references would be tied to the bibliographyso that title, publisher, city, and date would not have to be repeated every time it wasused by the various authors. Thus, only the author and page numbers were placed atthe bottom of the page along with the supplementary notes. If multiple sources areattributed to one author, they are identified by a numeral in parenthesis. For example,a footnote appearing as “Jackson, Donald (3), p. 36” would refer to the third workof Donald Jackson found in the bibliography, thus, Thomas Jefferson and the StonyMountains, page 36.

Books, magazine articles, newspaper articles, manuscripts, maps, etc. are notseparated into categories in the bibliography. Sources (whether book, magazine article,etc.) were simply listed under the appropriate author’s names in the order theyarose in the editing process.

I have tried to edit all articles so that they conform with regard to the spellingsof the names of persons, places, and things, however, I have usually left the variationsof those spellings when found within quotation marks. The following spellings of thenames of Indian tribes were used—while at the same time being aware of otheracceptable spellings: Blackfeet (rather than Blackfoot), Assiniboine (rather thanAssiniboin), Shoshone (rather than Shoshoni), Minnetari (rather than Minnetaree). Ihave also clarified where necessary the difference between the Minnetari of theMissouri River (Hidatsa, Big Bellies, Gros Ventre), the and Minnetari of the Prairie(Atsina, Big Bellies, Gros Ventre de Prairie).

The name of the Expedition’s 1803–1804 winter camp on the Illinois side ofthe Mississippi at the mouth of the Missouri River takes on several variations. As amatter of clarity I have attempted to edit all references to it as Wood River Camp(rather than Camp Wood, Camp Wood River, Camp Dubois, Dubois Camp, etc.).

By his own hand we now know that it’s Private Robert Frazer (rather thatFrazier). Drouillard (rather than Drewyer)—for the civilian interpreter hired at thebeginning of the Expedition. Sacagawea is used rather than Sacajawea, as that’s theclosest approximation of her name as most commonly spelled by Lewis and Clark.

There has been new research, insights, and discoveries since some of thearticles were written. In many cases I have brought information within the articlesup to date using editor’s notes placed at the bottom of the page among the referencesand notes of the author. Occasionally I have stated my opinion in the “editor’s notes.”Hopefully they can be distinguished from evidentiary information.

When stumped for a plausible way to handle a certain editorial procedure Ireferred to the Chicago Manual of Style, thirteenth edition.

The articles presented here were not written as so many pieces of a jigsawpuzzle that would one day be put together by some knowing editor. They were,instead, independent essays, each written with the intention of standing by itself.Therefore it may be a bit deceiving for the reader to see them in categories as Ihave placed them for this work. The uninformed might expect that they would flowtogether better. But in understanding their origin one also begins to understand therepetition of the inter-essay information. For example one is informed in many of the

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essays that Meriwether Lewis had been the secretary to President Jefferson—yetno article herein deals exclusively with that issue. It is, therefore, understandablethat so many independent articles dealing with various aspects of the Lewis andClark Expedition, written over a period of twenty-five years would repeatinformation. At the onset of this editorial project it was hoped that I would stumbleonto a way of eliminating some of the repetition, but every attempt jeopardized theintegrity of the article from which I tried to lighten the burden. But these are essaysand not chapters in a novel. They hang together in that they are explorations intothe world of Lewis and Clark. They deal with aspects of the Lewis and ClarkExpedition, but remain independent essays.

Due to the intent of the essayists, it also follows that certain information withinan essay does not necessarily follow the chronological order in which I have chosento categorize it.

Each article presented in this work has been painstakingly researched. Thewhole, therefore, constitutes a wealth of information for future researchers of theLewis and Clark enterprise. But it has been my effort to go beyond presenting ananthology of scholarly articles that would otherwise be found only in the referencerooms of university libraries. This is scholarship presented for the scholar andcommon reader alike. Here, nearly 200 articles on various aspects of the Lewis andClark Expedition, written over a twenty-five-year period of time, have beencategorized into ten meaningful sections with some attention to chronological order.Thus, I have attempted to prepare for both the common reader and the scholar atrustworthy, well-referenced, easy-reader on the epic journey of Lewis and Clark.

Compiling such an impressive anthology of articles written by over sixtycompetent writers whose work had already been handled by at least three editorsusing various editing styles has made the present literary endeavor a challenge. Ithas been my job to decide on a standard spelling for the many words that have morethan one acceptable spelling; to be consistent in the use of one name for thosepersons, places, and things that have more than one acceptable name; to devise atable of contents that breaks the subject matter down to facilitate the use of thematerial; to present a comprehensive bibliography; and to determine a method ofreferencing and footnoting that would be functional without being overly cumbersome;and to include a comprehensive index.

It is my hope that in presenting to the reader the feature articles of WeProceeded On in the present format that I have not dragged the work of others intothat black abyss where no scholar, nor student, nor common reader abide.

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Preface/Acknowledgments

The Lewis and Clark Trail Heritage Foundation, Inc., was established in 1969as a successor of the Lewis and Clark Trail Commission which had been establishedby an act of Congress dated October 6, 1964. By encouraging dialogue and promotingcooperation and long-range planning, the Commission achieved a new sense ofpurpose and unity among the states traversed by the exploring party. The Commissionexpired in 1969, and in its final report to the president and Congress its membersindicated that an assignment of the nature given to them is never completed. It was,therefore, out of the Commission’s recommendations that the Foundation came tobe. The Governor of Missouri suggested to the Governors of the eleven Trail Statesthat each appoint a State Lewis and Clark Trail organization to coordinate Lewisand Clark activities in each Trail State. Thus, in the beginning the Lewis and ClarkTrail Heritage Foundation was, in essence, a federation of the eleven Trail Statesorganizations. It was incorporated under the “Not for Profit Corporation Act” of theState of Missouri. Although the Foundation embraces many state Lewis and Clarkorganizations and has many chapters across the country it is not considered afederation of state entities as it had been at inception.

The Foundation was given “seed monies” from the Lorene Sales HigginsCharitable Trust of Portland, Oregon, for the purpose of establishing a publication,and for several years continued contributions which enabled the Foundation’s quarterly,We Proceeded On, to take root.

The magazine was established in 1974 under the able editorship of the lateRobert E. Lange who, by his own description, was a Lewis and Clark purist. He setthe standard for the scholarship of We Proceeded On and other special publications.For over twelve years he continued as editor, and the magazine earned a reputationfor excellence in the field of Lewis and Clark study.

In 1976, the Foundation set up an endowment for its publication through thesale of a limited edition bronze created by world famous sculptor Bob Scriver. Acompanion bronze was created by Scriver in 1986 for the same purpose. The incomefrom these sales, as well as further contributions to the We Proceeded OnEndowment over the years have allowed the Foundation to enhance the presentationof its scholarly Lewis and Clark writings.

The Foundation is not a professional organization, nevertheless it is repletewith professionals from many fields. They, as well as the non-professionals, whotogether make up the membership are all “Lewis and Clark enthusiasts.” Amongthe members are trained historians, doctors, lawyers, scientists, professors, and lay

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people. From these people have come the articles found on the pages of WeProceeded On. Each contribution is an exploration down an avenue in the world ofLewis and Clark. And his or her research gives us new light on an aspect of theLewis and Clark Expedition. It is within these essays that we begin to fully understandwhat is presented on the pages of the Expedition journals.

The essays give depth to the journals, reveal what the journals fail to say,identify what the journals fail to identify, clarify where the journals are ambiguous,give flesh to the names, give proper recognition where recognition is due, identifythe accomplishments, and above all enlighten the reader on the pre-eminence of theLewis and Clark Expedition in the history of exploration.

Over a period of several years former Foundation president Don Nell ofBozeman, Montana, worked diligently to get the feature articles of We ProceededOn, properly released from the many authors, sorted, compiled, edited, and formattedfor re-publication, and to find an editor to meet the challenge. He is truly the forcebehind getting this publication to press, and his contributions cannot go unrecognized.Former Foundation president John Montague of Portland, Oregon, spent long hoursworking on the project especially scanning pages from the magazine in preparationfor the editing. Former Foundation president David Borlaug, of Washburn, NorthDakota, was of great help to me on many occasions, and Foundation PublicationsCommittee chairman Jim Holmberg of Louisville, Kentucky, was always there tooffer me encouragement and support. Of greatest assistance on the project was thetedious task of my capable friend Robert K. Doerk of Fort Benton, Montana, whoso generously and cheerfully performed the onerous task of proofreading all threevolumes. In addition to his proofreading, Bob made corrections and suggestions thathave contributed significantly to the importance of this literary undertaking.

Obviously, a project of this size requires the assistance of many more thanthose just mentioned. It is doubtful that an attempt to identify them all would besuccessful. Therefore let me simply thank the authors who have so generouslycontributed their writings and allowed them to be republished here. An attempt wasmade to get updated information for the biographical sketches that accompany thearticles, but many remain as they were at the time the articles were first published.To those whose biographies were not updated, I apologize.

R.A.S.Fort Peck Indian Reservation

February 2000

Preface/Acknowledgment

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General Introduction*

It is commonly understood that it was the genius of Thomas Jefferson thatwas behind the famous Lewis and Clark Expedition—“the author of our

enterprize,” as Captain Clark put it. His mark illuminates figuratively on theExpedition’s journal pages no less boldly than John Hancock’s mark illuminatesliterally on the Declaration of Independence. To view the Lewis and Clark Expeditionwithout seeing the great Mr. Jefferson at the center of the scene would distort thetrue historic picture.

The Expedition was not merely a product of the Age of Enlightenment (“TheAge of Reason,” as Thomas Paine chose to describe it). Exploration of its kind, atleast in part, had been going on for centuries. From its inception it was to be adiplomatic, geopolitical, commercial, and scientific endeavor. In combination withthe commercial aspect—the furs, agricultural prospects, and the minerals of theterritory—there was to be a quest for the legendary northwest passage that wouldtheoretically connect the entire North American continent with the riches of theOrient which had been coveted by Europeans since the time of Marco Polo, overfive hundred years earlier.

The dream of a trans-Mississippi West exploration was not a spur-of-the-moment or even, as most say, a twenty-year-long ambition of Thomas Jefferson. Itwas a lifelong ambition—dating back to his childhood. His father, Peter Jefferson,and Reverend James Maury (who was to become Thomas’s school master) planneda Missouri River expedition when Thomas was yet an infant. Furthermore, Dr.Thomas Walker, the man who was later to become the young Jefferson’s financialguardian, had been the man selected to lead that ill-fated expedition. One can onlysurmise that by osmosis the concept of a Missouri River expedition had permeated

*Note: An introduction to such a detailed and scholarly set of wide-ranging essays must out ofconsideration to space be sketchy and general. What I have attempted to do is to give a briefbackground of events, especially the explorations and political considerations that I believe influencedto some degree Jefferson’s thoughts in designing the Lewis and Clark Expedition. I by no meanspretend that what I have included in this introduction even closely embraces all the influences. Thereare many other explorations and many other political considerations that could have been identified.

—R.A.S.

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Introduction

the genes, the brain, and the very soul of Thomas Jefferson several decades beforehe ever became president of the United States. But it was the presidency and all itsramifications that had more to do with scratching Jefferson’s itch to learn what wasbeyond the Mississippi than any of the other events that had taken place over thefifty years in which he had been fascinated by the possibility of exploring the West.Over those many years the dream of a northwest passage to the Pacific remainedcentered on the viability of the Missouri River.

DISCOVERY OF THE MISSOURI RIVER

One hundred twenty-nine years before the birth of Thomas Jefferson, CountLouis de Frontenac, governor of New France sent out an expedition of seven menunder the leadership of Louis Jolliet and Father Jacques Marquette to explore theMississippi River, and to determine if that river flowed into the Pacific Ocean. Itwas on this expedition (1672) that the mouth of the Missouri River was discoveredby white men. However, to the dismay of all, it was found that not only did theMississippi simply flow into the Gulf of Mexico, it also flowed into Spanish territory.(Hernando DeSoto claimed the land and discovered the Mississippi River in 1541 inhis ruthless yet fruitless search for gold, journeying across the lands between thepresent states of Florida and Oklahoma.) It was nearly fifty years after Jolliet andMarquette descended the Mississippi (1720) and discovered the Missouri River thatFather Pierre Charlevoix came upon the idea that the Missouri might eventuallyserve as the conduit to a northwest passage to the Pacific.

About this same time the English were also developing ideas on a water routeto the fabled northwest passage. As early as 1727 Daniel Coxe theorized that theMissouri provided a transportation route that would require only a short portage tothe waters of the Pacific.

The French continued their efforts to find the passage, and in 1738 the bravePierre Gaultier de Varennes de la Verendrye and his sons, crossed into westernCanada and beyond Lake Winnipeg, and eventually southward, to be the first whitemen to reach the upper waters of the Missouri. However, when the youngerVerendryes later continued beyond the Mandans they did not follow the MissouriRiver in their quest for the fabled northwest passage, instead they crossed that rivernear the Mandan villages in present central North Dakota and headed west, but tono avail.

As the Verendrye were coming across North America from the east on behalfof New France, Russian ships were beginning to cross the Bering Strait and comingdown the Northwest coast.

DISCOVERY OF THE PACIFIC OCEAN

But the story of a passage across America to the Pacific goes back muchfurther. As early as 1513 the Spanish explorer Vasco Nunez de Balboa had made atrek across the isthmus of Panama and had ambitiously taken possession of thePacific Ocean in the name of the Spanish Monarch. From that time the Spanish had

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Introduction

moved north along the western coast of the North American Continent, had exploredinland, and had conversed with many Indian tribes.

In 1576 Sir Martin Frobisher traveled the Canadian Arctic in search of anorthwest passage. Thirty-four years later Henry Hudson attempted to discover anorthwest passage but found only the Hudson River.

THE EARLY YEARS OF THOMAS JEFFERSON

It was at the time the Verendryes were searching for the Northwest Passagethat Thomas Jefferson was born (1743) in the English colony of Virginia at Shadwell.His father, Peter, was a surveyor who had moved from the coastal settlementstoward the frontier. Thomas started school when he was five, and entered boardingschool at the age of nine.

It was during these early years of Thomas’s life that his father was planning anexploration of the Missouri River in an attempt to find the northwest passage. WhenThomas was fourteen his father died. At that time Dr. Thomas Walker, a closefriend of Peter Jefferson, and the man who was to lead the proposed expedition upthe Missouri, became the financial guardian of the Jefferson children. At this timeThomas was sent to classical school with Reverend James Maury as his master. Itwas Reverend Maury and Peter Jefferson who had been the masterminds of theMissouri River expedition. One can only imagine that the subject of the MissouriRiver expedition came up in class more than once during Thomas Jefferson’s threeyears of tutelage from Reverend Maury.

Jefferson entered college in 1761, and even though he was a revolutionist asearly as his college years, he continued to be influenced by English thought withregard to the developing concept of a northwest passage. In 1727, as noted above,it had been theorized that in less than half a day a party could cross a “ridge of hills”between the Missouri and navigable waters leading to the Pacific. During his visit tothe present Wisconsin/Minnesota area forty years later, Jonathan Carver renewed thatold British idea that the Missouri River provided the practical route to the Pacific.

FRANCE SECRETLY CEDES LOUISIANA TO SPAIN

To help set the geopolitical stage for the Lewis and Clark Expedition it shouldbe interjected at this point that prior to 1762 France had claimed Louisiana, thewestern watershed of the Mississippi River which included the entire Missouri Riversystem. But with the upcoming (1763) Peace of Paris which would end the SevenYears War (during which France had lost an empire) there was a fear that GreatBritain would claim Louisiana. Therefore, in 1762 France secretly ceded Louisianato Spain. Great Britain received the whole of Canada and various islands of theWest Indies.

At the time Jefferson was elected to the Virginia legislature (1769) the Spanish,on the west coast, were beginning to build missions and military presidios beginningat San Diego. Spanish ships were being sent north to assess the Russian attempts togain footholds along the western coast of North America.

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By 1772 the British slightly revised their theory about the northwest passageand now hypothesized that there was a twenty-mile portage from navigable watersof the Missouri to navigable waters of the Oregon River (a legendary river yetundiscovered that was thought to be the western waterway of the northwest passageto the Pacific.)

Jefferson’s writings just prior to the Lewis and Clark Expedition indicate thathe had adopted the earlier British hypothesis that the portage over “a ridge of hills”to the “Oregon River” would be less than half a day. This fallacious concept ofwestern geography, which dated from 1727, was perhaps the speculation upon whichPeter Jefferson and Reverend James Maury had based their planned Missouri Riverexpedition, and therefore the one Thomas Jefferson had harbored over the years

Jefferson was a collector of maps as well as any other new informationdiscovered by expeditions in the West. The Oregon River was not being found, eventhough the Spanish had explored the present Oregon coast since as early as 1543.From that date many sea captains probed the coast looking for the legendary riverthat would provide a water passage across the continent.

A Spaniard named Captain Bruno Hezeta did sight the estuary of the Columbiain 1775, but was discouraged by the sandbar that sealed the mouth of the river.Thirteen years later Captain John Meares, a British merchant investigated Hezeta’sclaim and declared that no such river existed. In two hundred forty years of searchingthe Pacific coast of North America an estuary had been seen, but the practicable“Oregon River” had not been found. Under those circumstances it would probablynot have been prudent for a wise man of the late 1770s to continue developing ideasabout an Oregon River/northwest passage.

THE DYNAMIC LIFE OF THOMAS JEFFERSON

The American Philosophical Society, with worldwide membership of the mostingenious and curious men of the day, had been formed in Philadelphia in 1746—three years after Jefferson was born. By 1781 the brilliant and already famousJefferson was serving as counsellor of that learned institution.

Jefferson lived a very active political life. He was elected to the VirginiaLegislature in 1769, where he served until the Revolution; he was a member of the1774 and 1775 Virginia Conventions; he was a delegate to the Continental Congressin both 1775 and 1776, during which he wrote the Declaration of Independence; hereentered the Virginian House of Delegates in 1776; and was elected governor ofVirginia in 1779.

Three points should be noted here with regard to Jefferson’s election as governorof Virginia. 1.) The Revolutionary War was still going on; 2.) Virginia extended tothe Mississippi River; and 3.) The hero of the War in western Virginia was GeorgeRogers Clark.

It is also important to understand that at the time Jefferson was elected governorof Virginia there was already a good deal of activity going on in western Canada bythe British fur companies, and at that same time they were coming down into the

Introduction

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Spanish-owned Louisiana Territory and frequenting the Mandan/Hidatsa trade centeron the Upper Missouri River, 1609 river miles above St. Louis. At that early date, aFrench free-trader by the name of Menard (a former North West Company employee)was already living at an Hidatsa village. The North American Continent wasfiguratively shrinking.

GEORGE ROGERS CLARK AND A PLAN TO EXPLORE THE TRANS-MISSISSIPPI WEST

Jefferson briefly retired from public life in 1781, but was soon back again as amember of the Continental Congress, and was still Counsellor of the AmericanPhilosophical Society. It was while a member of these two august bodies thatJefferson penned a letter to George Rogers Clark with a plan to explore the trans-Mississippi West. But the plan did not specifically address the universal and perennialdesire to find a northwest passage to the Pacific. The existence of that enigmaticroute had probably become doubtful by this time. Instead, Jefferson was motivatedby a more immediate revelation. He wrote: “I find they [the British] have subscribeda very large sum of money in England for exploring the country from the Mississippito California. . .Some of us have been talking here in a feeble way of making theattempt to search that country. . .How would you like to lead such a party?”

This proposal was presented in the light of political considerations: the politicsof Virginia ceding her western lands to the confederation, the acquisition of the(Old) Northwest Territory, and Jefferson’s report On Government for the WesternTerritory. By the Paris Treaty of 1783, the British had given up their claim to landsdirectly east of the Mississippi, and were now looking to explore the trans-MississippiWest. Jefferson surmised that their intent was to establish settlements there. Congresswas concerned about the republic’s interests all the way to the Mississippi River, butsome were even looking beyond that western boundary. Those who were talkingwith Jefferson in a “feeble way” about matters beyond the Mississippi were nodoubt fellow congressmen—more so than members of the American PhilosophicalSociety—at least George Rogers Clark understood that those speaking with Jeffersonabout the trans-Mississippi West were congressmen.

From Jefferson’s request, and Clark’s response, it would seem that, unlike thegenerous British subscription, there were no funds anticipated for any such Americanexploration. Clark had naively spent his own fortune in Revolutionary War battlesfor Virginia and the colonies. And perhaps it was because there was no offer forcompensation that he wrote: “Your proposition respecting a tour to the west andNorthwest of the Continent would be Extreamly agreeable to me could I afford itbut I have lately discovered that I knew nothing of the lucrative policy of the World[,]supposing my duty required every attention and sacrifice to the Publick Interest.”

In declining the offer, Clark went on to explain that a party of only three of fourmen should be used for such an enterprise so as not to alarm the Indians. He alsobelieved that it could be done with a trifling expense, but that the explorers shouldbe amply rewarded upon the successful completion of their venture.

Introduction

xxxiii

MONITORING THE LAPEROUSE EXPEDITION

With the Clark expedition plan aborted, Jefferson sailed to Europe the followingyear where he with John Adams and Benjamin Franklin were to make treaties ofcommerce. In 1785 he was made minister to France. A position he held for fouryears. During his first year as minister, Jefferson became aware of and even spiedupon the activities of the French navigator Jean Laperouse who was setting outfrom Brest to explore the Pacific Basin. It was conjectured from information gatheredby Jefferson’s spy (John Paul Jones) that Laperouse would be establishing tradingposts if not settlements along the northwest coast of North America. In fact, but notknown to Jefferson, the king desired that “. . .when Laperouse should reach theNorthwest Coast of America, he was . . .to study the possibilities for trade, especiallythe chance to export furs to China and. . .‘what convenience may be found for makinga settlement on the Coast.’” Jefferson continued to monitor the progress of Laperouse.

JOHN LEDYARD AND A PLAN TO CROSS NORTH AMERICA WEST TO EAST

It was also during the time Jefferson served as minister to France that he metwith John Ledyard of Connecticut, a man who had accompanied the famous EnglishCaptain James Cook in his explorative voyage of the Northwest Coast of America(1776-1780) in search of the fabled sea passage across North America or elsearound America to the north. Ledyard had plans to start a fur trade business on thenorthwest coast of America, and that was the purpose of his visit to Paris. His furtrade plan failed in Paris, but his meeting with Jefferson had promise. The twodiscussed the possibility of Ledyard walking across Russia, with a couple dogs anda peace pipe, catch a Russian vessel to Nootka Sound, trace down the Northwestcoast to the latitude of the Missouri River, go inland to that river, and make diplomaticadvances with the native tribes encountered. It was believed that Jefferson hadsought and received permission from the Russians for the safe passage of Ledyardacross their country.

Jefferson later seems to have taken credit for the idea for Ledyard’s failedattempt to cross Russia and North America, but in reality he can take credit for onlycertain aspects of the plan since Ledyard had the idea in his mind a couple yearsbefore he met with Jefferson in Paris.

Knowing that Jefferson was trying to monitor the expedition of Laperouse,Ledyard wrote to Jefferson from St. Petersbourg, Russia, informing Jefferson thathe had received word that Laperouse had reached the eastern Siberian peninsula ofKamachatka.

The Laperouse expedition, however, ended with no French establishment inNorth America, nor did it result in any fur trade on the Northwest Coast. In fact theLaperouse expedition mysteriously ended off the coast of Australia withoutaccomplishing many of it’s stated objectives.

Ledyard’s expedition was even less profitable. Before he could finish his journeyto Kamachatka, the Empress (who, it seems, had not granted permission) had Ledyardarrested, imprisoned in a carriage and deported nonstop to Poland.

Introduction

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Thomas Jefferson stayed in France as minister to that country until the fall of1789, when he returned to the United States. He was appointed by PresidentWashington as the country’s first Secretary of State. His duty to keep track offoreign politics and especially geopolitics, must have heightened his concern forUnited States interests west of the Appalachians. Foreign countries continued toprobe the western half of the continent. The farmers west of the Appalachiansdepended on the Mississippi River and the port at New Orleans to market theirgoods. The western lands of the United States were vulnerable to foreign takeover.And the world as a whole actively continued its interest in finding a northwest waterroute across the continent.

As mentioned above, Captain Cook and his men did not find a sea passagethrough North America nor a northwest passage around North America on their1776-1780 expedition. It also appears that the British sponsored no expedition fromthe Mississippi to California as they had proposed in 1783. Instead they turned theirefforts to finding a passage across their own land—above the 49th parallel. In 1789Alexander Mackenzie of the North West Company followed the present-dayMackenzie River to the Arctic Ocean. About that same time the British sent out aCaptain James Knight to find a northwest passage through Hudson’s Bay. Thatexpedition and the fate of its forty-member party ended mysteriously.

SECRETARY OF WAR KNOX PLANS TRANS-MISSISSIPPI EXPEDITION

In 1789-1790 a little known, secret Missouri River expedition was being plannedright under Jefferson’s nose by another member of Washington’s Cabinet—Secretaryof War Henry Knox. There seems to be no evidence that Jefferson was apprised ofthis plan, even though it would seem strange that as Secretary of State he would notbe. On the part of the Secretary of War, it was an ill-planned, non-financed, “let-George-do-it” idea to explore the Missouri River to its source and all its southerntributaries, measuring the distances between rivers, and identifying navigable waterroutes. The planning and financing were to be the responsibility of Lt. Colonel JosiahHarmar, commander of the forces on the Ohio, and Arthur St. Clair, Governor of theWestern Territory. The Secretary, however, planned to do whatever was in his meansto reward the successful explorers after the expedition.

Knox further suggested that two parties be organized, each with an officer anda noncommissioned officer with pocket compasses, pencils and paper, and four orfive Indians. The parties were to be sent out one or two months apart. Harmarsuggested that the whole of the two parties be dressed like the natives. He ordereda Lieutenant John Armstrong to lead the tour. Armstrong anticipated that such atour would take from eighteen months to two years. Governor St. Clair changed theplan of everybody dressing like Indians to the idea that they should conceal theirmilitary identity by acting as fur traders. This plan would require an outfitting of furtrade goods—a financial burden.

All of the known information about the territory to be explored was gathered.

Introduction

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But the best of information of those in the know advised against such an enterpriseand Governor St. Clair put an end to it.

Perhaps what was significant about this plan was that it was to be a militaryendeavor rather than being scientific, diplomatic, or mercantile. There seems to beno record that explains why Secretary of War Knox was secretly seeking knowledgeof that Spanish territory, and the navigable southern tributaries of the Missouri, but itseems logical that it was for some military intent.

GRAY DISCOVERS LEGENDARY OREGON RIVER, BRITISH SURVEY NORTHWEST COAST

In 1792 a U.S. navigator by the name of Robert Gray was sent out by BostonMerchants to trade for furs with the native Americans on the Pacific Coast. It wason that voyage that he crossed that treacherous sand bar in his ship Columbia andbecame the first white man to see and sail the theretofore fabled “Oregon River.”Giving due credit to his vessel, he renamed the river Columbia.

In the same year a British navel survey of the Pacific Northwest Coast wasmade under the leadership of Captain George Vancouver which gave names tomany of the geographical features in the region of the Columbia River estuary. Theresults of that survey were published in London in 1798.

APS PLANS TRANS-MISSISSIPPI EXPEDITION, M. LEWIS DENIED

At the time Robert Gray’s men were sailing onto the waters of the OregonRiver, Thomas Jefferson was still Secretary of State, and now vice president of theAmerican Philosophical Society. There was no way he could have been aware ofGray’s momentous discovery when he went before the members of the AmericanPhilosophical Society with a proposal for the Society to send a scientific expeditionup the Missouri River, across the Rocky Mountains, and down a river to the Pacific.The plan was approved and an agreement of subscribers drawn up to raise thenecessary funds for the expedition.

Interestingly, an eighteen-year-old soldier named Meriwether Lewis stationedat Charlottesville approached Mr. Jefferson and asked to be considered to lead thatproposed expedition. His request was not deterred by the fact that it was to becarried out by only the person engaged and one companion. Jefferson deemed Lewistoo young, too untrained, and too inexperienced. Not surprisingly a trained botanistby the name of Andre Michaux was engaged to undertake this scientific journey.

Jefferson’s letter of instructions to Michaux directed him to “explore the countryalong the Missouri, & thence Westwardly to the Pacific ocean. . .” Michaux wasinformed that “the chief objects of your journey are to find the shortest & mostconvenient route of communication between the U.S. & the Pacific ocean, withinthe temperate latitudes & to learn such particulars as can be obtained of the countrythrough which it passes, it’s productions, inhabitants & other interestingcircumstances.”

Jefferson warned Michaux not to rely too heavily upon known maps.Nevertheless, he noted: “It would seem by the latest maps as if a river called Oregan

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interlocked with the Missouri for a considerable distance, & entered the Pacificocean, not far Southward of Nootka sound.”

Michaux made it only as far as Kentucky when it became clear that officialsof the French Republic were using him to raise a western force to attack Spanishpossessions beyond the Mississippi. This discovered, France recalled Michaux andthe expedition was aborted. It is little wonder that the Spanish from that time wouldbe reluctant for any further foreign exploration of Louisiana under any pretense.

In that same year (1793) while the Michaux expedition was attempting to getunderway, Alexander Mackenzie, who had reached the Arctic Ocean by sailingdown the Mackenzie River four years earlier, was now heading across Canada tothe Pacific ocean, where he arrived on July 22.

Gray had discovered the legendary Oregon River, Mackenzie had traversedthe North American Continent, and, rumor had it, Old Menard who was still living atthe Hidatsa/Mandan trade center had rambled in the Rocky Mountains at theheadwaters of the Yellowstone. Indeed, the continent was shrinking.

SPANISH SEEK MISSOURI RIVER WATER ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC

As early as 1790 the Spanish had issued a license to Jacques D’Eglise to hunton the upper Missouri, and he brought back to the Spaniards information from theMandan villages, thus, giving impetus to the Spanish plan to explore and seek awater passage to the Pacific.

Jefferson remained as Secretary of State until the end of 1793, when, at theage of fifty, he again retired. But fate would not have it, and he was elected vicepresident of the United States in 1796.

In that same year there were two men determined to see that a trail would beblazed up the Missouri River, over the mountains and down the Columbia River tothe Pacific. They were James Mackay and John Evans.

Spain had given permission to the recently formed Company of the Missouri totrade with all the Indians it discovered beyond what is presently the state of Nebraskain its quest to discover a practicable route to the Pacific Ocean. In addition, Spainoffered a substantial reward if the company were to find the fabled passage.

James Mackay was a Scotsman who had come down from the British posts inCanada to St. Louis in 1787 by first reaching the Mandan villages and then descendingthe Missouri River. He was given an interest in the Company of the Missouri for hispromise to manage “the discoveries that are proposed and [the] control of theirinterest. . .”

John Evans was a Welshman who had come to America in 1792 in search ofthe “Welsh Indians.” He became an employee of the company under the leadershipof Mackay and was given orders to lead the company’s northwest expedition to thePacific. In January 1796, Mackay presented a list of instructions to Evans “forcrossing the continent in order to discover a passage from the sources of the Missourito the Pacific Ocean.”

The Company of the Missouri never got beyond the Mandan villages in present

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central North Dakota, but the information that Mackay and Evans were to gather tothat point would later become very helpful to the famous expedition Jefferson wasto plan several years later. In fact, Mackay provided personal information toJefferson’s explorers, and Evans’s maps were actually used on their expedition.

A NEED TO PROTECT THE REPUBLIC’S WESTERN INTERESTS

As mentioned earlier, Thomas Jefferson was perhaps the world’s greatestcollector of maps and information about the trans-Mississippi West. In that sense hewas truly an explorer himself. He no doubt knew more than any other person aboutthe history of exploration in the West, the men involved, the various preparationsthat had been made, the scientific and geographic discoveries, and the economicand political consequences of those discoveries.

There were several political events taking place both inside and outside theUnited States, all of which Jefferson was fully aware. These events made the interestin exploring the West escalate as the eighteenth century ended and the nineteenthcentury began. There were serious problems for the United States with regard toSpain closing (or at least partially closing) the port at New Orleans to U.S.merchants—one of several efforts on the part of that country to acquire the westernlands owned by the United States; there was also a rising interest in making thatsame western land a nation of its own.

In 1801, Alexander Mackenzie published the accounts of his travels to theArctic and the Pacific oceans. In addition to telling about his travels the famousexplorer presented (as Bernard DeVoto described it) “a blueprint for imperialexpansion.” Like the Spanish plan under Mackay and Evans, Mackenzie’s plancalled for a string of trading houses to the Pacific. Interestingly, the two plans seemedsomewhat compatible, since Mackenzies’s would extend land claims south to forty-eight degrees north, and Mackay’s would extend north to about that same latitude.

For Great Britain to talk about extending their fur trade to the forty-eighthparallel was to give concern to the United States government. The 1783 Treaty ofParis declared that the United States would receive lands from the northwesternmost point of Lake of the Woods (49o 37’ north) to the Mississippi River. Althoughit was not yet known how the Mississippi River might meander, the claim of Mackenziewas at least to some degree at issue with the Paris Treaty. This must have givenJefferson some concern when he read Mackenzie’s book in 1802.

The fur trade was the immediate economical interest in the trans-MississippiWest, and Jefferson, as well the members of Congress, understood the significanceof those furs. In 1795 the U.S. Congress had devised a factory system wherebythere would be a network of government-owned trading houses on U.S. soil toprovide Indians with quality merchandise in a fair exchange for their furs. Althoughnot stated as such, the primary purpose of the factory system was to wean theIndians away from foreign influence. Would such a system work for the U.S. in thetrans-Mississippi West—would it gain Indian loyalty there? The Congressional actestablishing the factory system was due to expire in 1803. Should a new act extend

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it both in time and place?The United States Congress was not indifferent with regard to imperialism.

International imperialism, as well as the republic’s own separatists, stood as a threatto the republic’s possession of western territories. Kentucky became a state in1792, Tennessee became a state in 1796. The citizens of these states as well asthose of the territories needed to be protected. Spain as we have said was attemptingto acquire in various ways the United States’s land west of the Appalachians.

JEFFERSON: HIRES SECRETARY, EYES FRANCE, PLANS EXPEDITION

On February 11, 1801, the electoral college deadlocked in electing a president,so, with some difficulty, on February 17 the House of Representatives electedJefferson third president of the United State. He was inaugurated the followingmonth. Between the times of his election and his inauguration, Jefferson sought aprivate secretary. His choice was Meriwether Lewis, the same young military manwho had approached him in 1792 as a possible candidate to lead the AmericanPhilosophical Society’s proposed expedition into the Louisiana Territory. It shouldbe noted, however, that the now Captain Meriwether Lewis was not simply anacquaintance of Jefferson. He had grown up close to Monticello, and Jefferson hadknown him from when the officer was a mere child. But there was even anotherreason for selecting Lewis. Lewis had been a paymaster in the western region. Heknew the military officers in the west and could identify those who could be reliedupon to be sympathetic to Jefferson’s political interests.

Although it is some times speculated that Jefferson selected Lewis as hissecretary for the purpose of grooming him to lead a trans-Mississippi expedition,there seems to be nothing to document that assumption. In fact, the earliest recordof such an idea seems to be dated in November 1802, and there is good backgroundpolitics to help us understand why the plan for the expedition developed.

What became far more threatening to the U.S. than Spain was the imperialisticaggression of France, which had done so poorly in the Seven Years War forty yearsearlier. By now France had built up her forces and, under Napoleon Bonaparte, wasthreatening to conquer the world. In 1800 France forced weak Spain to recedeNew Orleans and all of upper Louisiana. This startling news did not reach theUnited States until the following year, after Thomas Jefferson had become president.

Matters became even more intense in April 1802, when the State Departmentlearned that in January of that year Napoleon had sent an army to retake SanDamingo, and under great secrecy another army was to be sent to Louisiana.Jefferson wrote to Robert Livingston, the American minister to France and askedhim to point out to Napoleon that France could not spread its imperialism across theAtlantic Ocean as long as Great Britain controlled the seas, and, furthermore, NewOrleans should be sold to the U.S. Added to Livingston’s proposition was the threatthat if France did not sell New Orleans to the U.S., the U.S. would ally itself withGreat Britain. Jefferson held even another ace in the hole: If the impending warbetween France and Great Britain should break out, the United States would seizeLouisiana. Furthermore, the world was aware that Louisiana was a manifest destiny

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for the United States.The idea of French troops on the North American Continent was unsettling.

Although the army was being sent to protect Louisiana from the British, UnitedStates’s interests were in jeopardy.

There were diplomatic matters to be considered. In October 1802, the Spanishwho still controlled New Orleans and the Mississippi River, refused the right of therepublic’s Westerners to use the river and the port. Jefferson was walking on thinice with these western states and territories. Would they band together in armedconflict against the Spanish? Certainly the French would intercede on behalf of theSpanish since these were French possessions being controlled by the Spaniards..

But there was encouraging news. By the fall 1802 Jefferson had learned thatthe French army that had been sent to San Damingo had been overtaken by yellowfever, and that the army intended for Louisiana had been sent to San Damingo.Word had it that the second army was having trouble with the opposition forces andalso losing a battle against the fever.

And so it was not until November 1802 that a plan for a Missouri Riverexploration of Louisiana, and a search for a northwest passage to the Pacific againsurfaces under the genius of Thomas Jefferson, now bolstered by his office asPresident of the United States. Due to world conditions, this had to be a secretmission. And it appears that it was not until this time that Jefferson decided that hisprivate secretary would be the person to conduct the expedition—a military expedition.

Interestingly, an extant letter written in the same month of that year revealsthat Secretary of the Treasury Albert Gallatin urged Jefferson to purchase a copy ofthe British naval survey of the Northwest Coast done by Captain Vancouver.

With his knowledge of previous expeditions and attempted expeditions, ThomasJefferson like no other man on earth was qualified to be the architect of the enterprise.He knew what had been discovered, he knew the routes, he knew the people involved,the preparations, the hardships, and the consequences. Every aspect of the instructionsthat he wrote for the expedition were based upon his accumulated knowledge.Scientific knowledge was as important to him in 1802 as it had been ten years earlierwhen he proposed and planned an expedition to be sponsored by the AmericanPhilosophical Society. But what he was planning now was to be the first of manymilitary expeditions that would be sent out to make scientific discoveries. It wouldcarry proper passports. It would be diplomatic, but formidably armed. It would besufficiently financed, and provided with the best available information. The actualpreparations and the selection of personnel would be left to Captain Lewis, whowould be trained with crash courses in Philadelphia by the country’s best scientists andphysicians for what was believed would be an eighteen-month to two-year exploration.

Lewis also studied the Columbia River estuary from the British naval survey mapsof 1792. And of further assistance to Lewis was a map prepared by cartographerNicholas King showing all that was known of the North American continent, includingthe Northwest Coast information collected by the British. To that degree, Captain Lewiswas familiar with several geographical features of the Northwest Coast before evenleaving the United States.

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MERIWETHER LEWIS SELECTS WILLIAM CLARK

In the end, Captain Lewis would not lead the Expedition alone, there would bea co-commander—William Clark, brother to George Rogers Clark whom Jeffersonhad sought to lead an expedition nearly twenty years earlier. William was no strangerto either Jefferson or Lewis. Before the Expedition he “had frequent Reasons toVisit the Eastern States & Washington where [he] became Acquainted with thePresidt. Mr. Jefferson.” He may well have even known about the proposed expeditionfrom those visits. As early as December 1802 William’s brother George wrote aletter to Jefferson, the timing and circumstances of which could lead one to believethat the Clarks did have wind of the proposed expedition. His letter recommends hisbrother William for a project involving the establishment of a fort at the mouth of theOhio River, but goes on to point out that his brother was being recommended notonly for that purpose but also for “any other point which may be of Service to yourAdministration. He is well qualified almost for any business.” Since the Expeditionwas at that time very secretive, one would not expect George (if in fact he knew ofthe proposed expedition) to recommend his brother specifically for that job.

Lewis was Jefferson’s secretary when George Rogers Clark’s letter arrived.He knew and respected Lieutenant William Clark as his former military superior.However, there seems to be no other reference to William by either Lewis or Jeffersonuntil six months later when Lewis wrote and invited Clark to join him as co-commander on the Expedition. Perhaps the idea of sending the invitation was inLewis’s mind several months earlier and he simply waited for the right moment tosend it. We do know, however, that in Jefferson’s secret message to Congress(January 1803) he asks approval for an expedition led by only one officer.

In that message to Congress Jefferson noted that there were “numerous tribes,who furnish great supplies of furs & peltry to the trade of another nation [GreatBritain] carried on in a high latitude. . .” The continuance of the factory systemwhich was to expire that year, was a possible way for the government to win theIndians allegiance, civilize them, and assure that they would be allies against Britishimperialism. Therefore it became part of the duties of the Lewis and Clark Expeditionto be diplomatic with the natives and to establish sites for factories along its route tothe ocean.

LOUISIANA PURCHASE

There had been pressure on the president since October to send troops toseize New Orleans. He chose rather to use a diplomatic approach, and in the springof 1803 Jefferson seized on the opportunity to send James Monroe to France toassist Livingston in negotiating the purchase of New Orleans. As it turned out, thetwo were offered far more than New Orleans. For at least three reasons Napoleondecided to sell all of Louisiana, including New Orleans: 1.) The two armies he hadsent across the Atlantic were defeated by yellow fever, and he had no furtherstrength in the New World; 2.) He needed the money to further his war efforts inEurope; and 3.) He didn’t want England to own Louisiana. The sale of New Orleansand Louisiana was finalized on May 2, 1803.

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At the time the purchase was made, Lewis was already six months into theplanning of the Expedition, but now Jefferson’s instructions would take on new andbroader elements.

It would be several months before official news of the transfer of Louisianawould be received in New Orleans and St. Louis. The Expedition would have towait on American soil east of the Mississippi until all was officially transferred—Spain to France and France to the U.S. Captains Lewis and Clark were presentduring the transferral ceremonies which took place only two months before theirjourney up the Missouri got underway.

THE LEWIS AND CLARK EXPEDITION

This would not be another ill-planned, ill-prepared and ill-financed enterprise.Lewis took nine months in training, planning and preparing. Congress had appropriated$2500 for the enterprise, but since it was a military expedition the expenses wouldnot be limited to the congressional appropriation. When Lewis wrote to Clark inJune of 1803 he clearly stated: “I am. . .furnished with letters of credit, and authorized todraw on the government for any sum necessary for the comfort of myself or party.”

Some of the considerations made by earlier expeditions and proposed expeditionswere used in planning Lewis and Clark’s, others were rejected. A large party oftalented men was decided upon rather than the three or four men suggested byGeorge Rogers Clark. In fact, forty-five men started up the Missouri to the Mandans,and from the Mandans to the ocean the party numbered thirty-three. There was noinitial plan to enlist Indians, as they had proven unreliable; there was to be attractivecompensations for those recruited to accompany the permanent party of theExpedition. There would be rewards upon a successful completion of the journey.Passports were obtained from France and England prior to the purchase of Louisiana.The Spaniards, however, would not issue a passport. Instead they informed Jeffersonthat Spain as well as other countries had judiciously searched for a northwest passageand it just didn’t exist. (Jefferson was the wrong man to be lectured to about attemptsto find a northwest passage.) In the end the U.S. purchased Louisiana and theSpanish passport was not needed. But that did not deter the Spaniards from sendingout parties to intercept the Expedition with the intent of putting an end to it.

Upon the completion of the twenty-eight month 8500-mile expedition whichdid explore the country from the Mandan villages across the Continental Divide andeventually down the Columbia River to the ocean, the explorers identified counselledand described many native tribes; identified numerous landmarks; discovered forscience 178 different plants and 122 different animals; drew surprisingly accuratemaps of the country they passed through; and searched in vain for the river thatwould reach 49o 37’ north to satisfy the boundary identified by the 1783 Treaty ofParis. Upon their return they reported to the president that they had in fact found themost practicable water route to the ocean. They outlined locations for factories anddescribed the route.

There were generous financial and real estate rewards given to the membersupon their return. The men were immediately recognized as national heroes, especiallythe officers. Meriwether Lewis was appointed Governor of Louisiana and William

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Clark was appointed to the offices of brigadier-general of malitia for the LouisianaTerritory and the territory’s Superintendent of Indian Affairs.

The most unfortunate aspect was the literary finale of the Expedition. Theyhad written, recorded, and drawn more maps than any explorers before them, buteight years would pass before an official narrative would be published, and eighty-seven years before the scientific data was rediscovered and published.

On the 100th anniversary of the Expedition, the voluminous journals, maps andscientific data accumulated on the Expedition, then known, were edited and madeavailable to the public in an easily readable and understandable format. In 1962 thescholarly research and editing talents of Dr. Donald Jackson brought to the publicover seven hundred pages of Letters of the Lewis and Clark Expedition with RelatedDocuments 1783-1854. In the 1980s and 1990s, Dr. Gary E. Moulton at the Universityof Nebraska edited and prepared for publication twelve volumes containing all knownLewis and Clark writings, maps, and scientific information with copious annotation basedupon the understandings of the best scholars of our time, including many authors, scientists,and historians whose essays appear in the present work.

R.A.S.Fort Peck Indian Reservation

February 2000

Introduction

1

I

Before Lewis and Clark

The Lewis and Clark Expedition headed up the Missouri River on May 14,1804. They were armed with a great deal of information from others who hadexperienced portions of the vast region that lay ahead. Geographically speaking,the “discoveries” of the Lewis and Clark Expedition (for the civilized world) werethose made between Fort Mandan in present central North Dakota and PointVancouver on the Lower Columbia River near present Vancouver, Washington.These explorers were late arriving at the Mandan villages, 1609 miles up the Mis-souri from St. Louis. British, French, and Spanish agents had arrived years ear-lier—there was, in fact, already a British trading post there. Lewis and Clark werealso late “arrivers” at the Northwest coast. English, Russian, French, Spanish, andeven Americans had already been there—trading with Northwest Coast Indianshad been going on for many years. And there were white settlements both northand south of the Columbia estuary by the time Lewis and Clark arrived at thatplace. Furthermore, Alexander Mackenzie had crossed the North American conti-nent in Canada thirteen years before Lewis and Clark reached the Pacific Coast.But geographical discoveries made but a single facet of the multifaceted Lewis andClark Expedition.

For this section we have selected a series of articles that deal with the enlight-enment, geopolitical and imperial expansion, economics, and international diplo-macy taking place in the West before Lewis and Clark arrived on the scene. Throughthese articles the reader is given an insight into what national and international influ-ences the Lewis and Clark party had as players on the worldwide stage of the earlynineteenth century. ■

2

A detail from Captain George Vancouver’s map of the Pacific Northwest showing the mouth of theColumbia River and adjacent mountains.

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Vancouver’s Legacy

to Lewis and ClarkBy Arlen J. Large*

In 1792, Robert Gray, an American merchant ship captain, discovered the Colum-bia River. That discovery was followed by a detailed coastal survey of the area byCaptain George Vancouver of the British Navy. Lewis and Clark were well aware ofthese two expedition’s which had preceded their own visit of the Columbia Riverby thirteen years; and they profited from the published accounts of their prede-cessors. Arlen Large wrote the following article for the January 1992 issue of WeProceeded On as a bicentennial commemoration of those two historic expeditions.

T he snowy mountain’s shape on the far southwest horizon wasconical, or “conocil,” in William Clark’s spelling. He first glimpsed it on

October 18, 1805, from the junction of the Columbia and Snake rivers in present-dayWashington state.

Two more weeks of westward travel down the Columbia brought the explorersof the Lewis and Clark Expedition abreast of the mountain, now towering to the south.“the mountain we Saw from near the forks proves to be Mount Hood,” Clark noted in his

*Arlen J. Large (1935-1996) ranked among the top authorities of the Lewis and Clark Expedition.He provided We Proceeded On readers with no less that thirty-four well-researched, intriguingfeature articles between 1979 and his death in 1996. He served as President of the Lewis and ClarkTrail Heritage Foundation 1983-1984, and on various Foundation committees. He received theFoundation’s Award of Meritorious Achievement in 1990, for his “outstanding contributions inbringing to this nation a greater awareness and appreciation of the Lewis and Clark Expedition.”

Mr. Large worked twenty-eight years in the Washington, D.C., bureau of the Wall Street Journal,retiring in 1986. During those years he served as a staff correspondent, covering agriculture, theTreasury Department and economic agencies, Congress, politics, and science. In 1968 he was cited bythe American Political Science Association for “distinguished reporting” of public affairs. His researchand writing talents coupled with his years of experience with the Journal made him a distinguishedwriter on many matters related to the Lewis and Clark Expedition.

1

4

1. Jackson, Donald (1), Vol. 1, p. 13 fn: “Gallatin to Jefferson”; Vol. 1, p. 53: “Lewis to Jefferson.”

journal. The next day, looking north, the captain remarked upon “a full view of Mt. Helien.”Clark and co-captain Meriwether Lewis were strangers from the other side of

the American continent. They had come in search of the Pacific through country theyhad never seen before. Now that they supposedly were lifting the last veil of geo-graphical mystery, how did they seem to know the territory in advance? How did theyknow the names of those mountains?

For Mt. Hood and Mt. St. Helens, the British Navy had supplied the namesthirteen years before. The overland explorers knew all about a 1792 Pacific coastsurvey commanded by Captain George Vancouver; they carried a map recording theBritish names and positions of both lofty volcanoes. By the time Lewis and Clarkarrived, in fact, the neighborhood where the Columbia River empties into the Pacificwas a sort of maritime museum of place-names bestowed by various visiting seamen.Already named were the Columbia River itself, and its seaward entrances, Cape Disap-pointment and Point Adams, all recognized by Lewis and Clark and still in use today.

Names weren’t all that the overland discoverers found pre-discovered. Lewisand Clark had no independent way of judging how far west they were, but the sea-captains knew. The Columbia estuary’s longitude had already been calculated andmapped by Vancouver and others. Their measure of degrees west from Greenwich, aLondon suburb, became the western anchor for Clark’s own maps of the Americaninterior, though the exact number was still something of a muddle for everybody.

Results of the British naval survey of the Pacific Northwest Coast were pub-lished in London 1798, and they were factored into plans for the Lewis and ClarkExpedition from the outset. In November, 1802, even before Congress assented to theproject, Treasury Secretary Albert Gallatin urged President Jefferson “to Procure‘Vancouver’s Survey’ one copy of which, the only one I believe in America,” wasbeing advertised by a Philadelphia bookseller for a hefty price of $55, complete withcharts. In May, 1803, Lewis was in Philadelphia buying equipment for his trip. Hesent Jefferson some sketch copies “taken in a haisty manner” from Vancouver’spublished maps, explaining: “The maps attached to Vancouver’s voyage cannot beprocured separately from that work, which is both too costly, and too weighty, for meeither to purchase or carry.”1

In Washington, Nicholas King fitted Lewis’s sketches into a master map he wasmaking expressly for the Expedition, one that incorporated the latest geography ofNorth America from several sources. The following year Lewis and Clark set off forthe West with a copy of King’s map, or at least some of its components. The explorersthus expected well in advance to encounter a mountain named Hood.

As a navigator, George Vancouver started at the top. He was just 14 years old in1772 when he reported aboard Captain James Cook’s HMS Resolution as a midship-man, a prize job wangled through his Tory father’s political pull. Cook, already England’smost celebrated sea-dog, was about to start his second great voyage of discovery inthe Pacific. During the three-year trip young Vancouver was coached by expeditionastronomer William Wales in the art of finding latitude and longitude at sea. In 1776

Before L&C—A. J. Large

5

Vancouver signed on for Cook’s third and last voyage, this time aboard the Discov-ery, a companion to the flagship. Afterward he saw service in the West Indies and inthe process assumed the despotic ways of a stereotypical British naval officer.

The Admiralty in 1790 named Vancouver to command a long-planned survey in theeastern Pacific, with an extra task of checking up on Spain’s promised surrender of furtrade monopoly at Nootka Sound on Canada’s west coast. The new captain’s “characterfor Passion & Tyranny was well known among the good Seamen of the Navy,” making ithard to recruit a crew, according to a surgeon’s mate who became Vancouver’s toughestcritic during the voyage.2 Vancouver left Falmouth in April, 1791, in his old ship Discovery,accompanied by the smaller, shallower-draft Chatham. The little fleet rounded Africa,stopped at Tahiti and Hawaii, and arrived off the California coast in mid-April, 1792.

Sailing north, Vancouver on April 27 sighted what he called “a very conspicuouspoint of land.” Just to the south of this promontory, he added, “was the appearance ofan inlet, or small river, the land behind it not indicating it to be of any great extent.”Figuring a latitude of 46o 19' north of the equator, Vancouver knew he was looking atCape Disappointment. How? Well it, too, had been pre-discovered. A Spanish cap-tain, Bruno de Hezeta, had mapped the place in 1775 and reasoned that an offshorecurrent too strong to overcome was the sign of some great river entering the sea. Heeven gave it a name, Rio de San Roque. Then in 1788 a British merchant captain,John Meares, tried to enter de Hezeta’s supposed river, but he also was driven back byturbulent waters. “The name of Cape Disappointment was given to the promontory,”Meares reported. “We can now with safely assert, that there is no such river as thatof Saint Roc exists, as laid down in the Spanish charts.”3

Inspecting the same scene in 1792, Vancouver noticed a change in seawatercolor that he attributed to “some streams” entering the ocean. Nevertheless, he de-cided to keep sailing north, “not considering this opening worthy of more attention.”4

Later he was sorry about that, as were future British diplomats vainly seeking argu-ments to counter American claims to Oregon.

Two days later, on April 29, Vancouver reported the “very great novelty” of seeingan approaching ship, which “soon hoisted American colours.” It was the Boston tradingvessel Columbia, commanded by Robert Gray. All the ships stopped and Vancouversent two officers to Gray’s cabin for a conference at sea. The Englishmen were mostinterested in learning shoreline details of the nearby Strait of Juan de Fuca, a sus-pected outlet of the Phantom Northwest Passage. Gray told them what he knew(quite a lot), and remarked in passing that he, too, had recently tried without successto enter that river at latitude 460 -plus. He apparently said nothing about going back totry again, and the ships parted.

The Discovery and Chatham rounded Cape Flattery to begin an extended sur-vey of the Juan de Fuca Strait and upper Puget Sound, a name bestowed by Vancouverfor one of his officers, Peter Puget. There were plenty of features needing names. Aneye-catching peak at a “very remote distance” to the northeast became Mt. Baker, inhonor of the Discovery’s third lieutenant, Joseph Baker. Vancouver noted “a round

2. Lamb, W. Kaye, Vol. 1, p. 210. 3. Lamb, W. Kaye, Vol. 2. p. 492 n.

4. Lamb, W. Kaye, Vol. 2. p. 498.


6

snowy mountain” to the south, “which after my friend Rear Admiral (Peter) Rainier,I distinguished by the name of Mt. Rainier.”5

Meanwhile, Captain Gray headed the Columbia back for another stab at everybody’smystery river. On May 11, just two weeks after Vancouver’s halfhearted examination,Gray caught an onshore wind and steered over the submerged sandbars that had defeatedall previous intruders. “When we were over the bar, we found this to be a large river offresh water, up which we steered,” a triumphant Gray wrote in his logbook.6 The Colum-bia spent nine days in the river’s broad estuary trading with the local Indians. On May 19,1792, came a third-person log entry: “Captain Gray give this river the name of Columbia’sRiver, and the north side of the entrance Cape Hancock, to the south, Adams’s Point.”7

Gray’s attempt to flatter Massachusetts politicians proved only half successful.Cape Hancock—honoring John Hancock, the heavy-handed signer of the Declarationof Independence and current governor of the state—couldn’t dislodge Cape Disap-pointment on the charts of Vancouver and future mariners. Thanks to the Britishsurvey, however, the southern point of flat sand commemorating U.S. Vice PresidentJohn Adams has kept that name (with the words reversed to Point Adams), and so ofcourse has the Columbia River itself.

On May 20, the Columbia raised anchor, made sail, and picked its way through thebreakers at the river’s mouth. “At 5 p.m. we were out,” wrote Gray, “clear of all the bars.”

Now the scene shifts to Nootka. This fur trading port on the west coast of the bigCanadian island eventually named “Vancouver” had almost occasioned a war betweenBritain and Spain, but peace reigned in July, 1792. British, American, and Spanish shipsoperating in the northeast Pacific all used it as a sort of revolving-door rest stop. On July 24Gray’s Columbia pulled in, forced to safe harbor for repairs after hitting a rock. His hostwas Juan Francisco de la Bodega y Quadra, a naval officer serving as Spain’s governor ofthe port, who invited Gray to stay at his house. At some point Gray told Quadra of hissuccessful entry into the Columbia River the previous May, and gave Quadra a sketch ofthe estuary. Gray pulled out on August 24 and four days later Vancouver arrived with theDiscovery and Chatham, now reinforced by a new supply ship from England. Vancouverand Quadra were officially antagonists in negotiations over control of Nootka, but theysoon became good friends. The affable Spaniard gave Vancouver a copy of Gray’s sketchof the Columbia estuary.8

Reporting his decision not to explore the river in April, the Englishman said in amessage to the Admiralty in London:

It has however since been entered by Mr. Gray, and proved to be a river, which he hascalled “Columbia,” a sketch of which, as he has drawn it, I have herewith transmitted.In my rout to the South, which I hope will take place in a few days, I shall fully examineit, as I conceive it an important port from the surrounding country . . .9

5. Lamb, W. Kaye, Vol. 2. pp. 510, 522.

6. Howay, Frederic W., p. 436. Only the Columbia River portion of Gray’s official log has survived.

7. Howay, Frederic W., p. 438. 8. Vancouver, George, Vol. 2. 689.

9. Vancouver, George, Vol. 4, p. 1573.


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Gray briefly reappeared at Nootka on September 21 and left the next day toresume the Columbia’s Indian trade. On October 7 the Jenny, a Bristol Tradingschooner, checked in for some Quadra hospitality.

Vancouver departed Nootka on October 12 and reached Cape Disappointment aweek later. As the Discovery stood offshore, Vancouver saw to the east a “highround snowy mountain,” which he said: “I have distinguished by the name of MountSt. Helens, in honor of His Britannic Majesty’s ambassador to the court of Madrid.”10

He was referring to Alleyne Fitzherbert, Baron St. Helena. On October 19 bothVancouver’s Discovery and the smaller Chatham, commanded by Lieutenant Will-iam Broughton, headed into the wild waves at the mouth of the Columbia. Alarmed bythe bar’s shallow depth Vancouver turned back, but Broughton spent the night an-chored amidst the breakers. The next day his Chatham found an entrance channeland pushed to a safe berth inside the estuary. Repulsed again, Vancouver himselffinally gave up and pointed the Discovery south to a previously agreed rendezvous atthe Spanish port of Monterey.

If Broughton thought he’d been left alone, he was due for a surprise: there wasthe Jenny, already anchored within the protective curling arm of Cape Disappoint-ment. The schooner’s captain, James Baker, evidently had heard tips from the grape-vine at Nootka on how to enter the river, and had stopped off for some Indian tradingon his way home to England. The Jenny’s place of anchorage became Baker Bay inthe river survey immediately begun by Broughton.

The lieutenant had a copy of Gray’s sketch of the first twenty miles of theestuary, but he soon pushed beyond it in the ship’s cutter and launch loaded with aweeks’s provisions. On October 27 the British rowed past a hilltop Indian cemeterywhich they named Mount Coffin. The boats passed the site of present Longview,Washington, and the mouth of the Willamette River leading to modern Portland. OnOctober 30 Broughton came to a halt near the confused place where the Sandy Riverenters the Columbia, more than 100 miles from Cape Disappointment. To his rightstood an 11,000-foot peak which Broughton named for Lord Samuel Hood, a memberof the Board of Admiralty. “Its appearance was magnificent,” Broughton later re-ported to Vancouver, “and it was clothed in snow from its summit. . .’’11

Traveling with the British boats was a “friendly old chief” named Soto. Here thechief cupped some water in his hands and, nodding eastward, let it trickle out in “themanner of its falling from rocks.” Broughton correctly interpreted that to mean that theColumbia River was blocked by rapids just ahead, so there was no use going further. Henamed a nearby river bend “Point Vancouver” for his easternmost advance, and formallyclaimed possession of the territory for King George III. The British then got in their boatsand rowed back downstream to their ship at Baker Bay. On November 10, 1792, theChatham and Jenny together crossed the Columbia bar into the Pacific.

Reunited, Vancouver’s ships continued their coast survey during 1793. On June4 of that year Vancouver explored Dean Channel, a Pacific inlet north of Vancouver

10. Lamb, W. Kaye, Vol. 2. p. 694. 11. Lamb, W. Kaye, Vol. 2. p. 760.


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Island, just seven weeks before the arrival of Alexander Mackenzie on his overlandtrek across Canada. The Discovery and Chatham returned to England in October,1795. After years of declining health, Vancouver died on May 10, 1798, just short ofhis 41st year, and four months before publication of his journal.

Lewis and Clark passed the Sandy River outlet on November 3, 1805,having safely negotiated all of Chief Soto’s predicted Columbia River falls.

Paddling seaward, the Expedition came to Broughton’s Mt. Coffin three days later. Itevidently wasn’t marked on any of the Vancouver map copies the Americans carried;Clark merely called it “a very remarkable Knob.”

On November 8 Clark saw ahead a jutting point of land he identified by name asCape Disappointment from the Vancouver maps, but that proved premature. A weeklater the rain-lashed explorers were camped on the estuary’s north bank. A scoutingparty went forward “to find a Small Bay as laid down by Vancouver just out of themouth of the Columbia River,” Clark explained. This was the 1792 Baker Bay an-chorage of the Chatham and Jenny, but evidently not knowing that name, the Ameri-cans called it Haleys Bay, after a ship captain who had since been trading with thelocal Indians. The original name has prevailed. Finally, on November 15, Clark reacheda spot where he had a “full view of the Ocian from Point Adams to Cape Disappoint-ment,” using the Vancouver map names appropriated from Gray and Meares, respec-tively. But Clark also said: “I could not See any Island in the mouth of this river as laiddown by Vancouver.” Vancouver had quoted Lieutenant Broughton as reporting “withinthe Cape are three rocky islets in the bay, the middle one being the largest.” A rivermouth smudge on one of the British maps could be interpreted as an island or a shoal,but it apparently was gone thirteen years later.

Few names added by Lewis and Clark to the Pacific Northwest landscape havesurvived. A major exception was a volcanic peak in the Cascade Range that the Britishmay not have seen. Heading homeward up the Columbia, the Americans on March 30,1806, spotted to the southeast of modern Portland a high mountain “which we call Mt.Jefferson,” Clark reported. “Like Mt. St. Heleans its figure is a regular cone and is cov-ered with eturnial snow.” It was the only major mountain named by the Expedition on theentire trip, and the label stuck.

Since leaving St. Louis the Americans had filled their journals with astronomicalobservations for latitude and longitude. Lewis and Clark easily computed latitudes onthe spot by measuring the sun’s height from the southern horizon at noon. Longitudeswest of the prime meridian at Greenwich were to be figured by “lunar distances”—marking the local time that a measured angle between the moon and a bright starmatched the same angle seen simultaneously in Greenwich, as forecast in the BritishNautical Almanac. The captains merely recorded these raw angles in the field; theactual longitudes were to be computed by the War Department when they got home.

Now at their western destination, the explorers’ astronomical efforts to fix theirposition were blinded by day-and-night clouds. It wasn’t until November 16 that thesky opened enough for a noontime sun measurement showing a latitude of 460 19' for


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the Columbia’s north shore. And during the Expedition’s entire four-month stay onthe coast only one complete set of lunar distance measurements could be obtained, onNovember 24. At the Expedition’s soggy winter base on the river’s south side, Lewislamented on February 25, 1806: “ I am mortifyed at not having it in my power to makemore celestial observations since we have been at Fort Clatsop, but such has been thestate of the weather that I have found it utterly impracticable.”

Not to worry. The place had already been nailed to the world’s maps by sailors.In 1792 Captain Gray’s navigators had made a lunar distance calculation of longitudeshortly before the Columbia’s successful May entry into the estuary. From that posi-tion a dead-reckoning estimate of course and distance produced a longitude for CapeDisappointment of 122o 47' west of Greenwich, as recorded in the log of John Boit,the fifth mate.12

Vancouver’s ships were virtual latitude-longitude factories, equipped with five ofthe British Navy’s best chronometers used for comparing local time with the time inGreenwich. The difference was easily convertible to longitude at the rate of fifteendegrees of distance for every hour of time. The chronometers were double-checkedby lunar distance readings made by professionals. Vancouver placed CapeDisappointment’s longitude at 123o 54'.13 Both Gray and Vancouver put the spot a bittoo far inland; the cape’s modern reading is 124o 3'.14

Nicholas King’s composite map of the American continent placed the Columbia’smouth just short of 124o, showing that Lewis supplied him with accurate copies ofVancouver’s charts. So when it came time for Clark to fix that spot as the westernextremity of his own maps, he needed only to follow the King-Vancouver reading,never mind the Expedition’s shortage of fresh celestial observations at Fort Clatsop.

That Clark didn’t do so with precision is one of the many baffling inconsistenciesin the Expedition’s whole navigational record. In a list of landmarks compiled at FortClatsop, Clark placed Cape Disappointment’s latitude at 46o 19'. from his own readingon November 16, 1805, and its longitude at 1240 57', from God knows where.15 Thatwas more than a whole degree west of Vancouver’s number. Close enough on acontinental scale, perhaps, but it would have moved the cape nearly fifty miles out tosea. Clark nevertheless used that somewhat off-base value for his big map of the westdrawn in 1810 and published in 1814.

It’s not news that Lewis and Clark had trouble with pinpoint navigation, likemany explorers before and since. The prior efforts of Meares, Gray, and Vancouvercouldn’t solve all the problems of Pacific northwest geography for Jefferson’s men,but the sailors certainly made the job easier.

12. Howay, Frederic W., p. 396.

13. Lamb, W. Kaye, Vol. 2. p. 497, shown as 230o 6’ East of Greenwich. In rendering his longitudes Vancouverfollowed the antique custom of counting degrees all the way around the world eastward from the primemeridian. To get the customary division of a hemisphere west of Greenwich, Vancouver’s Northwest Coastlongitude must be subtracted from 360o.

14. U.S. Coast Pilot #7. p. 192. 15. Moulton, Gary E. (1), Vol. 6, p. 458.


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Cou

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Mackenzie’s 1801 map of his route from “Lake of the Hills” (modern Lake Athabaska) to the Pacific Coast northof VancouverIsland. Note Mackenzie’s mistaken belief that the segment of the Fraser River he descended briefly was the “Tacoutche Tesse”or Columbia River flowing southward to the estuary surveyed in 1792 by Capt. George Vancouver. The Fraser actually reachesthe Pacific at the modern city of Vancouver, B. C. —Library of Congress

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Explorations into the World of Lewis and Clark Volume I Sample

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