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Ethics in Vernacular Radio Broadcasting: a Study of
Popular Vernacular Radio Stations in Kenya.
Eunice Kijana
Lecturer
Department of Media and Communication Studies
Multimedia University of Kenya
Abstract
This paper examined the extent to which vernacular radio journalists understood and complied with the sections of
the Code of Conduct for the Practice of Journalism in Kenya, that address peace building as laid down by the Media
Councils of Kenya. Using a case study of three selected vernacular FM radio stations, the study focused on the
vernacular radio journalist as the unit of analysis. Considering the important role of the media in society, the study
was anchored on the social responsibility theory which posits that media should be more responsible and accountable
to the society. The study employed a descriptive survey to establish whether vernacular radio journalists in Kenya
have knowledge of the code of conduct that guides their practice. The findings showed that journalists working in the
selected vernacular FM radio stations in Kenya widely understood and complied with the sections of the code of
conduct for the practice of journalism in Kenya that address peace building.
Key words: Ethics, Vernacular radio, Journalists, Code of Conduct, News Content, Peace journalism, peace
building
1.0 INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background
The democratization process that took place in most African countries including Kenya in the 1990s led to a call for
the liberalization of the media sector in Kenya. The liberalization of the media sector, and the Constitution of Kenya
of 2010, particularly, articles 33(1) and 34(3), which provide for the freedom of expression and freedom of the media,
led to a considerable increase in the number of vernacular radio stations in Kenya(MCK, 2015; CK, 2010:41-42).
Vernacular radio has slowly acquired a special place in our society as one form of independent media capable of
evolving interactive communication and programming of issues of public awareness and human activity (Ismail and
Deane, 2008; Maina, 2006). The media landscape in Kenya is currently dominated by regional vernacular radio
stations, which are very popular due to the fact that they are easily believable by their communities, promote positive
ethnic cohesion, strong communal/self identity and encourage tribal competition (Howard, 2009). The number of
vernacular radio stations has risen considerably since the first station, Kameme FM, was set up in the year 2000, to
over one hundred registered vernacular stations, with about 30currently on air (MCK, 2015).
A vernacular radio station in Kenya can be defined as a radio station that broadcasts in a particular vernacular
language and therefore targets an ethnic community who speaks that language (Howard, 2009: Githethwa, 2008).
This study will henceforth use vernacular radio and ethnic radio interchangeably. Like citizens of most African
countries, Kenyans identify themselves with their ethnic groups or tribes, a factor that has contributed immensely to
the popularity and proliferation of vernacular radio stations, to the extent that they have overshadowed those with
national reach (Communications Authority, 2011; Materu, 2015). Studies on vernacular/ethnic radio stations in
Kenya reveal that an overwhelming 80% of Kenyans listen to these stations (Kijana, 2012; Namasaka, 2012). The
programming of most of these vernacular FM radio stations initially comprised of mainly music and entertainment,
but this quickly changed to public discussions due to audience demand. The stations have therefore set aside much of
their airtime to talk shows and call-in programmes, especially in the morning hours and frequent news bulletins
across the dat. (MCK, 2015).
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2. LITERATURE REVIEW
This chapter presents a review of the pertinent theoretical literature on the the social Responsibility Theory as
foundation for media ethics and practice.
2.1 The social responsibility theory
In dealing with media ethics, defining social responsibility requires a clarification of different terms: accountability,
liability, responsibility, etc. Within journalism, one could define accountability narrowly as being able to produce
records, e.g. evidence to support what has been reported on. However, the meaning of this term is often extended to
overlap with the concept of liability and responsibility. In other words, a journalist is also accountable in that he or
she is held liable for the consequences of his or her reporting.
Liability in this case, can be taken to signify being ethically or legally responsible for one’s actions; the concept of
whether or not to consider journalists as being liable for their reporting hinges on the question of whether or not their
profession entails a social responsibility.
The distinction between accountability and responsibility can be held as such. Whereas accountability often is
referred to as the manifestation of claims to responsibility, the latter is the acknowledged obligation for action or
behavior within frameworks of roles and morals (Plaisance, 2000). Responsibility is in this sense the obligation for
proper custody, care and safekeeping of one’s audience. More specifically, social responsibility entails the necessity
for the journalist to keep society’s interest as a top priority. This can also be seen as a collective responsibility or
public interest responsibility. Holding the press accountable for the level of responsibility of its actions therefore
implies having a clear idea of what this “responsibility” entails. In the words of Hodges, “we cannot reasonably
demand that the press give an account of itself or improve its performance until we determine what it is the press is
responsible for doing.” (Hodges, 1986).
Concern for this improved performance of the media became more vocal at the end of the Second World War and
was powerfully voiced by two landmark reports: the British Royal Commission of the Press and the US Commission
on Freedom of the Press which is better known as the Hutchins Commission. Social responsibility in the media
traces back to this key landmark in the field: that is, a report produced by the Commission on the Freedom of the
Press in the US, more commonly known as the Hutchins Commission (1947) and the writings of Ernest Hocking.
This commission came up with five guidelines for a socially responsible press in a report titled “A Free and
Responsible Press” as follows: a truthful, comprehensive, and intelligent account of the day’s events in a context
which gives them meaning; a forum for the exchange of comment and criticism; the projection of a representative
picture of the constituent groups in the society; the presentation and clarification of the goals and values of the
society; full access to the day’s intelligence. According to the commission, the media should be accurate and not lie.
Here the first link in the chain of responsibility is the reporter at the source of the news. He/she must be careful and
competent, estimate correctly which sources are authoritative, know what questions to ask, what to observe and
which items to report. The employer on the other hand has the responsibility to train him/her for this work.
Social responsibility entails the necessity for the journalist to hold society’s interest as a top priority. This can also be
seen as a collective responsibility or public interest responsibility. From the perspective of a developing country,
specifically Nigeria, Owens-Ibie (1994) maintains that as part of its responsibility to serve public interest, the mass
media are expected to inform the citizenry of what goes on in the government, which, in a way, keeps rulers in check.
Moreover, the media should be reporting on and promoting discussion of ideas, opinions and truths aimed at social
refinement; acting as a nation’s ‘bulletin board’ for information and mirroring the society and its peoples just as it is
(Owens-Ibie, 1994).Therefore, social responsibility remains a viable, generative concept with which to examine and
improve the service provided by all mass media, whether public or privately operated. Social responsibility, asserts a
fundamental commitment to the prosperity of the communal whole and a fundamental goal to achieve the good in its
sphere of symbolic activity and influence (Fackler, 2011:99).
Arguably, the power and near monopoly position of the media impose on them an obligation to be socially
responsible. It should ensure that all are fairly represented and that the public has enough information to decide; and
that if the media do not take on themselves such responsibility, it may be necessary for some other agency of the
public to enforce it. This model of the press maintains that the media has a moral obligation to safeguard social peace
and stability, and to create an informed citizenry. This obligation would be met through self-regulation of the media
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through media councils and codes or ethics, as well as public opinion and consumer reactions. At the same time,
while the media is privately owned, government monitoring is allowed to assure that it truly serves the people. As
such, both media organizations, and journalists, are accountable for the contents that they disseminate (Siebert et al,
1956).
Different views of the debate span the spectrum from complete opposition to any formal regulation whatsoever (e.g.
self regulation by the media, with a reference to ethics codes as a normative framework internal to each media
organization), to propositions for enforcement of social responsibility in media legislation. However, regardless of the
wide range of differing positions on what constitutes an acceptable level or intensity of regulation, most would agree
that the media is obligated to carry out ethical practices, e.g. its social responsibility. Regardless of whether
government-imposed public interest obligations are constitutional, the broadcast media, like the print media, have an
ethical obligation to serve the public interest and make a positive contribution to the democratic process (Napoli,
2001). The basis of self-regulation in journalism lies in the existence of ethics codes, whose actual impact on ethical
standards in media organizations is largely questionable, especially given that a certain portion of journalists are not
fully aware of their content, and there is no formal structure to ethics code violations. The risk when dealing with
ethics codes in journalism is to assume that their mere existence guarantees thorough application of ethical principles;
one could maintain instead that the most effective formulation of an ethics code would take place not in writing, but
ultimately through the status quo of what decisions and actions journalists perceive as being ethical and therefore
carry out in the practice of their work.
Like many others in the field, Plaisance (2000) questions the reliability of ethical practices that are supposedly
guaranteed by written ethics codes and explains that professional codes of ethics have become popular among news
organizations as a demonstration of accountability. However, reliance on codes generates significant suspicion that
they often are used to merely put an ethics veneer over questionable behavior. A similar idea was brought up during
an Ethics and Human Rights in Information Society conference at UNESCO, by Rodotà (2007), who argued that
Codes of ethics have been spawned in the most diverse sectors and feature, at times, considerable ambiguities.
Indeed, some of them are ultimately little more than proclaims devoid of concrete effects and are only used to convey
a reassuring image of the organizations that have drafted them. In this case, the implementation and effectiveness of
ethics codes in practice depends on the individual journalists’ attention to the significance of ethical reporting for
their society. Whether they can carry out responsible journalism on their own, or on the contrary need a regulatory
instance controlling them, remains largely subject to debate.
According to Syed Arabi Idid (1996), press freedom and press responsibility have been discussed often enough in
forums and seminars, and they will continue in future, as they are issues of concern to all groups of people in society.
Like many related moral issues, ethics is ephemeral, oftentimes difficult to pin down. (Ramanathan,2000; 134). Over
the past two decades, the international community and local actors engaged in a series of media reforms in order to
develop a healthy media environment, also known as “enabling environment” or the process of building media laws
and institution that support free and independent media (Price & Krug, 2007). This is why a comprehensive media
strategy cannot be complete without a two-fold approach: positive, peace-oriented media and regulation of negative
media practices that enable violence.
In Kenya, the Media Council of Kenya works to promote ethical standards among journalists and in the media
industry in general. And similarly, the Code of Conduct for the Practice of Journalism as entrenched in the Second
Schedule of the Media Act 2007 governs the conduct and practice of all media practitioners in the country. However,
whether or not reporters in vernacular radio stations are familiar with, understand and adhere to these sections of the
code of conduct remains a question that this study will endeavor to address.
A study commissioned by The Friedrich Ebert Stiftung (FES) in Nairobi and conducted by the African Woman and
Child Feature Service (AWC) and the Media Diversity Centre (MDC) to investigate the underlying factors that
influence media behavior and to make recommendations on how the sector could be reformed in a manner that would
approximate aggregated expectations in Kenya, indicates that although the code of conduct for journalists is
available, conformity and adherence is problematic across the board. Employers too, rarely promote it among entry-
level journalists (FES, 2000). According to another study by Sam Howard on community radio and ethnic violence
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in Kenya, there were no binding broadcast codes and content monitoring; there was little knowledge of media ethics,
thus the study recommended a proper regulatory framework to be put in place (Howard, 2009;37).
Likewise, Ochieng, Gachoka & Mureithi (2014) examined the extent to which journalists reflect on the code of
conduct to make decisions on how to gather information, package information, publish and distribute stories in
media. Investigations were made on which decisions were made, when to select appropriate channels used to break
the story; if moral journalistic considerations were made before relying the information to the public and, whether
media practitioners upheld ethical journalistic actions that minimized harm to other parties. The study concluded that
reporters were generally aware of the existing code of conduct however, adherence to it was not quite apparent.
Additionally, Köylü, Hilal (2006) examined the practice of the profession of journalism in Turkey and whether the
fundamental ethical codes and standards of journalism are being honored in the contemporary market-driven media
sector. The study confirmed that ethical codes and standards are not being followed in the Turkish media (Hilal,
2006).
From the above examples, it is apparent that studies examining journalistic code of conduct have been rather general,
besides yielding mixed and rather contradicting results, hence further research and a more specific subject oriented
study that would help clarify the inconsistencies would be desirable.
3. FINDINGS
This chapter presents the results of the findings on the extent to which selected vernacular radio journalists in Kenya
understand and adhere to the various aspects of the Code of conduct for the practice of journalism in Kenya that
address peacebuilding.
3.1 Demographics
A total of 30 questionnaires were distributed in the month of June 2017with a response rate of 80%, (n=24,
N=30).The questionnaire was divided into three parts as follows: part one contained background information and 24
questions about the journalists’ level of preparedness for peace journalism. Part two comprised of ten statements
highlighting various aspects of the Code of Conduct for the Practice of Journalism in Kenya and was meant to
establish how well the journalists understood the code of conduct. Part three also comprised of another ten statements
highlighting various practical applications of the code of conduct and was aimed at establishing journalists’
compliance with the code. Responses to part two and three of the surveys were based on the Likert Scale and each
answer was assigned weights to establish normally distributed scores based on the collected responses (See Table5.1)
Table 4.1: Likert Scale
4.2 Demographics
A total of 24 journalists took part in the survey for this study. Table (5.2and 5.3) below presents the breakdown of the
sample size for the participants who completed the survey for journalists. In terms of gender, 25% (n=6) of the
participants were females, while 75% (n=18) were males (N=24). From the results, it is clear that there were three
times as many males than female journalist in vernacular radio stations. This may be due to the demanding nature of
the job, which involves sourcing for news in remote areas where the target audience are located and having to work
during odd hours. Furthermore, the traditional society has not fully embraced women as capable of carrying out
certain professional duties such as in media, which demand being away from the home. As such, many women
experience humiliation, stigmatization and many other forms of discrimination when working out in remote rural
areas where the audiences of these radio stations are located. Many female journalists are therefore reluctant to take
up such duties.
Weight Responses
5 Strongly Agree
4 Agree
3 Neither Nor
2 ‘Disagree
1 ‘Strongly Disagree
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Table 4.2 Gender
Q. What is your gender?
Gender Frequency Percent
Male 18 75
Female 6 25
Total 24 100
In terms of age, about 20.8 % (n=5) of the participants were between 20-25years; about 45.8% (n=11) 26-30years;
about 29.2% (n=7) between 31-35years; about 4.2% (n=1), 36-40 years and none, above 40 years. The fact that only
20.8 % were 25 years and below may be because in Kenya this is the college - going age, since majority of the
students complete high school at about 18 years with about one to two years transition period to college, where they
spend between three and four years. The fact that majority are between 26-30 years is because this is the period
immediately after graduation from college and many start their carriers at about this time. Beyond 30 years of age,
many start rising within the ranks and therefore may not be found in the field as reporters, explaining the decrease in
the number of journalists as the age advances. The results above also reflect the Kenyan demographic profile.
According to the Kenya National Bureau of Statistics (KNBS) 2017, the majority of the Kenyan adult
population(33.91%) fall within 25-54 years age bracket, and only 6.92% are 55 years and above. According to
Country Report 2017, the median age for the Kenyan journalist is 30 years with mean age of 31.9 years (Obonyo &
Owilla, 2017). The average life expectancy in Kenya stands at 59 years and the median age only 19.7 years. The
above statistics also help to explain why none of the sampled journalists was above 40 years of age.
Table 4.3 Age
Q. What is your age category?
Age Frequency Percent
20_ 25 years 5 20.8
26_ 30 years 11 45.8
31_ 35 years 7 29.2
36_ 40 years 1 4.2
Total 24 100
According to the results of the study, more than half of the journalists, that is 66.7% (n=16) hold a college or
university diploma as their highest level of education; about 25% (n=6) have a Bachelors’ degree; 4.2% (N=1) holds
a postgraduate diploma/certificate; while another 4.2% (n=1) has a postgraduate degree. The fact that the majority of
the journalists hold a diploma is because for a long time, the only recognized institution in Kenya offering college
diplomas and certificates in journalism and mass communication was Kenya School of Mass Communication
(KIMC). Although many universities now offer Bachelor’s degree, which is now becoming a basic requirement, the
KIMC diplomas are still highly recognized. The fact that only one institution -the University of Nairobi, has been
offering post-graduate diploma may serve to explain why only a very small percentage holds this qualification. At the
same time, many journalists who have higher qualifications like post - graduate degrees are mainly found at the
managerial level and not as lower - level journalists, explaining why only 4.2% belong to this category (see table 5.4
below).
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Table 4.4 Academic Qualification
Q. What is your highest level of academic qualification?
Academic Qualification Frequency Percent
College/University diploma 16 66.7
Bachelor’s degree 6 25
Post-graduate certificate/diploma 1 4.2
Post-graduate degree 1 4.2
Total 24 100
The results of this study also indicate that a large majority of the journalists 91.7% (n=22) are specialized in
journalism/media/ communication. This means that vernacular radio stations are keen on attracting mainly
professionals in the area. Only 4.2 % (n=1) are specialized in other fields and another 4.2% (n=1) specializing in the
field of Business as shown in table 5.5 below.
Table 4.5 Area of Specialization
Q. What is your area of Specialization?
Frequency Percent
Journalism/media/communication 22 91.7
Business 1 4.2
Other(specify) 1 4.2
Total 24 100
As for how the journalists were recruited to work for the radio stations, the findings indicate that most of the
respondents applied and were recruited a competitive process through interviews as this is most acceptable way to get
employment in Kenya. The results also indicate that a considerable percentage (29.2%) did not respond to this
question. Because of issues of corruption and tribalism Kenya has the highest unemployment rate in East Africa.
Kenya recorded 39.1 percent unemployment rate according to a recent report by United Nations; Human
Development Index (HDI) 2017. Matters of employment are therefore very sensitive as many people are employed
through corruption based on whom they know. Many people therefore are reluctant to reveal how they got
employment for fear of victimization.
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Table 4.6 Employment method
Q. How did you join the station?
Frequency Percent
Blank 7 29.2
Acquisition 1 4.2
Application 1 4.2
Application 2 8.3
Application, another media ho 1 4.2
Applied and did an interview 1 4.2
Applied for job 1 4.2
Applied for job and did
interview 1 4.2
Applied for the vacancy 1 4.2
By applying 1 4.2
Competitive interview 2 8.3
Competitive recruitment 1 4.2
Internship 1 4.2
On merit 1 4.2
Through organization 1 4.2
Through competitive interview 1 4.2
Total 24 100
Further still, the findings indicate that majority of the journalists had just graduated from college, as shown in table
5.7 below. Notably, 33.3% did not respond to the question of what they did before joining the current station. The
results may imply that the media profession generally prefer young and energetic fresh graduates because of the
demanding nature of the job.
Table 4.7 previous employment status
Q. What were you doing before joining the station?
Frequency Percent
Not answered 8 33.3
Business 1 4.2
I was fresh from university 1 4.2
None 1 4.2
Political reporter in another company 2 8.3
Public relations 1 4.2
Reporter 2 8.3
Student 7 29.2
Working as journalist in another station 1 4.2
Total 24 100
According to the results of the survey, the majority of the journalists 54.2 % (n=13) have 2-5 years’ experience, 25
%(n=6) have worked for 1year and below. Perhaps this is because most of them also were fresh graduates from
college as suggested above; about 20.5 % (n=5) 6-9 years and none above 10 years of experience. (see table 5.8
below). This small percentage of journalists having experience of above 5 years may mean that after gaining enough
experience, many of the journalists probably rise to higher ranks and take up other responsibilities within the
organization or elsewhere.
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Table 4.8 Work Experience
Q. For how long have you worked in your current position?
Experience Frequency Percent
0_ 1 years 6 25
2_ 5years 13 54.2
6_ 9 years 5 20.8
Total 24 100
3.3 Journalists’ understanding of the sections of the code of conduct that address peace building.
Table 4.9 displays the results on the level of understanding of the code of ethics for the practice of journalism in
Kenya. For the likert scale, it is appropriate to use the Mean (m) in order to show a clear picture of the average
results, while the standard deviation indicates the distance from the mean. The results indicate that the 24 journalists
exhibited a high level of understanding of the code of ethics/ conduct, which is implied in the higher means above the
“agree” and towards “strongly agree” on the Likert scale for most of the statements as shown in table 5.24 below. In
terms of understanding, verification of facts before broadcasting news, views or comments on ethnic, religious or
sectarian disputes was the highest rated aspect by the journalists (m=4.61). The second highest rated aspects included
avoiding the use of racists or negative ethnic terms, discriminating or perpetuating stereotypes, particularly based on
gender, ethnic or religious grounds, and not glorifying social evils, warlike activities, ethnic, racial or religious
activities through their reporting (m= 4.57).Ensuring an atmosphere of national harmony, unity and peace during
reporting was the third highest understood aspect of the code of ethics (m=4.52). The next well understood aspect of
the code of ethics was the need to apply a recognized code of ethics or set of principles of ethical practice in reporting
conflicts (m=4.48). The other aspects included taking ethical responsibility for their actions during reporting
(m=4.43), avoiding broadcasting content with the potential to cause communal trouble (m=4.39), investigating
complaints by the public and promptly correcting errors that occur during their reporting (m=4.22), and not
broadcasting quotes from persons making inflammatory /derogatory remarks respectively.
Generally, the means from the results above indicate that journalists in the sample had an understanding of the
various tested aspects of the code as reflected in the table below. The average responses remained around and within
the “agree” category and towards “strongly agree” category. The standard deviation was between1.158 to 1.38,
which signifies a low dispersion among the journalists’ views on the aspects tested, thus the distribution was normal
(see table 4.9 below).
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Table 4.9 Understanding of the code of conduct
Statement
Strongly
disagree Disagree
Neither
disagree
nor
agree Agree Strongly Mean
Standard
Deviation
Journalists should apply a
recognized Code of Conduct or set
of principles of ethical practice
when reporting conflict. 8.7 0 0 17.4 73.9 4.48 1.163
Journalists should not broadcast
quotes from persons making
inflammatory /derogatory remarks. 8.7 4.3 8.7 26.1 52.2 4.09 1.276
Journalists should not use racists or
negative ethnic terms when
reporting 8.7 0 0 8.7 82.6 4.57 1.161
Journalists should take ethical
responsibility for their actions
during reporting. 8.7 0 0 21.7 69.6 4.43 1.161
Journalists should ensure an
atmosphere of national harmony,
unity and peace during reporting. 8.7 0 0 13 78.3 4.52 1.163
Journalists should verify facts
before broadcasting news, views or
comments on ethnic, religious or
sectarian disputes. 8.7 0 0 4.3 87 4.61 1.158
Journalists should not broadcast
content with the potential to cause
communal trouble. 8.7 0 4.3 17.4 69.6 4.39 1.196
Journalists should not discriminate
and perpetuate stereotypes,
particularly based on gender, ethnic
or religious grounds while
reporting. 8.7 0 0 8.7 82.6 4.57 1.161
Journalists should not glorify social
evils, warlike activities, ethnic,
racial or religious activities through
their reporting. 8.7 0 0 8.7 82.6 4.57 1.161
Journalists should investigate
complaints by the public and
promptly correct errors that occur
during their reporting. 13 0 4.3 17.4 65.2 4.22 1.38
3.4 Journalist compliance with the code of conduct for the practice of journalism
Table 4.10 displays the results on journalists’ compliance with the code of ethics/conduct for the practice of
journalism in Kenya. Overall, the journalists surveyed exhibited high level of compliance with the code of ethics,
which is implied in the higher means(m) for most of the statements above the “agree” category and towards “strongly
agree” category on the Likert scale. In terms of compliance, the highest ranked aspect of the code of ethics was
avoiding the use of racists or negative ethnic terms when reporting (m=4.83). This compares for closely with the
same aspect tested in relation to understanding of the code of ethics, which was ranked the second. Verifying facts
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before broadcasting news, views or comments on ethnic, religious or sectarian disputes, investigating complaints
made by the public and promptly correcting errors that occur and avoiding glorifying social evils, warlike activities,
ethnic, racial or religious activities were ranked the second highest(m=4.78). The third highest ranked aspects
included avoiding broadcast of content with the potential to cause communal trouble and avoiding discrimination and
perpetuation of stereotypes, particularly based on gender, ethnic or religious grounds while reporting(m=4.7).
Applying a recognized Code of Conduct or set of principles of ethical practice when reporting conflict, taking ethical
responsibility for their actions and ensuring an atmosphere of national harmony, unity and peace during reporting,
ranked fourth(m=4.65). This position is also very close to the ranking of the same aspects tested for understanding
which were ranked 4, 5 and 3 respectively. Finally, avoiding broadcasting quotes from persons making inflammatory
or derogatory remarks was ranked the fifth and least complied with aspect (m=4.43).Interestingly the same aspect of
the code of ethics also emerged the least understood. However, in both cases this aspect still scored a high mean
(m>4) which is around the “agree” category and towards the “strongly agree” category. The above scenario is
consistent with the results of the content analysis, where 87.8% of the content analyzed avoided broadcasting quotes
from persons making inflammatory or derogatory remarks.
Table 4.10 Compliance with the Code of Conduct
Statement
Strongly
disagree Disagree
Neither
disagree
nor
agree Agree Strongly Mean
Standard
Deviation
I apply a recognized Code of Conduct or set
of principles of ethical practice when
reporting conflict. 4.3 0 0 17.4 78.3 4.65 0.885
I avoid broadcasting quotes from persons
making inflammatory /derogatory remarks. 4.3 0 8.7 21.7 65.2 4.43 0.992
I avoid using racists or negative ethnic
terms when reporting. 4.3 0 0 0 95.7 4.83 0.834
I take ethical responsibility for my actions
during reporting 4.3 0 0 17.4 78.3 4.65 0.885
I ensure an atmosphere of national
harmony, unity and peace during reporting. 4.3 0 0 17.4 78.3 4.65 0.885
I verify facts before broadcasting news,
views or comments on ethnic, religious or
sectarian disputes. 4.3 0 0 4.3 91.3 4.78 0.85
I avoid broadcast of content with the
potential to cause communal trouble. 4.3 0 0 13 82.6 4.7 0.876
I avoid discrimination and perpetuation of
stereotypes, particularly based on gender,
ethnic or religious grounds while reporting. 4.3 0 4.3 4.3 87 4.7 0.926
I avoid glorifying social evils, warlike
activities, ethnic, racial or religious
activities through my reporting. 4.3 0 0 4.3 91.3 4.78 0.85
4.3 0 0 4.3 91.3 4.78 0.85
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IJRAR19L1946 International Journal of Research and Analytical Reviews (IJRAR) www.ijrar.org 512
I Investigate complaints by the public and
promptly correct errors that occur during
my reporting.
Correlation analysis was used to determine the relationship between journalists understanding of and compliance with
the code of ethics. The significance of the results of the inferential analysis was interpreted at 95% confidence level.
The results indicate a coefficient of correlation of 0.663, p< 0.05 implying that there is a positive relationship
between journalists’ level of understanding of the code of conduct and their compliance with the same. The p-value<
0.05 implied that the relationship was significant at 95% confidence level (ref: table 4.11 below)
Table 4.11 Relationship between understanding and compliance with the code of conduct
Compliance Understanding
Compliance with the code of
ethics
Pearson
Correlation
1
.663**
Sig. (2-tailed) .001
N 24 24
journalists' understanding Pearson Correlation .663** 1
Sig. (2-tailed) .001
N 24 24
**. Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed).
4. DISCUSSIONS, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
4.1 Summary
Radio has formidable power over audience perceptions in Kenya and throughout much of Africa. For many people
here, radio is the only mass medium accessible, since it requires neither electricity nor the ability to read. For
vernacular radio there is the added advantage of addressing its target audiences in local ethnic languages. This partly
explains why vernacular radio in Kenya has registered tremendous growth over the past 20 years; from one
vernacular radio station in 2000 to over 50 vernacular stations (MCK, 2015).However, this growth has not been
without challenges. Among the many challenges of vernacular radio stations in Kenya is that they have been in the
past associated with all sort of negativities, ranging from lack of professionalism, poor content to being unethical.
This study therefore sought to answer these two research questions: How do reporters comply with and understand
the existing code of conduct for the practice of journalism in Kenya?
In order to answer the above research questions, a questionnaire was used to gather relevant data from the selected
vernacular radio journalists.
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4.2. Discussions
The findings suggest that vernacular radio journalists generally understand the various aspects of the code of conduct
for the practice of journalism in Kenya, with the majority of the respondents’ indication that they “strongly agreed”
with the various aspects of the code that were tested. On one hand, these findings confirm a previous study conducted
by Ochieng, Gachoka & Mureithi (2014) which examined the extent to which journalists reflect on the code of
conduct to make decisions on how to gather, package, publish and distribute stories in media. The study concluded
that reporters were generally aware of the existing code of conduct. On the other hand, the findings disagree with the
study by Howard, (2009:37) on community radio and ethnic violence in Kenya, which concluded that there was little
knowledge of media ethics among community radio journalists, (ref: 7.2.1). The current findings also negate the
findings by Friedrich Ebert Stiftung (FES, 2000).
The findings of the results show that majority of vernacular radio station reporters comply with the various aspects of
the code of conduct that address peace. Most of the respondents responses ranged from “agree” to “strongly agree”
with the majority falling within the “strongly agree” category. These findings however contradict the findings of a
previous study commissioned by the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung (FES), in Nairobi and conducted by the African Woman
and Child Feature Service (AWC) and the Media Diversity Centre (MDC), to investigate the underlying factors that
influence media behavior and to make recommendations on how the sector could be reformed in a manner that would
approximate aggregated expectations in Kenya. The study established that although the code of conduct for
journalists was available, conformity and adherence was problematic across the board (FES, 2000). It also disagrees
with another study conducted in Turkey by Köylü, Hilal (2006), who examined the practice of the profession of
journalism in Turkey and explored whether the fundamental ethical codes and standards of journalism were being
honored in the contemporary market-driven media sector. The study confirmed that ethical codes and standards were
not being followed in the Turkish media (Hilal, 2006). This difference in findings can possibly be explained by the
earlier findings that showed increased trainings in specialized areas including peace reporting and media ethics,
especially after the 2007/2008 post- election violence in Kenya, where vernacular radio stations were particularly
singled out for playing a negative role (KNCHR, 2008).
4. 3 Conclusion and Recommendations
The question that this study addressed was: How do reporters comply with and understand the existing code of
conduct for the practice of journalism in Kenya? The findings of this study concludes that reporters of selected
vernacular radio stations operating in conflict prone regions in Kenya largely comply with and understand the code of
conduct for the practice of journalism in Kenya.
This study recommends that the Media Council of Kenya (MCK) and other stakeholders should invest in
strengthening journalists’ skills to ensure the highest level of professionalism in doing their job. Furthermore, the
government and other stakeholders should ensure proper implementation and enforcement of existing media policies
in Kenya. As revealed by the findings of this study, MCK has put considerable effort in monitoring of compliance
however, there is need to re-visit the media monitoring systems by civil society and research organizations. Such
monitoring should be systematic and effective in documenting evidence of incitement and malpractices perpetrated
via the media especially vernacular radio stations. The documents gathered by these organizations will be helpful in
determining the intent of violations. The government, in consultation with all stakeholders in the media industry
should also monitor compliance and enforcement of existing media policies. Such initiative can strengthen and
empower the media sector, as well as acting as an impetus for the growth of the industry. The policy should be
inclusive of issues that deal with cross-ownership of the media, allocation of frequencies and policies that deal with
content. Capacity building activities and self-regulation initiatives can be spearheaded through MCK in collaboration
with local and international development partners. There should be consistent dialogue between the media industry
stakeholders to identify and rectify the weaknesses recognized as a result of the post-election violence coverage.
Generally, media houses should strive to improve the observance of media laws and ethics and promote effective
self- regulation.
Last is to improve the working conditions for Journalists. Vernacular radio stations lack adequate funds that can
allow them to operate effectively. As a result, poor remuneration and lack of safety for journalists hamper a free and
plural media. Among the challenges cited by the journalists’ surveyed was poor remunerations, therefore the
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challenge for vernacular radio stations in Kenya is to increase the salaries of their journalists. Better pay would attract
qualified professional staff, who are better protected from internal and external manipulations and threats. Substantial
progress in strengthening the media will not be possible unless the working conditions of journalists are improved.
Recognizing the importance of the media as a system of checks and balances in a democratic society, the author is
suggesting innovative funding schemes to strengthen the vernacular radio sector in particular. Such initiatives can
support the Journalism profession to perform its civic duty especially at grassroots level. This kind of support is
necessary in upgrading media enterprises and sustaining their resource and technical capacity. With these initiatives,
the media can be self-reliant and break from political and ethnic shackles that hinder their work as gatekeepers and
agenda setters for human rights and become more ethical as carry out their social responsibility.
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