Epidemology of Handigodu Disease

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Vol. 60 No. 1 JAN-JUNE 2011

CONTENTS

Epidemiology of Handigodu Syndrome among the

Adi Karnataka Community of Karnataka— Kattoju Ravi 1

Economic Status of the Tribal Communities and Government

Response— Amitabha Sarkar 19

Impact of sustainable development : A study in SundarbanBiosphere Reserve— Amitava Dinda 24

Foods for the gods : A study in Jagannath Temple of Puri—

Kakali Chakraborty, Krishna Mandal, K. M. Sinha Roy, Krishna Basu 38

The Mishing of Assam: An Introduction— R. R. Gowloog, G. Baruah 73

Methodology of Studying Indigenous Knowledge—

Samira Dasgupta, Amitabha Sarkar 76

Traditional Health Practices : A study among the Lepchas of Sikkim—

Sumitabha Chakraborty 83

The Role of Family in Mental Health and Illness :

An Anthropological Viewpoint— Shyamal Kumar Nandy 102

Tribal Development and Panchayati Raj: A Case Study of Tribal

Development Programmes and Life Situation of the Tribes in Kanksa

Block of Burdwan District of West Bengal— Md. Ayub Mallick 108

Brief Communications

Pokhran Potters of Shilpagram— Pritish Chaudhuri 147

International Border Situation in North East India and

the Distant Communities— Bibhash Dhar, Ganesh Ch. Ojah 151

A Short Note on Hybridization—Inter-Ethnic Matings among

the Tai Khamti of Arunachal Pradesh— Saumitra Barua, Mithun Sikdar 158

Research output in from of publications 163

Special exhibits during the period I

Photographs from Archive V



Epidemiology of Handigodu Syndrome among the

Adi Karnataka Community of Karnataka

Kattoju Ravi*

Abstract

Epidemiology is the study of the distribution and determinants of diseases and

injuries in human population. It is concerned with the extent and type of illness and

injuries in groups of people and with factors which influence their distribution (Judith

and Anita : 1974). Handigodu syndrome is one such health disorder reported to have

been first identified in January 1975 among four illiterate agricultural labourers of

Handigodu village which is about eight kilometers from the Sagar town in Karnataka

state. The main symptom of the syndrome reportedly, was pain in the lower part of

the body, incomprehensible and developing. It was often described as a ‘sudden catch-

ing pain’ in one of the joints of the lower limbs or in the back, which developed

without respite until it immobilized the hip or the knee joints.

Almost all the subjects affected with Handigodu syndrome in Chikmagalur taluk

and who belong to the Adi Karnataka community were taken for the study. Under the

Chikmagalur taluk of Chikmagalur district, there are two Primary Health Centres

(PHCs): those are Aldur PHC area and Srivase PHC area. Both the PHC areas were

covered. In all, there are as many as 144 patients of Handigodu syndrome spread over

13 villages in Aldur PHC area and five villages in Sirvase PHC area. About 83

genealogies were taken from 109 families to cover 144 subjects affected with Handigodu

syndrome to identify consanguineal relations, cause of death, age at the time of death,

premature deaths, still borns etc.

According to Judith S. Mansner and Anita K. Bahn (1974) “Epidemiology may

be defined as the study of the distribution and determinants of diseases and injuries

in human populations”. It is concerned with the extent and type of illnesses and

injuries in groups of people and with the factors which influence their distribution.

Judith and Anita (ibid ) further mentioned that disease not randomly distributed

throughout a population, but rather that sub groups differ in frequency of different

diseases.

Raj Pramukh (2007) mentioned that “Epidemiology is the name given to the kind

of research which is a product of the modern medical tradition that uses scientific

method to understand patterns of disease”.

HISTORY OF THE DISEASESecondary source of information on Handigodu syndrome published on 2nd

October, 1977 reveal that in January 1975 some local leaders and four illiterate

agricultural labourers of Handigodu were brought to the Government hospital at

Sagar, which is 8 kms away from the town. They complained of loss of movement

and untolerable pain in the limbs. Within a week, there were about 30 such cases

in the hospital. The main symptom reported was pain in the lower part of the body,

*Superintending Anthropologist (Cultural), Anthropological Survey of India, Central Regional

Centre, Seminary Hills, Nagpur-440 006

Jr. Anth. Survey of India, 60 : 1-18 (2011)



incomprehensible and developing. It was often described as a ‘sudden catching pain’

in one of the joints of the lower limbs or in the back, which developed without respite

until it immobilized the hip or the knee joints. Every victim reported of acute pain

in the knees at some stage. The limbs could be seen weakening and some of the

subjects could neither walk nor stand. The subjects came from both sexes and their

ages ranged from four to much over forty years.

When the Sagar hospital was filled with patients from the villages afflicted, only

then the state health authorities began to act. They then sought the services of a

renowned neurologist of the National Institute of Mental Health and Neuro-Sciences

and of a noted orthopaedic surgeon at Bangalore to study the ‘Mystery disease’.

The initial studies ruled out a neurological disorder. The doctors from Karnatakareported some of the case histories of the patients to medical institutions at Mumbai,

Delhi and Kolkata. The whole question approached the stage of minimum compre-

hension only after the Director-General of the Indian Council of Medical Research

assigned the investigation to Dr. Krishnamachari and Dr. Ramesh Bhat, Scientists for

working at the National Institute of Nutrition at Hyderabad.

The scientists from National Institute of Nutrition during their field investigation

identified two essential factors connected with the diseases: (a) All the

affected persons had eaten crabs living in the paddy fields intensively sprayed with

pesticides for a considerable period of time. (b) They tended to be related to

each other.

Dr. Krishnamachari mentions that the possible hazard on account of pesticide

residues entering the human food chain has not so far been studied in depth,

however, “there is evidence to suggest a role for chemical toxins in causing the bone

disease in man.” It is likely that people who consume crabs exposed to such

chemicals are ‘exposed to the risk of imbibing pesticide residues through this specific

food chain. But the impact of such changes on the health of poor communities needs

further study”.

The two NIN scientists have postulated a genetic factor in the occurrence of

the disease, although this is disputed by at least one other specialist. A striking

feature in the field investigation was the presence of about 30 dwarfs in the villages

affected by the Handigodu syndrome.

According to Dr. Ramesh Bhat, achondroplasic dwarfism is rare, with one case

reported per lakh of population; but the presence of so many dwarfs in two talukasis exceptional. The scientific investigation of the ‘Handigodu syndrome’ is one part

of the tragic story. At the Sagar Government Hospital, the patients were given

analgesics to relieve from pain, multivitamins and also physiotherapy. Operations

were performed in a few cases and some of the afflicted remained in hospital for

periods upto one year.

The doctors reported that the ‘cases’ listed as having severe disability were

selected for surgical correction. But the general results have not at all been convinc-

ing and satisfactory.

2 Epidemiology of Handigodu Syndrome among the Adi Karnataka Community of Karnataka



Indian Council of Medical Research has conducted a study on this syndrome.

According to the study of ICMR, Handigodu disease is a peculiar orthopedic

problem of the Chanangi and Chalwadi communities in Shimoga and Chikmagalur

districts of Karnataka. Shri Chandrasekhar Bhat, a prominent social worker of the

area, brought the first case of the disease to medical attention from Handigodu

village of Sagar taluk of Shimoga district in January 1975, hence the name of the

disease. Despite several studies that were conducted, the condition continues to be

a major medical problem of these socially deprived people.

In the year 1975, the Government of Karnataka sent a medical team consisting

of Dr. K. S. Mani and Dr. H. K. Srinivas Murthy from Bangalore to study the problem.

They conducted clinico-radiological study on 45 patients and 13 cases were controlled

and identified to be an osteo articular disease predominantly involving hip joints.

Blood samples were sent to National Institute of Virology and other pathological

investigations were done at Bangalore. These tests did not reveal any cause for the

disease. Then at the request of Government of Karnataka, ICMR sent a team

comprising Dr. Krishnamachari and Dr. Ramesh Bhat from NIN to investigate the

problem. They surveyed the entire area and identified the disease in 34 villages. A

detailed study in 18 villages led to identification of 223 cases in 73 families according

to Indian Journal of Medical Research (1977). Based on the clinico-epidemiological

study, the disease was identified as individual Endemic arthritis of Malnad. It was

attributed to toxic exposure to newly introduced synthetic pesticides in a genetically

susceptible population. However, with the passage of time, new cases continued to

occur. In 1982 some patients were reported from the Hallundur village of Sringeri

taluk of Chikmagalur district. For further investigations, the Government of Karnatakasent a new team from Bangalore Medical College under the leadership of Dr. Nuruddin.

They arrived at a conclusion that patients from Hallundur village were similar to

those reported from Sagar taluk. Further, on the basis of strong family history and

clinical picture of defective echondral ossification, they recommended conducting

genetic studies.

At this juncture, Prof. Ramalingaswamy the then Director General of ICMR

visited the area in 1985 and instituted a second enquiry under the aegis of ICMR.

For this study a multidisciplinary Task Force team from four centres was constituted

to conduct detailed epidemiological, environmental, metabolic and genetic studies

and the report was submitted in 1989. The team came to a conclusion that Handigodu

syndrome is an inherited developmental defect of bones and identified it as spondylo-

epiphyseal dysplasia of late onset, Handigodu type with autosomal dominant inher-itances. The findings were published in Skeletal Radiology (23:611-19, 1994) on the

basis of which the Handigodu disease has been included in the International Clas-

sification of Skeletal Dysplasias as SED of unclassified type.

According to some of the key informants information during our recent field

work in late 2006, the individuals in Chikmagalur taluk were first affected in the year

1969-70. It first affected the people especially the persons from Adi Karnataka,

Chalvadi, Uppara, Vokkaliga and Hasalaru communities. However, the majority of the

persons affected with Handigodu syndrome were from Scheduled Castes namely the

Kattoju Ravi 3



Adi Karnataka and Chalvadi and a Scheduled Tribe—the Hasalaru. The constitu-

tional status of the Hasalaru is not clear as they are found in both the lists of

Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. At the initial stage, the people were affected

without any indications or symptoms. All of a sudden the persons affected with this

syndrome reported of severe knee and joint pains with swellings in the year 1969-

70 when the syndrome first appeared among the people in Chikmagalur district. With

the passage of time the persons affected with this syndrome could not stand

properly with erect posture, the legs were crippled and the subjects were compelled

to walk and crawl with their forehands and legs. Some of the subjects were taken

to Chikmagalur district hospital and were referred to orthopaedicians. The orthopaedic

surgeons conducted operations for a few patients and tried to make bone setting/

corrections. However, it was reported that such bone setting/corrections throughsurgeries did not give them relief from pain and physical disability. After a decade

or so from the year of eruption of this syndrome, the patients could attain erect

posture to some extent, but they could not come out of their total physical disability.

Judith S. Mansner and Anita K. Bahn (ibid) mention that “epidemiologic studies

fall into two broad categories: Study of the concentration of disease within a

population by person, place, and time (called descriptive epidemiology) and more

focussed study of the determinants of disease or reasons for relatively high or low

frequency in specific groups (called analytic epidemiology). To describe the occur-

rence of a disease fully, three broad questions should be posed and answered. Who

is affected? Where and when do the cases occur? In other words, it is necessary

to specify person, place and time.

Although people may be characterized with respect to an almost infinite number

of variables, in practice the number should be limited according to the purposes and

resources of the specific study. In epidemiologic study it is almost routined to

specify three characteristics of person’s age, sex, and ethnic group or race. We may

also study other parameters such as occupation, marital status, other family variables

like family size; we may also consider the possible environmental factors which may

further be classified as biological, social and physical.

In the following paragraphs, an attempt will be made to bring into relief, descriptive

epidemiology basing on the empirical data collected in Chikmagalur taluk of

Chikmagalur district, Karnataka on Adi Karnataka community.

METHODOLOGY

An intensive survey was conducted in the year 2004 by the Department of

Communicable Diseases attached to District Health Office, Chikmagalur to identify

the number of subjects/patients affected with Handigodu syndrome in Chikmagalur

district. They have identified as many as 398 cases in Chikmagalur district distrib-

uted in about 70 villages in the taluks of Chikmagalur: Koppa, Sringeri and

Narasimharajapura. Majority of the cases accounting for 227 belong to Scheduled

Caste communities followed by 93 cases among Scheduled Tribes and the remaining

78 cases from other caste communities. By and large the patients from Scheduled

Caste communities reportedly belong to Adi Karnataka community.




Almost all the subjects affected with Handigodu syndrome in Chikmagalur taluk and who belong to Adi Karnataka community were taken for the study. Under theChikmagalur taluk, of Chikmagalur district there are two Primary Health Centers:They are Aldur PHC area and Sirvase PHC area. Both the PHC areas were covered.In all, there are as many as 144 patients of Handigodu syndrome spread over 13villages in Aldur PHC area and five villages in Sirvase PHC area. About 83 genealo-gies were taken from 109 families to cover 144 subjects affected with Handigodusyndrome to identify consanguineal relations, affinal relations, cause of death, ageat the time of death of person, premature deaths, still borns etc. Structured scheduleswere administered in order to get information on family size, consanguinity, formaleducation, living conditions, occupations, food habits, health and hygiene, environ-ment etc.

In this study, other traditional anthropological techniques like observation, keyinformant interview, case studies were administered to get qualitative informationfrom the local people. Secondary data from hospitals, dispensaries, District HealthOffice was collected to identify the cases of Handigodu syndrome in the affected areas.

DISTRIBUTION OF HANDIGODU SYNDROME IN CHIKMAGALUR

TALUK AMONG THE ADI KARNATAKA

Basing on the information available from the Department of CommunicableDisease in District Health Office, Chikmagalur, the Handigodu syndrome in Chikmagalur taluk is distributed in two primary Health Centres area they are: Aldur Primary HealthCentre area and Sirvase Primary Health Centre area. In Aldur PHC area the syn-drome/disease is distributed in thirteen villages. Of the thirteen villages as many as

nine villages namely, Harambi/Harambipura, Volagodu, Mallamakki, Meghalamalmakki,Sangameswarapete, Byranamakki, Bilukuppa, Halekadabagere and Honnekoppu comeunder Devadana Gram Panchayat; Kanathy and Devarahalli come under BiagooruGram Panchayat while the remaining two villages namely, Basapura and Kadavanthicome under Kadavanthi Gram Panchayat.

In Sirvase PHC area the disease/syndrome is distributed in five villages. Of thefive villages, four villages namely, Kerehara, Suntikumbre, Kalavase and Hosambalacome under Sirvase Gram Panchayat while Ujjaini alone come under Bidire GramPanchayat. From the above mentioned informations we understand that thisHandigodu syndrome is concentrated in villages of five Gram Panchayats namely,Devadana, Baigooru, Kadavanthi, Sirvase and Bidire of Chikmagalur taluk. FromTable No.1: Villagewise, sexwise distribution of persons affected with Handigodusyndrome among the Adi Karnataka in Chikmagalur Taluk of Chikmagalur district, it

is observed that there are as many as 102 cases of this syndrome in Aldur PHC area.Of the 102 cases 49 are males and 53 are females. In Sirvase PHC area there are about42 cases of which 23 are males and 19 are females. The total number of Handigodusyndrome cases in Chikmagalur taluk among the Adi Karnataka are 144, of which,72 are males and 72 are females. The villagewise distribution of the persons affected with this syndrome reveal that Ujjaini village of Sirvase PHC area has more number of subjects—as many as twenty followed by Harambi/Harambipura with 18 cases,Halekadabegere with 17 cases, Basapura with 15, Mallamakki with 11 cases, whileVolagodu and Kadavanthi have nine cases each. In the remaining villages of Chikmagalur taluk they are less in number.

Kattoju Ravi 5



Kattoju Ravi 7



Table No.1: Villagewise, Sexwise distribution of persons affected with Handigodu

syndrome among the Adi Karnataka in Chikmagalur taluk, Chikmagalur

district, Karnataka

Sl.

No.Name of the village

Persons affected with Handigodu syndrome

Male Female Total % to the total

persons affected

with Handigodu

syndrome

ALDUR PHC AREA

01. Harambi/Harambipura 9 9 18 12.50

02. Volagodu 3 6 9 6.25

03. Kanathy 2 2 4 2.78

04. Mallamakki 6 5 11 7.64

05. Sangameswarapete 1 - 1 0.69

06. Meghalamallamakki - 3 3 2.08

07. Byranamakki 4 3 7 4.86

08. Bilukuppa 1 1 2 1.39

09. Halekadabagere 9 8 17 11.81

10. Honnekoppa 1 1 2 1.39

11. Basapura 8 7 15 10.42

12. Kadavanthi 4 5 9 6.25

13. Devarahalli 1 3 4 2.78

Sub total 49 53 102 70.83

SIRVASE PHC AREA

14. Kerehara 2 1 3 2.08

15. Suntikumbre 2 7 9 6.25

16. Kalavase 5 4 9 6.2517. Hosamabala - 1 1 0.69

18. Ujjaini 14 6 20 13.89

Sub total 23 19 42 29.17

GRAND TOTAL 72 72 144 100.00

50.00% 50.00% 100.00%




The extent of physical movement and physical disability varies from person to

person. The persons affected with Handigodu syndrome at the primary stage do not

show much physical disability. Hence he/she goes in search of coffee plantation

labour work (thota kelsa) and try to be an earning member. The persons in advanced

stage with this syndrome get totally incapacitated with physical disability and will

be restricted to their dwellings. The researcher has seen several subjects in ad-

vanced stage with this syndrome. For instance a patient in advanced stage with this

syndrome in Harambi village, it is observed that his legs from the hip joint are totally

affected. His pelvic girdle seems to have been degenerated by becoming narrow, his

knee joints are totally affected, not in a position to make them straight with flexibility

voluntarily or involuntarily. Hence he is walking with two supporting sticks. Another

observation is that the subject is deaf by birth.

In some villages such as Harambi, Volagodu, Malmakki, Halekadabageru,

Basapara, Kadavanthi, Devaharahalli etc., the persons affected with Handigodu

syndrome also show features of dwarfism. They are far below normal height showing

significant stunted growth with short forearms and legs.

It is informed by one subject that the ball and the socket joint of her pelvic

girdle got totally damaged. The ball from her femur bone came out of the socket and

had experienced excruciating pain. Hence she was taken to Chikmagalur hospital and

was operated twice for bone correction/setting. Unfortunately the operations/surgeries

which were conducted on her, did not give much benefit of comfort to her though

she experienced mental tension, agony and excruciating pain after surgeries con-

ducted on her.

The Handigodu syndrome is affected to persons of the Adi Karnataka commu-

nity of various age groups (see Table No. 2). From Table No.2 on sex wise, age group

wise the persons affected with Handigodu syndrome, it is observed that as many

as 31 persons (20.67 per cent) are from the age group of 36-40 years, of which 18

are males and 13 are females. About 23 persons (15.33 per cent) are from the agegroup of 31-35 years, of which 12 are males and 11 are females. Twenty persons

constituting 13.33 per cent each are affected with this syndrome from the age groups

of 41-45 years and 46-50 years. Some thirteen individuals (8.67 per cent) are affected

in the age group of 51 to 55 years. Persons affected with this syndrome in other

age groups are less in number. So the prevalence of this syndrome seems to be

significant from the age groups of 31-35 years; 36-40 years; 41-45 years 46-50 years

and 51 to 55 years of age.

Kattoju Ravi 9



Table No. 2 : Sexwise, age-groupwise the persons affected with Handigodu syn-

drome among the Adi Karnataka in Chikmagalur taluk, Chikmagalur

district, Karnataka

The onset of the Handigodu syndrome varied from one person to another

person and it is evident from Table No. 3 on sexwise, age-groupwise at the onset

of Handigodu syndrome among the Adi Karnataka in Chikmagalur taluk. From Table

No.3, it is observed that most of the subjects: 36 (25.71 per cent) reported to have

been affected with Handigodu syndrome in the age group of 11-15 years; this is

followed by prevalence of this syndrome among 27 subjects (19.29 per cent) in the

age group of 6-10 years. About 16 individuals accounting for 11.43 per cent reported

to have been affected in the age group of 21-25 years. Ten individuals (7.14 per cent)

each from age groups of 0-5 years and 25 to 30 years reported to have been affected.

From the remaining age groups the onset of the disease is observed to be less than

in the age groups mentioned above. Hence it may be mentioned that the onset of

Sl.

No.Age-group

(in years)

Persons affected with

Handigodu syndrome

% to the total No. of

persons affected

with HS

Male Female

1 16 - 20 2 - 2 1.33

2 21 - 25 2 2 4 2.67

3 26 - 30 4 4 8 5.33

4 31 - 35 12 11 23 15.33

5 36 to 40 18 13 31 20.67

6 41 to 45 10 10 20 13.33

7 46 to 50 14 6 20 13.33

8 51 to 55 3 10 13 8.67

9 56 to 60 5 5 10 6.67

10 61 to 65 2 4 6 4.6

11 66 to 70 2 2 4 2.67

12 71 to 75 2 2 4 2.67

13 76 to 80 2 3 5 3.33

14 81 to 85 - - - -

15 86 to 90 - - - -

Total 78 72 150* 100

NB: Inclusive of six patients who expired

Total




the disease among the Adi Karnataka in Chikmagalur taluk seems to be prominent

in the age groups of 0-5 years; 6-10 years; 11-15 years; 16-20 years; 21-25 years and

26-30 years.

An attempt is made to bring into relief the occurrence of this Handigodu

syndrome, sexwise and yearwise among the Adi Karnataka community in Chikmagalur

taluk. From Table No. 4, it is observed that maximum number of persons - as many

as 39 persons (28.47 percent—20 males and 19 females) were affected in the year

1975-76. A good number of persons-24 (17.52 per cent) (12 males and 12 females)

were affected in the year 1985-86. In the year 1980-81 about 20 persons (14.60 per

cent—10 male and 10 females) were affected with this syndrome. In the year 1970-

71 about 18 persons (13.14 per cent—7 males and 11 females) were affected. In

the remaining years, the onset of this disease/syndrome among the persons fromthis community is found to be less in number comparatively. The onset of

the disease/syndrome is conspicuous in the years 1970-71; 1975-76; 1980-81 and

1985-86.

Table No. 3: Sexwise, age-groupwise at the onset of Handigodu syndrome

among the Adi Karnataka in Chikmagalur taluk, Chikmagalur district,

Karnataka


Handigodu syndromeSl.

No.

Male Female Total

Age-group

(in years)


persons affected

with HS

01. 0 - 5 6 4 10 7.14

02. 6 - 10 17 10 27 19.29

03. 11 - 15 17 19 36 25.71

04. 16 - 20 11 9 20 14.29

05. 21 - 25 7 9 16 11.43

06. 26 - 30 3 7 10 7.14

07. 31 - 35 2 3 5 3.57

08. 36 - 40 2 4 6 4.29

09. 41 - 45 4 2 6 4.29

10. 46 - 50 - 1 1 0.71

11. 51 - 55 1 1 2 1.43

12. 56 - 60 - 1 1 0.71

70 70 140 100

Kattoju Ravi 11



Table No.4: Sexwise and yearwise the onset of Handigodu syndrome among the

Adi Karnataka in Chimagalur taluk, Chikmagalur district, Karnataka


Handigodu syndromeSl.

No.

Male Female Total

Year of onest

of the syndrome


persons affected

with HS

01 1965 – 1966 1 - 1 0.73

02 1966 – 1967 - 2 2 1.46

03 1970 – 1971 7 11 18 13.14

04 1972 – 1973 1 1 2 1.46

05 1973 – 1974 - 1 1 0.73

06 1975 – 1976 20 19 39 28.47

07 1976 – 1977 1 - 1 0.73

08 1977 – 1978 2 - 2 1.46

09 1978 – 1979 1 1 2 1.46

10 1979 – 1980 1 1 2 1.46

11 1980 – 1981 10 10 20 14.6

12 1983 – 1984 4 1 5 3.65

13 1985 – 1986 12 12 24 17.52

14 1987 – 1988 - 1 1 0.73

15 1988 – 1989 1 1 2 1.46

16 1989 – 1990 1 1 2 1.46

17 1990 – 1991 2 1 3 2.19

18 1995 – 1996 2 4 6 4.38

19 1998 – 1999 - 2 2 1.46

20 2000 – 2001 - 1 1 0.73

21 2004 – 2005 - 1 1 0.73

66 71 137 100

NB: Some subjects could not furnish the information




The symptoms of Handigodu syndrome varied from one person to another

person among Adi Karnataka people in Chikmagalur taluk, where the study was

made. The percentages, of various symptoms reported will not tally as subjects from

each family informed more than one symptom (see Table No. 5). Most of the families

i.e., 106 families constituting 97.25 per cent informed of joint pains as symptom of

the disease/syndrome. As many as 40 families (36.70 per cent) informed low back

pain as one of the symptoms of the disease. About 24 families (22.02%) reported of

swelling in knee joints as one of the symptoms, followed by 15 families (13.76 per

cent) who reported of hip joint pains; 13 families (11.93 per cent) reported of joint

pains; three families reported of physical disability, two families reported of severe

pain in legs and one family reported of degeneration of hip joint. On enquiry thegravity of Handigodu syndrome is found in 87 families (79.82 per cent) who informed

that this syndrome cannot be controlled, while 12 families (11.01 per cent) replied that

it can be controlled. About 10 families (9.17 per cent) informed that they do not know

the way in which 1980-81 it can be controlled.

Some communities may have a belief that certain diseases affect people due to

wrath of certain deities at the local, regional level or deities of wider pantheon order.

Table No. 6 shows certain myths related to Handigodu syndrome among the Adi

Karnataka families taken for the study in Chikmagalur taluk. Most of the families i.e.,

as many as 103 families accounting for 94.50 per cent informed that no myths are

related to Handigodu syndrome. Only six families (5.50 per cent) perceive that they

believe in myths which are associated with Handigodu syndrome. About five families

believe that this syndrome/disease is caused by the wrath of local deities such as

Chandidevi, Kankulamma, Choudamma, Veerabhadra, and Bhootaswamy. Only one

family described that this problem is caused by the wrath of Lord Eshwara.

During field investigation the researcher obtained the opinion of the families for

the study whether Handigodu syndrome is curable or not curable (see Table No. 7).

From Table No. 7, it is observed that as many as 103 families (94.58%) believe that

Handigodu syndrome is not curable. Only six families (5.50 per cent) informed that

this disease/syndrome may be cured if proper medicines are administered regularly.

Kattoju Ravi 13

Empirical data was collected to know about the causes of deaths in the families

(taken for the study) in the last five years. As many as 69 families (63.30 per cent)reported to have no deaths in the last five years. However, about 40 families reported

to have deaths due to various ailments/diseases. The causes of deaths are reportedly

due to old age, paralysis, heart attack, Handigodu syndrome, tuberculosis, uterus

cancer, kidney problem, body swelling, mental illness, diarrhoea, fever and vomiting,

asthma, hypertension, gastric problem, accident, still born. On careful scrutiny of

the 83 genealogies collected, it is observed that about 72 subjects have inherited this

syndrome from either of the parents though consanguineal marriages with cross

cousins are very less in number.




T a b l e N o . 5 : V i l l a g e w i s e i n f o r m a t i o n r e g a r d i n g s y m p t o m s o f H a n d i g o d u s y n d r o m e a m o n g t h e A d i K

a r n a t a k a i n C h i k m a g a l u r t a l u k ,

C h i k m a g a l u r d i s t r i c t , K a r n a t a k a

A L D U R

P H C

A R E A

0 1 .

H a r a m b i / H a r a m b i p u r a

1 4

1 4

5

1 0

1

-

-

-

-

1

1 1

2

0 2 .

V o l a g o d u

8

8

1

8

-

2

-

-

-

1

2

5

0 3 .

K a n a t h y

4

4

2

3

-

-

1

-

-

1

3

-

0 4 .

M a l l a m a k k i

8

8

3

4

-

-

-

-

-

2

5

1

0 5 .

M e g h a l a m a l m a k k i

3

2

1

2

-

-

1

-

-

2

1

-

0 6 .

S a n g a m e s w a r a p e t e

1

1

-

1

1

-

-

1

-

-

1

-

0 7 .

B y r a n a m a k k i

5

4

-

2

-

-

1

-

-

-

4

1

0 8 .

B i l u k u p p a

1

1

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

1

-

0 9 .

H a l e k a d a b a g e r e

1 2

1 2

-

4

-

-

2

-

2

1

1 1

-

1 0 .

H o n n e k o p p a

2

2

-

-

-

-

1

-

2

-

2

-

1 1 .

B a s a p u r a

1 1

1 1

-

1

-

-

2

-

1

2

9

-

1 2 .

K a d a v a n t h i

8

8

-

-

-

-

2

-

1

-

8

-

1 3 .

D e v a r a h a l l i

4

4

-

1

-

-

1

-

-

-

4

-

S u

b

T o

t a

l

8 1

7 9

1 2

3 6

2

2

1 1

1

6

1 0

6 2

9

S I R V A S E P H C A R E A

1 4 .

K e r e h a r a

3

2

1

3

-

-

1

-

-

-

3

-

1 5 .

S u n t i k u m b r e

7

7

-

1

-

-

1

-

1

-

7

-

1 6 .

K a l a v a s e

6

6

-

-

-

-

4

-

1

1

4

1

1 7 .

H o s a m a b a l a

1

1

-

-

1

-

1

-

1

-

1

-

1 8 .

U j j a i n i

1 1

1 1

-

-

-

-

6

-

6

1

1 0

-

S u b T o t a l

2 8

2 7

1

4

1

-

1 3

-

9

2

2 5

1

G r a n d T o t a l

1 0 9

1 0 6

1 3

4 0

3

2

2 4

1

1 5

1 2

8 7

1 0

P e r c e n t a g e s

( 1 0 0 . 0 0 )

( 9 7 . 2 5 ) ( 1 1 . 9 3 ) ( 3 6 . 4 0 )

( 2 . 7 5 )

( 1 . 8 3 )

( 2 2 . 0 2 )

( 0 . 9 2 )

( 1

3 . 7 6 ) ( 1 1 . 0 1 ) ( 7 9 . 8 2 )

( 9 . 1 7 )

F i g u r e s i n p a r e n t h e s i s a r e p e r c e n t a g e s t o t h e t o t a l n u m b e r o f f a m i l i e s t a k e n f o r t h e s t u d y

N o . o f

f a m i l i e s

s t u d i e d

W h e t h e r H S c a n b e

c o n t r o l l e d o r n o t

S y m t o m s o f H a n d i g o d

u s y n d r o m e a s i n f o r m e d b y t h e

f a m i l i e s a f f e c t e d w i t h i t

J o i n t

p a i n s

B o d y

p a i n s

L o w

b a c k

p a i n s

P h y s

i c a l

d i s a b

i l i t y

S e r v i c e

p a i n i n l e

g s

S w e l l i n g

i n

k n e e

j o i n t s

D e g e r a t i o n

o f b o n e s

H i p

J o i n t

p a i n s

Y e s

N o

D o n ’ t k n o w /

c a n t ’ t s a y

S l . N o .

N a m e o f t h e v i l l a g e



Kattoju Ravi 15

T a b l e N o . 6 : V i l l a g e w i s e i n f o r m a t i o n o n m y t h s r e l a t e d t o H a n d

i g o d u S y n d r o m e a m o n g t h e A d i K a r n

a t a k a f a m i l i e s t a k e n f o r t h e s u t d y

i n C h i k m a g a

l u r t a l u k , C h i k m a g a l u r d i s t r i c t , K a r n a

t a k a

A L D U R P H C A R E A

0 1 . H a r a m b i / H a r a m b i p u r a

1 4

1

1 3

1

-

-

- - - - - -

0 2 . V o l a g o d u

8

-

8

-

-

-

- - - - - -

0 3 . K a n a t h y

4

-

4

-

-

-

- - - - - -

0 4 . M a l l a m a k k i

8

-

8

-

-

1

- - - - - -

0 5 . M e g h a l a m a l l m a k k i

3

1

2

-

-

-

W r a t h

i s c a u s e d b y L o r d E s h w a r a

0 6 . S a m g a m e s w a r a p e t e

1

-

1

-

-

-

- - - - - -

0 7 . B y r a n a m a k k i

5

-

5

-

-

-

- - - - - -

0 8 . B i l u k u p p a

1

-

1

-

-

-

- - - - - -

0 9 . H a l e k a d a b a g e r e

1 2

1

1 1

1

-

-

B y

t h e w r a t h o f C h a n d i d e v i

1 0 . H o n n e k o p p a

2

-

2

-

-

-

- - - - - -

1 1 . B a s a p u r a

1 1

-

1 1

-

-

-

- - - - - -

1 2 . K a d a v a n t h i

8

-

8

-

-

-

- - - - - -

1 3 . D e v a r a h a l l i

4

-

4

-

-

-

- - - - - -

S u b T o t a l

8 1

3

7 8

2

-

1

S I R V A S E P H E A R E A

1 4 . K e r e h a r a

3

-

3

-

-

-

- - - - - -

1 5 . S u n t i k u m b r e

7

-

7

-

-

-

- - - - - -

1 6 . K a l a v a s e

6

3

3

3

-

-

B y t h e

w a r t h o f K a n k u l a m m , V e e r a b h a d r a ,

C h o u d a m m a a n d R a u b o t h a

1 7 . H o s a m b a l a

1

-

1

-

-

-

- - - - -

1 8 . U j j a i n i

1 1

-

1 1

-

-

-

- - - - -

S u b T o t a l

2 8

3

2 5

3

3

-

G r a n d T o t a l

1 0 9

6

1 0 3

5

3

1


( 1 0 0 . 0 0 )

( 5 . 5 0 )

( 9 4 . 5 0 )

( 4 . 5 9 )

( 0 . 9 2 )

F i g u r e s i n p a r e n t h e s i s a r e p e r c e n t a g e s t o

t h e t o t a l n u m b e r o f f a m i l i e s t a k e n f o r t h e s t u d y

S l . N o .


N o . o f

f a m i l i e s

s t u d i e d

D e t a i l s o f m y t h s r e l a t e d

t o H a n d i g o d u s y n d r o m e

( i f a n y )

A n y m y t h s

r e l a t e d t o H S

Y e s

N o . o f f a m

i l i e s w h o b e l i e v e t h a t H S

i s c a u s e d b y t h e w r a t h o f

R e g i o n a l

D i e t y

D e i t y o f w i d e r

p a n t h e o n

o r d e r

N o

L o c a l

D e i t y

2




T a b l e N o . 7 : V i l l a g e w i s e o p i n i o n o f t h e f a m i l i e s t a k e n f o r t h e s t u d y i n C h i k m a g a l u r t a l u k , C h i k m a g a l u r d i s t r i c t , K a r n a t a k a w h e t h e r

H a n d i g o d u s y n d r o m e i s c u r a b l e o r n o t .


0 1 . H a r a m b i / H a r a m b i p u r a

1 4

-

1 4

-

1 4 c a n ’ t s a y

0 2 . V o l a g o d u

8

-

8

-

8 c a n ’ t s a y

0 3 . K a n a t h y

4

-

4

-

4 c a n ’ t s a y

0 4 . M a l l a m a k k i

8

2

6

2 i f p r o p e r m e d i c i n e s a r e t a k e n

6 d o n ’ t k n o w

0 5 . M e g h a l a m a l m a k k i

3

-

3

-

3 c a n ’ t s a y

0 6 . S a n g a m e s w a r a p e t a

1

-

1

-

1 c a n ’ t s a y

0 7 . B y r a n a m a k k i

5

-

5

-

1 s i n c e i t i s

a f f e c t e d a t t h e a g e o f 8 y e a r s t h e

p a t i e n t i s a b l e

t o w a l k w i t h d i f f i c u l t y - 4 c a n ’ t s a y .

0 8 . B i l u k u p p a

1

-

1

-

1 c a n ’ t s a y

0 9 . H e l e k a d a b a g e r e

1 2

1

1 1

1 i f p r o p e r

m e d i c i n e s a r e p r o v i d e d

1 1 d o n ’ t k n o w / c a n ’ t s a y

1 0 . H o n n e k o p p a

2

-

2

-

2 d o n ’ t k n o w

1 1 . B a s a p u r a

1 1

-

1 1

-

2 n o i d e a ; 8

c a n ’ t s a y / d o n ’ t k n o w 1 G o o d f o o d i s

n o t t a k e n

1 2 . K a d a v a n t h i

8

-

8

-

1 n o i d e a ; 7

d o n ’ t k n o w / c a n ’ t s a y

1 3 . D e v a r a h a l l i

4

1

3

1 i f p r o p e r


1 n o i d e a ; 2

c a n ’ t s a y

S u b T o t a l

8 1

4

7 7


1 4 . K e r e h a r a

3

-

3

-

2 n o i d e a ; 1

c a n ’ t s a y

1 5 . S u n t i k u m b r e

7

-

7

-

7 c a n ’ t s a y / d o n ’ t k n o w

1 6 . K a l a v a s e

6

-

1

1 i f p r o p e r


1 7 . H o s a m b a l a

1

-

1

1 c a n ’ t s a y

1 8

U j j a i n i

1 1

1

1 0

1 i f p r o p e r m e d i c i n e s a r e t a k e n r e g u l a r l y

1 n o i d e a ; 9

c a n ’ t s a y / d o n ’ t k n o w

S u b T o t a l

2 8

2

2 6

G r a n d T o t a l

1 0 9

6

1 0 3


( 1 0 0 . 0 0 )

( 5 . 5 0 )

( 9 4 . 5 0 )

F

i g u r e s i n p a r e n t h e s i s a r e p e r c e n t a g e s t o

t h e t o t a l n u m b e r o f f a m i l i e s t a k e n f o r t h

e s t u d y


N o . o f

f a m i l i e s

s t u d i e d

C u r a b l e

O p i n i o n o f t h e f a m

i l i e s w h e t h e r H a n d i g o d u s y n d r o m e i s c u r a b l e o r n o t c u r a b l e

I t y e s , h o w i t i s c u r a b l e

o p i n i o n

o f n o . o f f a m i l i e s

N o t

c u r a b l e

I f n o t , w

h y i t c a n n o t b e c u r e d

o p i n i o n

o f N o . o f f a m i l i e s

S l . N o .



Kattoju Ravi 17

T a b l e N o . 8 : V i l l a g e w i s e C

h i l d r e n ’ s i m m u n i z a t i o n s t a t u s , p r e f e r e n c e t o i n d i g e n o u s a n d m o d e r n m e d i c a l c a r e , d e a t h s i n t h e l a s t f i v e

y e a r s a n d c a u

s e s o f d e a t h s i n t h e f a m i l i e s a f f e c t e d w

i t h H a n d i g o d u s y n d r o m e i n C h i k m a g a l u r t a l u k , C h i k m a g a l u r d i s t r i c t ,

K a r n a t a k a


H a r a m b i / H a r a m b i p u r a

1 4

1 2

-

2

-

1 4

-

2

1 2

1 . O l d a g e

1 . P a r a l y s i s

V a l g o d u

8

7

1

-

-

8

-

1

7

1 . H e a r t a t t a c k

K a n a t h y

4

4

-

-

-

4

-

1

3

1 . H a n d i g o

d u

M a l l a m a k k i

8

6

-

2

-

8

-

7

1

4 . P a r a l y s i s

3 . T u b e r c u l o s i s 1 . O l d a g e

M e g h a l a m a l m a k k i

3

2

-

1

-

3

-

-

3

-

S a n g a m e s w a r a p e t e

1

-

-

1

-

1

-

1

-

1 . U t e r u s C

a n c e r

B y r a n a m a k k i

5

3

-

2

-

5

-

2

3

1 . K i d n e y p r o b l e m 1 . B o d y s w e l l i n g 1 . M e n t a l i l l n e s s .

B i l u k u p p a

1

1

-

-

-

1

-

-

1

-

H a l e k a d a b a b g e r e

1 2

9

-

3

-

1 1

1

3

9

2 . O l d a g e

1 . D i a r r h o e a

H o n n e k o p p a

2

2

-

-

-

2

-

1

1

1 . F e v e r a n

d V o m i t i n g

B a s a p u r a

1 1

1 0

-

1

-

1 1

-

3

8

1 . A s t h m a ,

1 . K i d n e y F a i l u r e 1 . H y p e r t e n s i o n

K a d a v a n t h i

8

6

1

1

-

8

-

3

5

1 . A s t h m a ,

1 U t e r u s C a n c e r 1 . U n a b l e t o t a k e f o o d

D e v a r a h a l l i

4

4

-

-

-

4

-

3

1

1 . H y p e r t e n s i o n 1 . A s t h m a , 1 . P a r a l y s i s

S u b T o t a l

8 1

6 6

2

1 3

-

8 0

1

2 7

5 4

2


K e r e h a r a

3

3

-

-

-

3

-

2

1

1 . O l d a g e .

1 . T u b e r c u l o s i s 1 . A s t h m a 1 . S t o m a c h p r o b l e m

S u n t i k u m b r e

7

7

-

-

-

7

-

3

4

2 . A s t h m a

2 . P a r a l y s i s 1 . H e a r t a t t a c k

1 . H a n d i g o

d u s y n d r o m e

K a l a v a s e

6

3

2

1

-

6

-

3

3

1 . H a n d i g o d u s y n d r o m e a n d A s t h m a 1 . A s t h m a 1 . O l d a g e

H o s a m b a l a

1

1

-

-

-

1

-

1

-

1 . G a s t r i c p r o b l e m

U j j a i n i

1 1

8

-

3

-

1 1

-

4

7

1 . S t i l l b o r n 1 . A c c i d e n t 1 . H e a r t a t t a c k 1 . O l d a g e .

S u b T o t a l

2 8

2 2

2

4

-

2 8

-

1 3

1 5

G r a n d T o t a l

1 0 9

8 8

4

1 7

-

1 0 8

1

4 0

6 9


N

o . o f

f a m i l i e s

A r e t h e r e

d e a t h s i n

f a m i l i e s i n t h e

l a s t f i v e y e a r s

W h e t h e r c h i l d r e n a r e

b e n e f i t e d t h r o u g h

i m m u n i z a t i o n

p r o g r a m m e s o r n o t

P r e f e r e n c e t o

i n d i g e n o u s a n d

m o d e r n m

e d i c a l c a r e

F i g u r e s i n p a r e n t h e s i s a r e p e r c e n t a g e s t o t h e t o t a l n u m b e r o f f a m i l i e s t a k e n f o r t h e s t u d y

C a u s e

o f d e a t h s a n d n u m b e r o f d e c e a s e d

Y e s

N o

N A

I n d i g e n o u s

M o d e r n

B o t h

Y e s

N o



“Symptoms, field observation and Scientific Inves-

tigation”, in “The Hindu” daily Newspaper, Banga-

lore Edition, dated 02.10.1977.

“Handigodu Disease: A continued Challenge, ICMR

Brainstorming Session on Management of Handigodu

Disease”, held from 27 th to 30th November 2002,

organized by the ICMR Task Force Project,

Handigodu Disease Phase II at Sharavathi Valley

Project, Jog Falls.

Epidemiology: An Introductory Text, Philadelphia:W.B. Saunders Company.

“Medical Anthropology”, Ambala Cant.: The Asso-

ciated Publishers.

The Hindu

ICMR Task Force

Project Report

Judith S. Mansner &Anita K. Bahn

Raj Pramukh, K.E.

1977

2002

1974

2007


References



Economic Status of the Tribal Community

and Government Response

Amitabha Sarkar*Abstract

Indian constitution has offered a number of protective and developmental mea-

sures for the Scheduled castes and Scheduled Tribes in view of their upliftment and

development of quality of life and also tried to ensure protection from social exploitation.

The present paper highlights the articles and amendments in which such constitu-tional facilities are offered to SC’s and ST’s and with the help of such, some important

measures are taken like MADA (Modified Area Development Approach), National Tribal

Policy, PMS (Post Matric Scholarship}, VTGS (Development of Vulnerable Tribal Groups),

grant-in-aid to voluntary organization etc.

Indian Constitution has offered a number of protective measures for the Sched-

uled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. These measures are intended to uplift the quality

of life of the SC’s and ST’s and to watch that they are not exploited. Certain articles

are there to coordinate tribal/scheduled caste welfare activities between the center

and the states. There are Standing Parliamentary Committees also for these purposes.

Out of twelve schedules (of the constitution), two schedules are specifically

meant for the administration of the scheduled tribal area. Various articles are con-

cerned with various aspects of life of this economically backward people. The detailsare as follows:

Schedule 5 (under Article 244(1) provides administration of the Scheduled tribal areas

Schedule 6 (under Article 214 and 275) provides administration of the tribal areas of

Assam, Meghalaya and Mizoram. This can be amended by simple

majority in the Parliament. These articles have recommended the

creation of autonomous councils and regional councils.

Article 14 and 15 : Prohibit discrimination on the basis of caste or race or ethnic or

states, but the state has the right to take any special measure for

the Scheduled Tribes.

Article 16 : The constitution provides equal opportunities to all the citizens

but the state reserves the right to provide reservations for theScheduled Tribes and others

Article 19 : The constitution offers the right to move freely in any part of the

country but the state has the right restrict movement in the interest

of the tribal people.

Article 23 & 24 : The constitution deligates power to the state to stop exploitation

of the Scheduled Tribes.

*Suptd. Anthropologist (Cultural), Anthropological Survey of India, Kolkata




Articles 38, 39, 39A, 41, 43, 46, 47, 48, 48A : These articles have authorized the stateto protect the interest of the Scheduled Tribes.

Article 46 : Provides that the state shall promote with special care the interestof the weaker section of the population in particular, the Scheduled Castes & Scheduled Tribes and shall protect them from socialinjustice and all kinds of exploitation.

Article 164(A) : Provides the active involvment of Union Minister for Tribal Welfare

in the state of Bihar, Madhya Pradesh and Orissa.

Article 244, 244(A) : Provide friendly administration on tribal areas. These articlesrestrict transfer of land from tribal people to non-tribal people and ban money lending in tribal areas.

Article 275 : Provides adequate budget provision of the center to the states for undertaking welfare measures for the Scheduled Tribes.

Article 371 (A,B,C) : Uphold customary law, justice and socio-religious practices in Nagaland, Manipur and parts of Assam.

Article 330, 332, 334, 335, 338, 339 and 342 : Provide reservations in legislatures,educational institution and various service sectors. These articlesalso provide the appointment of special officers and commissions.

Besides these, a number of time to time constitutional amendments have been

provided for the welfare of the Schedule Castes and Scheduled Tribes.

Amendment no. 8 (1960) : Extended special provision relating to reservation of seatsfor ST’s and representatives of the Anglo Indian community in the

House of People and in the State Legislative Assembly for a further period of 10 years from January, 26, 1960.

Amendment no. 13 (1963) : Grant of statehood to Nagaland.

Amendment no. 22 (1969) : Grant of statehood to Meghalaya.

Amendment no. 23 (1969) : Extension of reservation of seats in the House of Peopleand in the State Legislatures for the Scheduled Tribes and therepresentatives of the Anglo Indian community for a further period of 10 years from January 1970.

Amendment no. 45 (1979) : Extension of reservation of seats in the House of Peopleand in the State Legislatures for the Scheduled Tribes and therepresentatives of Anglo Indian community for a further period of

10 years with effect from January 1980.

Amendment no. 49 (1980) : This amendment gives constitutional security to the

autonomous district council functioning in Tripura.

Amendment no. 51 (1984) : Replaces the section dealing with “Scheduled Castes and

Scheduled Tribe except the tribal areas of Assam, Nagaland,Meghalaya, Arunachal Pradesh and Mizoram” with the word “ TheScheduled Tribe except the ST’s in the autonomy district of Assam”in Article 330 and 332.

Amendment no. 53 (1987) Granting statehood to Mizoram.

Amendment no. 55 (1987) : Granting statehood to Arunachal Pradesh

20 Economic Status of the Tribals and Government Response



Amendment no. 57 (1987) : Amended Article no. 332 providing special arrangementwith regard to reservation of seats for the ST’s in the north easternstates of Arunachal Pradesh, Mizoram, Nagaland, Meghalaya, untilreadjustment of seats on the basis of first Census after 2000 AD.

Amendment no. 62 (1989) : Extension of reservation of seats in the House of Peopleand the State legislatures for Scheduled Tribes and members of Anglo Indian community for a further period of 10 years fromJanuary 1990.

Amendment no. 65 (1990) : Recommendation for setting up a National Commissionfor the Scheduled Tribes and Scheduled Castes.

Amendment no. 72 (1992) : To add a new part to ensure direct election to all seats

in Panchayats for the reservation of seats for the Scheduled Tribesand Scheduled Castes; as well as to ensure reservation of not lessthan 1/3rd of the seats for women (This later became 73rd amend-ment act)

Amendment no. 74 (1992) : To provide 20 seats reserved for ST’s in the assemblyof Tripura

Amendment no. 79 (1999) : Extension of reservation of seats in the House of Peopleand State legislature for Scheduled Tribes and members of AngloIndian community for a further period of 10 years from January2000 AD.

Amendment no. 81 (2000) : By this amendment the unfilled vacancies of a year thatwere reserved for Scheduled Tribes and Scheduled Castes for

being filled up (under provisions of Article 16) shall be considered as a separate class of vacancies.

Amendment no. 82 (2000) : The amendment provides that nothing in 335 shall prevent the state from making any provision in favour of Sched-uled Tribes and Scheduled Castes for relaxation of qualifying marksin matters of promotion to any class or classes of services or postsin connection with the affairs of the state or of the Union.

Amendment no. 83 (2000) : The act amended Article 243 (M) of the constitution to provide that no reservation in Panchayat need be made in favour of the Scheduled Castes of Arunachal Pradesh which is whollyinhabited by the tribal people.

Amendment no. 84 (2001) : The act amended the provision of Articles 82 and 170(3)

of the Constitution to readjust and rationalize the territorial con-stituency of the states without altering the number of seats allotted to each state in the House of People and State Legislative Assem- blies including the Scheduled Tribes and Schedule Casts constitu-encies on the basis of population ascertained in the Census of 1991 so that uneven growth of population/electorate guided imbal-ance can be removed.

Amendment no. 85 (2001) : This act amended Article 16 (4A) to provide consequen-tial seniority in the case of promotion by virtue of reservation of posts for Scheduled Tribes and Scheduled Castes.

Amitabha Sarkar 21



Amendment no.89(2003) : Two separate National Commissions—one for the Sched-

uled Castes and the other for the Scheduled Tribes to be set up.

Amendment no.90 (2003) : Provided that for elections in the State of Assam (Leg-

islative Assembly), the representation of the Scheduled Castes and

non-scheduled tribes in the constituencies included in the Bodoland

Territorial Areas District, so notified and existing prior to the

constitution of Bodoland Territorial Areas District, shall be main-

tained.

Amendment no 92 (2003) : Renumbering of entries in the eighth schedule as followed

Bodo from 3 renumbered as 5, Santhali for 18 renumbered as 22.

Amendment no. 105 (2006) Seeks to make Bihar free for having any Tribal WelfareMinister (as only 0.9% Tribal population is now found after the

formation of Jharkhand). In turn the provision of 164 (1) has been

extended to Jharkhand and Chattisgarh.

II

During the IInd five year plan, Multipurpose Tribal Development Blocks were

identified and these were named to TD Blocks during the IIIrd plan period. L.P.

Vidyarthi and S. C. Dube Committee submitted report on TD Block. During the 5th

Five year Plan, the Tirbal sub plan system was introduced to improve the quality of

life of tribal people and revenue disparity in tribal development–about 194 ITDP

areas were identified. During the 7th & 8 th plan period Modifed Area Development

Approach (MADA) was taken to develop the tribal population economically and

educationally.

Some other important measures taken are –

i) The Scheduled Tribes and other traditional forest dwellers (Recognition

of Forest Rights) Act, 2006 which is being administered by the Ministry

of Tribal Affairs, seeking to recognize and vest the forest right and

occupation of forest land to forest dwelling Schedulded Tribe and other

traditional forest dwellers who have been residing in such forest for

generation while their rights yet not recorded, has been notified for

operation w.e.f. 31.12.07.

ii) The Ministry of Tribal Affairs has formulated a draft during 2006, –

“National Tribal Policy” covering all important issues that concern

tribals. The policy derives strength from the principles enshrined in theconstitution and the provisions of the Panchayats (extension to sched-

uled areas) Act, 1996. At the same time the draft policy also identifies

the strength of tribal traditions and cultures. The main thrust in the

policy are –

(a) Alienation of tribal land,

(b) Tribal – forest interface

(c) Displacement, resettlement and rehabilitation

(d) Enhencement of human development index

22 Economic Status of the Tribals and Government Response



(e) Creation of critical infrastructure

(f) Violent manifestations

(g) Conservation and development of vulnerable Tribal groups (PTGS)in particularly.

(h) Adoption of Tribal sub-Plan (TSP) strategy

(i) Empowerment

(j) Gender equality

(k) Enlisting support of non-governmental organization

(l) Tribal culture and traditional knowledge

(m) Administration of tribal areas etc.iii) In order to provide focussed attention particularly to the development

of vulnerable Tribal groups (PTGS), the Ministry has ensured the

formulation of “Conservation cum Development (CCD) Plans” for the11th Plan period. The states have formulated the CCD plans by adoptinghabitat development approach based on data collected through baselinesurveys.

iv) To unveil various facets of tribal life, the Ministry in collaboration withthe photo-division, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting orga-

nized photographic exhibition cum competition on “Tribal: ForestDwellers”.

v) Educational development is a stepping-stone to economic and social

development, and the most effective instrument for empowering thetribals. Hence, the Post Matric Scholarship (PMS) continues to be animportant centrally sponsored scheme to promote higher educationamong the Scheduled Tribes.

The scheme of Ashram School is yet another interesting theme which aims at

extending educational facilities and providing an environment conducive to the

education of Scheduled Tribe boys and girls through dedicated residential schools.

During 2008-09, it is also reported that as a special drive, the Ministry has

funded about 40 crore to some NGO, autonomous societies of state governments for

“strengthening education among Scheduled Tribe girls in Low literacy districts.

Under the scheme of “Grant-in-aid to voluntary organizations” during 2008-09,

the Govt. of India funded 354 projects covering residential and non-residential

schools, hostels, libraries, mobile dispensaries, ten or more bedded hospitals, com- puter training centers, rural night schools, agricultural training and for which about

43.11 crore rupees were spent involving about 6.05 lakh Scheduled Tribe people.

Under the scheme of “Research and Mass Education, Tribal Festival and oth-

ers”, the Ministry takes up various activities including inter-alia, research and evalu-

ation of studies by reputed institutes/universities, seminars, workshops and publi-

cations, tribal sports, exchange of visits by tribals and national tribal awards etc.

Amitabha Sarkar 23

The author is indebted to Dr. Biman Kumar Dasgupta, retired Deputy Director of Anthropological

Survey of India for his suggestions while the paper was under preparation.



Impact of Sustainable Development: A Study in

Sundarban Biosphere Reserve

Amitava Dinda*

Abstract

Development creates both winners and losers, but it is the poor of society which

invariably ends up as losers, not the rich non-tribal groups who are its winners all

the time. It prompted planners and academicians alike to suggest a model of devel-

opment which is socially acceptable and ecolog ically sound. This form of development

is known as sustainable development. Sustainable development is the slogan of 21 st

century. Sustainable tourism is a section of sustainable development.

The Sundarban is the largest single geographical unit in the world which houses

tidal halophytic mangrove species. The Sundarban Biosphere Reserve nurtures many

rare and endangered species of flora and fauna. This biosphere reserve is also declared

as “World Heritage Site”. Previously Sunderbans was a no mans’ land and now

Hindus, Muslims, Scheduled Caste and Tribals inhabit the area. They depend on forest

and forest based resources because agriculture does not fulfil their need due to

salinity in water. During agricultural lean season, people resort to fishing and collec-

tion of prawn seeds even at the risk of their lives from man-eating tigers and

crocodiles. The biosphere reserve is the major source for providing ecotourism which

sometimes aggravates its fragile nature. Due to introduction of eco-tours, the new job

opportunities are opened for the local people in different tourism sectors such as

hotels and lodges, restaurants and tea stalls, shops, tour operators and travel agents,

tourist guides, transport and communication etc. For sustainability of the local people,

Rashtriya Rural Employment Guarantee Yojona, Jawahar Rojgar Yojona, Rashtriya

Gramin Sadak Yojona and many development schemes are being implemented in this

region. Besides these, different eco-development schemes are also being implemented

in the adjoining areas of Sundarban Tiger Reserve. The impact of different development

schemes on scheduled caste, tribals and other communities are both positive and

negative in the adjoining areas of Sundarban Tiger Reserve.

The present study attempts to discuss the impact of different development schemes,

besides tourism, on the people residing in the adjoining areas of Sundarban Tiger

Reserve of Gosaba block in 24 Parganas (South) district of West Bengal. In addition,

the study also tries to find out suitable strategies for sustainable development keeping

in view the cultural integrity of the region, fragility of ecosystem, preservation of

biological diversity and maintenance of life support system for providing maximum

satisfaction to people and tourists.

*Anthropological Survey of India, Eastern Regional Centre, EN -79, Sector– V , Salt Lake,

Kolkata – 700091.




Development creates both winners and losers, but it is the poor of society

which invariably end up as losers, not the rich non-tribal groups who are winners

all the time. It prompted planners and academicians alike to suggest a model of

development which is socially acceptable and ecologically sound. This form of

development is known as sustainable development. Sustainable development is the

slogan of 21st century. Sustainable tourism is a section of sustainable development.

Word, sustainable tourism is synonym of eco-tourism. Eco-tourism means manage-

ment of tourism and conservation of nature in a way as to maintain or find balance

between the requirements of tourism and ecology on one hand and the needs of the

local communities for jobs, new skills, income generating employment and a better

status for women on the other hand. The World Tourism Organization (WTO) hasdefined eco-tourism as “Tourism that involves travelling to relatively undisturbed

natural areas with the specified object of studying, admiring and enjoying nature and

its wild plants and animals as well as exciting cultural aspects found in these areas”.

The definition focuses on three significant aspects nature, tourism and local com-

munities. Tourism is such an industry where a large number of people are involved

in different sectors through which they sustain their livelihood. There are several

sectors namely, transport and communication, hotels and restaurants, travel agents/

tour operators, shops, tourist guides etc. All these wings or sectors are considered

mainly as infrastructure of tourism. Without infrastructural facilities tourism industry

cannot sustain. Tourism infrastructure should be designed and tourism activities to

be programmed in such a way as to protect the natural heritage composed of

ecosystems and biodiversity and to preserve endangered wild specis.

Ecotourism is distinguished from mass tourism or resort tourism by having a

lower impact on the environment and by requiring less infrastructure development.

The World Wild Fund for Nature (WWF cited in Lesley France ed.) defines ecotourism

as “tourism to protected natural areas, as a means of economic gain through natural

resource preservation. A merger of recreation and responsibility” (quoted in Kallen

1990, 37; cited in Lesley France ed.), Mowforth (1993, cited in Lesley France ed.)

suggests, there is no single perspective on ecotourism. Instead each of the various

actors involved has its own distinctive definition and they fail to provide a consen-

sus. The aims of ecotourism include “ecological and socio-cultural integrity, respon-

sibility and sustainability” (Cater1994, 3 cited in Lesley France ed.). Its emergence

in specific destination areas depends on a number of factors, such as: the politicalstability of the area; the commitment of host governments and communities to eco-

tourism; the degree of promotion by governments and tour operators; controversy

associated with the area; the range of accommodation, infrastructure and other

available and continued demand for this increasingly popular and ‘politically correct’

form of tourism (Kallen1990,Moore and Carter1993,Smeding1993; cited in Lesley

France ed.). Analysis of definition such as these indicate that three dimensions can

represent the main essence of the concept. According to this interpretation, ecotourism

is nature based, environmentally educative, and sustainably managed.

Amitava Dinda 25



Ecotourism means management of tourism and conservation of nature in a way

as to maintain a balance between the requirements of tourism and ecology on the

one hand and the needs of the local communities for jobs, new skills, income

generating employment for sustainable development and a better status of women

on the other hand.

Approaches to sustainable tourism

Fig. 1

Ecological maintenance

Source: Lesley France, 1997

In order to make tourism sustainable, four possible strategic approaches have been

discussed which are as follows:

Situation (1) could be demonstrated by small number of tourists who visit a

relatively remote area, thereby gaining a high level of satisfaction from their visit and

leaving their destination relatively unchanged. If such a visit is organized and operated by an external company, perhaps a multinational, benefits are unlikely to

filter down to the local community and therefore will not improve the quality of life

of those in most need. Specialized package holidays, like small scale safaris typically

satisfy these criteria.

A small-scale local guest house could illustrate situation (2). It would provide

accommodation within a physical and social environment that has been modified

relatively little. The standard of comfort provided for tourists is likely to be low.

Nevertheless, the original environment is preserved and any economic benefit that

do accrue will go directly to the local community.

Situation (3) can occur when a large tourism enterprise employs many local

people. Not all members of the local community will obtain jobs and a large enterprise

such as this may well satisfy certain types of tourists but the process may irrepairablydamage the environment.

Situation (4) small-scales, locally managed tourism enterprises that may spread

benefits more widely through the community are the best example. Typical are the

Casamance scheme in Senegal and ecotourism developments in Belize, where a

measure of satisfaction of a variety of sustainable aims have been achieved, according

to participants.

For sustainability of the local people Rashtriya Rural Employment Guarantee

Yojona, Jawahar Rojgar Yojona, Rashtriya Gramin Sadak Yojona and many develop-

4 21

3

26 Impact of sustainable development: A study in Sundarban Biosphere Reserve

Local communityTourist satisfaction



ment schemes are being implemented in this region. Besides these, different eco-

development schemes are also being implemented in the adjoining areas of Sundarban

Tiger Reserve. The impact of different development schemes on scheduled caste,

tribals and other communities are both positive and negative in the adjoining areas

of Sundarban Tiger Reserve. The present study attempts to discuss the impact of

different development schemes, besides tourism, on the people residing in the

adjoining areas of Sundarban Tiger Reserve of Gosaba block in 24 Parganas (South)

district of West Bengal. In addition, the study also tries to find out suitable strategies

for sustainable development keeping in view the cultural integrity of the region,

fragility of ecosystem, preservation of biological diversity and maintenance of life

support system for providing maximum satisfaction to people and tourists.

The present study has been carried out in the Dayapur, Pakhirala, and other

adjoining villages of Gosaba block which fringe Sunderban Tiger Reserve (STR) in

24 Parganas (South) district of West Bengal. Gosaba block attracts good number of

both domestic and foreign tourists of which the numbers of the nature lover tourists

are comparatively more. The study focuses on inter-play among three significant

aspects of ecotourism i.e., nature, tourism and local communities against the back-

drop of hotels and restaurants, shops, travel agents, tourist guides, etc. Since

tourism has provided alternative means of livelihood, the dependency on STR has

come down to some extent. Besides the awareness of tourists about restrictions

inside STR has further helped in minimizing the adverse impact.

Locale and population

Sundarban is the largest delta and also the largest mangrove forest in the world.The mangrove ecosystems are unique. This ecosystem is the inter-phase between

sea and land, which protects the coastlines from natural calamities like soil erosion,

cyclonic storms, and strong tidal water current. The Sundarbans covering an area

of 10, 000, 00 ha of land and water are part of one of the world’s greatest deltas

formed by sediments deposited by three great-rivers the Ganga, Brahmaputra and

Meghna. Almost 62 per cent of the Sundarban is situated in Bangladesh, while the

remaining 38 per cent of the region lies in India. These two portions together

comprise the largest continuous block of mangrove in the world. Indian Sundarbans

are located between 21º32 - 22 º40 north latitude and between 88º85 - 89 º east

longitude. The Sundarban Biosphere Reserve (SBR) extends over an area of 9,630

sq. kms. in the state of West Bengal and presents a unique situation of biodiversity.

The Sunderban Biosphere Reserve has three zones for coordination of its mainfunction – Core Zone (1330 sq. kms.), Buffer Zone (1255 sq.kms.) and reserve forest

of south forest division (1678 sq. kms.) which totals 4263 sq. kms. The area of

Transition Zone / Non-forest area / Settlement area is 5367 sq.kms. Core zone is

included in Sundarban Tiger Project as well as in the Sundarban National Park (1330

sq. kms.). Out of this 2585 sq. kms. have been reconstituted as Sunderban Tiger

Project from the year 1973, [Land area – 1680 sq. kms. and water area – 905 sq.

kms.].Core zone is included in Sundarban Tiger Project and includes the Sundarban

National Park (1330 sq. kms.). The National Park area of Sundarban Tiger Reserve

(STR) has also been inscribed as ‘World Heritage Site’ in 1987. Buffer Zone of

Amitava Dinda 27



mangrove forest is the area where restoration of mangrove vegetation, research and

monitoring are carried out. The Transition area along the northern boundary of

reserve is the reclaimed Sundarban where agriculture and coastal aquaculture is

extensively practised. It is a dynamic zone of cooperation with local communities.

This part is used for agriculture, fishing, settlements and sustainable use of local

ecosystem resources (Raha, 2004).

The biosphere reserve nurtures many globally important rare and endangered

species of flora and fauna. The region is the home of 1100 species of Angiosperm,

150 species of Algae, 15 species of prawns, 67 species of crabs, 23 species of

mollusc, 163 species of birds, 40 species of mammals, 56 species of reptiles, 165

species of fishes. Globally important rare mangrove plant species e.g. Acanthus

volubilis, Amoora cucullata, Bruguiera parviflora, Heritiera fomes, Nypa fruiticans,

Rhizophora apiculata, etc. are available in the Sunderban . This only mangrove tiger

land of the planet harbours rare and endangered mammals such as – Panthera tigris,

Prionalius bengalensis, Platanista gangetica, etc. The rare birds are Ardaea golioath,

Sea Eagle, Osprey, Fishing Eagle, Hawk eagle, Bramhiny kite. The reptiles Batagur

baska, Crocodylus porosus, Chitra indica, Kachuga tecta, etc. are endangered

(Debnath, 2002).

Sundarban is the only tropical semi evergreen mangrove reserve in the world

inhabited by ‘Royal Bengal Tiger’. It was constituted by the Government of India

in March, 1989 to protect the natural ecosystem and it received the recognition of

UNESCO in Man and Biosphere Programme (MAB) in November, 2001(Raha, 2004).

The ethnographic atlas of the area shows an agglomeration of ethnic groupsmany of whom represent the tribal world. The major tribal groups of the area are the

Munda, Bhumij, Oraon and the Santal. The economic pursuits of these tribal groups

are based on forest economy and also food producing economy and supplementary

pursuits like agriculture and agricultural labour. Even there is continuous overlapping

of two or more economic activities, which have a direct bearing to their ecological

conditioning and economic need. The non tribals mainly represent communities

namely the Poundra Kshatriya, Bagdi, Bedia, Chamar, Jele Kaibarta, Malo, Namasudra,

Rajbanshi, Brahman, Bauri, Gowala, Tanti, Kayastha, Mahishya, Napit and so on.

There are people also who belong to the faiths of Islam and Christianity, all of whom

subsist on agriculture or agriculture related labour, business and other professions.

There are communities who depend on forest and river for the collection of honey,

wood and fish because agriculture does not fulfil their need due to saline water. The

area is mono-crop in nature. The forest products such as timbers, fuel, woods,

thatching leaves, honey and wax are the main source of commerce to local people.

Besides other professions they work as a cheap labourer for additional source of

income. During agricultural lean season, people resort to fishing by spreading net

in the rivers and collection of prawn seeds even risking their lives from man-eating

tigers and crocodiles. During April-May some people enter the Reserve Forests with

permits, for collection of honey. They also collect prawn seeds from inter dial areas.

These activities cause damage to the mangrove forest and also to the ecosystem as

a whole through rapid depletion of resources. Sometimes the local people kill the




tiger and sell its’ skin and other body parts to businessmen in exchange of huge

amount of money. The near total dependence of the people on the natural resources

of the ecosystem is due to many factors. One of the reasons is uncontrolled

population growth with low income level. A steep rise of population – 176 per cent

between 1947 and 1991 census has led to loss of forest cover in 54 of the 102 islands

of Sundarbans (Debnath, 2002). The islands of the Sundarbans are inaccessible even

to the inhabitants and the facilities of communication like road and water transport

is very poor.

Out of common fear from nature and ferocious animals the Hindus and Muslims

of the Sundarbans have been used to worship of Bonobibi, Dakshin Rai, Panchanan

Pir , Kalu Rai, Manasa, Sitala, and such other deities irrespective of their religious belief. These gods and goddesses are worshipped by common people generally

under trees or by the riverside in open place. Bonobibi deity is worshipped by the

local people on different occasions. Such idols were perhaps created by the people

by their own imagination to help them out of people troubles. Tusu dance (dance

performed by tribal of Chhotonagpur area) is common in local villages among tribes.

Dukhe Yatra i.e., open theater is also performed in the local villages.

Ecotourism spots of Sundarban Tiger Reserve

The eco-tour spots of Sundarban Tiger Reserve are Sajnekhali, Sudhanyakhali,

Dobanki, Netidhopani and Burirdabri. The other tourist’s interest spots of Gosaba

are – Hamilton Bunglow, Bunglow used by Rabindra Nath Tagore, Gasifire

(i.e. electricity from wood and diesel), Tagore Society for Rural Development,Rangabelia etc.

Methodology

The work was undertaken in order to have some basic and preliminary

informations about the impact of different development schemes, besides tourism, on

the people residing in the adjoining areas of Sundarban Tiger Reserve of Gosaba

block in 24 Parganas (South) district of West Bengal. For first hand information on

different aspects, various structural schedules meant for tourists, hotels and lodges,

tour operators and travel agents, restaurant and tea stall owners, shop owners,

tourist guides, workers involved in different sectors of tourism, and the people of

different walks of life viewed on impact of different development schemes on the

people were canvassed. The schedules were randomly canvassed in different locales

– Sajnekhali, Sudhanyakhali, Dobanki, Burirdabri, Netidhopani, Pakhirala, Dayapur,

Gosaba, Sonakhali, Basanti, Canning and other areas. Altogether 392 samples [tourists

-180 (domestic -140 and foreign - 40), hotels - 23, restaurants - 24, tour operators -

26, tourist guides - 17, shops -19, people involved in different tourism sectors - 44,

and local people’s views’ on tourism - 59] were collected on different aspects of

tourism besides other information. The sampling made in the present study does not

bear proper statistical senses. However, the same was done purposively without

considering proper statistical mode because of feasibility, coverage areas, manpower,

time and nature and type of subjects, etc. Case studies are also applied in collecting

Amitava Dinda 29



data on impact of development in studied villages. Besides structural schedules, case

studies and other standard anthropological methods are also applied for yielding

field data.

Eco-tourism is practised in the Sundarban Tiger Reserve (STR), Gosaba and its

adjoining region. Sajnekhali, Sudhanyakhali, Dobanki, Netidhopani and Burirdabri of

Sundarban Tiger Reserve; Dayapur and Jamespur villages of Satjelia anchal; Pakhirala,

Rangabelia and Jatirampur of Rangabelia anchal; Sonagaon, Arampur, Dulki, and

Gosaba Bazar of Gosaba anchal, Gosaba block; Dakghat, Basanti and Sonakhali of

Basanti block; and Canning station area are considered as study area.

The period of field work for the collection of the present data was January and

February for the years 2005 and 2006.Aspects of tourism

Tourist Flow:

Since the inception of Tiger Reserve, the flow of tourists has gradually increased

in Sundarban which is shown in following diagram –

Fig. 1

Frequency distribution showing tourist

flow in STR

28,94322,175

29,035

55,281 59,861

0

20,000

40,000

60,000

80,000

1999-

2000

2000-

2001

2001-

2002

2002-03 2003-04

Period

N o . o f T o u r i s t s

Total

Source: Jana, 2004 & Annual Report, 2003-2004, Sundarban Tiger Reserve and modified it in

frequency distribution by the author.

Only 0.6 per cent of total tourists of West Bengal visit the Sundarbans. Only

0.2 per cent of total foreigners visiting West Bengal visit the Sundarbans. The flow

of tourists is gradually increasing in Sundarban Tiger Reserve. In 2000-2001 the

tourists flow decreased in STR. After that it is gradually increasing in STR. Most of

the tourists demand their entry permission from Sajnekhali followed by Canning

range, Sonakhali and Basirhat range. The flow of foreigners has increased over the

years. The tourist flow has increased about 106 per cent in 2003-2004 compared to




the period 1999-2000. The flow of tourists increased from the period 2002-2003 to

2003-04 (Fig.1).

In peak tourist season i.e., November to January, about 20-25 launches from

Canning gather in Sajnekhali. Each launch carries about 40-45 tourists. About 800 to

1100 tourists generally arrive in Sajnekhali everyday by launch from Canning.

Reflection on Empirical Observation

About 140 domestic tourists and 40 foreign tourists were interviewed during

present field work. Tourists from all over the continents visit, Sundarbans for enjoy-

ing thrill of vision of the ‘mangrove—tiger’ land. Among 180 tourists 80.00 per cent

tourists were from Asia, followed by Europe (17.23 per cent), North America (1.67 per

cent), Australia (0.55 per cent) and Africa (0.55 per cent) were interviewed (Feb, 2005).Out of 140 domestic tourists 78.57 per cent and 21.43 per cent are males and females

respectively. Among 140 domestic tourists 89.29 per cent, 2.86 per cent, 2.15 per cent,

1.44 per cent are respectively from West Bengal, Gujarat, Uttar Pradesh and Orissa.

Each 0.71 per cent domestic tourists are from Madhya Pradesh, Karnataka, Tamil

Nadu, Maharashtra, Punjab and Uttaranchal.

The frequency of tourists from other states is less mainly due to improper

publicity and marketing policies. Out of 40 foreign tourists 77.50 per cent, 10.00 per

cent, 7.50 per cent, 2.50 per cent, and 2.50 per cent foreign tourists are from Europe,

Asia (except India), North America, Australia and Africa respectively. In total 57.50

per cent and 42.50 per cent foreign tourists are males and females respectively.

Foreign tourists are from Russia (5 per cent), South Korea (2.50 per cent), Siberia(2.50 per cent), Germany (27.50 per cent), United Kingdom (20 per cent), France (7.50

per cent), Czechoslovakia (7.50 per cent), Switzerland (5 per cent), Ireland (5 per cent),

Spain (2.50 per cent), Norway (2.50 per cent), U.S. A. (7.50 per cent), Australia (2.50

per cent), and Nigeria (2.50 per cent).

Measures of Sustainability

Meeting tourism demands requires investment on infrastructure that may also

meet community needs. Due to introduction of ecotourism, the new job opportunities

are open for the local people in different tourism sectors such as hotels and lodges,

restaurants and tea stalls, shops, tour operators and travel agents, tourist guides,

transport and communication, etc. Sustainable development of local people occurs

in this way.

Of all infrastructures, accommodation is the most vital aspect of tourism sector.

In the initial phase of tourism in Gosaba region, availability of hotels and lodges was

very scanty. But due to increasing flow of tourist traffic over the years, its necessity

was badly felt. During 1990s five hotels came up in Gosaba and its adjoining areas.

The total number of hotels and lodges found in Gosaba and its adjoining area is 23.

Out of 23 hotels and lodges, 8 private hotels and one Zillah Parishad Guest House

(39.13 per cent of total accommodation) in Pakhirala village, 3 private hotels and one

non-government organization acting as accommodation sector in tourist seasons

(17.39 per cent) in Dayapur village, Sajnekhali Government Tourist Lodge (4.35 per

Amitava Dinda 31

3



cent) in Sajnekhali, 6 private hotels (26.09 per cent) in Gosaba Bazar and 3 private

hotels (13.04 per cent) in Sonakhali and Basanti area of total accommodation sector

run their business. Sundarban Tiger Camp hotel of Dayapur village collects both

domestic and foreign tourists. They have their own mechanized boat. Of total 16

permanent employees, 12 employees are from adjacent villages and four are outsiders.

Sundarban Tiger View Point hotel of Dayapur village having three permanent outside

employees and six temporary local employees do their business. Sundarban Tiger

Camp hotel and Sundarban Tiger View Point hotel of Dayapur village act as a large

tourism enterprise and is following Lesley France’s situation number (3) in Indian

scenario. WBTDC Ltd.’s tour is also following France’s situations number (1). But

Hotel Madhuban, Hotel Krishna Kunja, Hotel Aram, Hotel Purbasha, Promila Tourist

lodge, and Amari Lodge of Pakhirala village: Sundarban Green House of Dayapur village, and Lodge Suryatapa, Hotel Samrat, Hotel Kamala Kamini, Jay Maa Tara

Hotel, Lakshminarayan Hotel, and Annyapurna Hotel of Gosaba Bazar are following

Lesley France’s situation number (4). Affluent tourists generally avail themselves of

the facilities of Sundarban Tiger Camp and Sundarban Tiger View Point hotels of

Dayapur village and also avail the tour conducted by WBTDC Ltd.’s by M.V.

Madhukar, M.V. Chhitrarekha and M.V. Sarbajaya along with the facility of Sajnekhali

Tourist Lodge. Budget travellers generally stay in Hotel Madhuban, Hotel Aram,

Purbasha Lodge, Promila Tourist Lodge, Hotel Mangrove, Hotel Krishna Kunja,

Swastik Lodge of Pakhirala village and Sundarban Green House of Dayapur village

and all the hotels of Gosaba Bazar area. Out of 23 hotels and lodges, six hotel owners

are from Kolkata. Due to introduction of new hotels, the land price of Pakhirala and

Dayapur villages is increasing day by day.The growth of hotels and lodges in Gosaba and its adjoining area is given below

in frequency distribution.

Fig.2

Frequency distribution show ing growth o f hotel

in Gosaba and its adjoin ing areas

35 5

10

024

68

1012

Up to 1990 1991 – 1995 1996 – 2000 2001 - Feb.

2005

Period

N o .

o f H o t e l s

Series1

About 13.04 per cent hotels came up till 1990. About 21.74 per cent hotels came

up in period between 1991-1995 and 1996-2000. But from 2001 to February, 2005 the




percentage growth of hotels and lodges has been doubled (43.48 per cent) compared

to previous period. About 21.74 per cent hotels and lodges came up only in the

month of December, 2004 and it is very significant in the growth of hotels and lodges

in Pakhirala and Dayapur villages of Gosaba Block which is found from the field data

(Fig.2)

In ecotourism spots, the home stay facility should be more encouraged for it

is economically beneficial to local community, promotes local culture and environ-

mentally friendly for sustainable development.

Hotel and lodge owner and employees of hotels and lodges are the important

tourist managers. About 23 hotel owner families, 80 families of employees are directly

dependent on tourism business. Indirectly the supplier of goods i.e., local villagersare also benefited through tourism. Most of the hotel employees are from villages

of Pakhirala, Dayapur, Jamespur, Dulki, Sonagaon, Rangabelia, Arampur, Kachukhali,

Bijoynagar, Manmathanagar and Kumirmarhi of Gosaba block. Very few employees

are from outside of Gosaba block in hotel sector.

Out of 24 establishments, 13 establishments are tea stalls and 11 are restaurants.

In such an interior destination 24 restaurant and tea stall owner families are directly

benefited through eco-tourism. Decadal growth of tea stalls and restaurants are

given below in frequency distribution.

Fig.3

Frequency d istribution showing growth o f

restaurants and t ea stalls in Gosaba

10

12 2

9 9

0

2

4

6

8

10

1940s 1950s 1960s 1970s 1980s 1990s 2000+

Period (in year)

N u m b e r s

No

It is important to note that the first tea stall (4.17 per cent) were opened in the

year 1949. The growth of tea stalls and restaurants was higher (37.50 per cent) in

1990s and also since 2000 to till Feb, 2005 (37.50 per cent) [Fig. 3].

Tour operating sector is the most important sector of tourism. The success of

tourism at particular spot depends on the works of tour operators. In total, 26 tour

operators were surveyed during the field work. There are about 50 tour operators at

Amitava Dinda 33



Canning whereas there are about twenty tour operators in Gosaba (having an

average of one or two employees). Tour operators business requires three to ten

persons. Each tour operator is having on an average 7 employees to manage his

business. Tour operators provide daily food to tourists. Most of the tourists of

mechanized launch stay in hotels during night. Employees of tour operators are from

Pakhirala, Dayapur, Gosaba Bazar, Masjidbati, Canning, Basanti, Diamond Harbour,

and Sonarpur of 24 Parganas (South) district; Hasnabad, Hingalgunj and Basirhat of

24 Parganas (North) district; and Geokhali of Purba Medinipur district.

Without tourist guide, tourism cannot sustain. Biodiversity of the Sundarbans

cannot be understood without tourist guide facility. Forest department provides

tourist guide in each boat or streamer. Forest department has recruited 23 touristguides from Eco Development Committees (EDC) of Pakhirala, Dayapur, and Jamespur

villages of Gosaba block. Out of 23 tourist guides only 17 tourist guides are perform-

ing their job at present (Feb, 2006).

Shops are necessary for tourism. In total 19 shops are studied during field work.

Petty gift shop, telephone booth, petty book shop etc. are found in Sajnekhali,

Pakhirala and Dayapur village, Gosaba Bazar and Sonakhali. The items sold in the

shops are honey; tender coconut; mineral water; replica of tiger, deer, crocodile,

shark, crab and image of Bonobibi deity; etc. Some of the shop owners also sell

Sundari and Kakra tree, Kath Badam, bee hives, etc.

People of different age groups, castes are involved in different tourism sectors.

People involved in different tourism sectors are from different villages of Gosaba

block, Basanti block, Canning, and Diamond Harbour of 24 Parganas (South) district;

Hingalgunj, Hasnabad, and Basirhat of 24 Parganas (North) district; Kantai and

Geokhali of Purba Medinipur district. Among different workers, only 44 workers are

interviewed. Out of nine ladies, seven work as hotel workers and two as restaurant

workers in Gosaba. Among 44 workers, Poundra Kshatriya (65.92 per cent), Mahishya

(20.45 per cent), Dhopa (4.54 per cent), Tantubai (4.54 per cent), Jele Kaibarta (2.28

per cent), and Muslim (2.27 per cent) work as hotel workers, restaurant workers,

travel agent workers, van rickshaw pullers etc.

The outcome of economy flourishing on account of tourism are not percolating

down to the villagers of Pakhirala, Dayapur, Jamespur, Gosaba market area and its

adjoining areas as is evident from their economic condition due to their lesser role

in tourism. Besides this, the other contributing factors like – ignorance, inaccessi- bility, poor economy etc. are responsible for their lesser role in tourism.

A good number of people are involved in managing tourism in Canning station

area. They are involved in supplying vegetables, fish, meat, drinking water, grocery

items, egg, generator, etc. to the travel agents. A good number of people are involved

in marketing and advertisement of eco-tourism of the Sundarbans in Canning station

and also in Kolkata.

The number of persons involved in different tourism sectors within Gosaba

block and outside Gosaba block is given in tabular form :




Table: Persons involved in different tourism sectors in STR

Category No. of persons (Local No. of persons (Outsiders

i.e., within Gosaba block) i.e., outside of Gosaba block)

Hotel owners 15 6

Restaurant owners 19 5

Tour operators 20* 450*

Tourist guides 17 0

Shops 23 0

Craftsman 1 1

Workers involved in 90* 8*

different tourism

sectors

Total 185 470

Number of persons sometimes varies as per situation demand.

In such interior destination, tourism play a vital role in sustainable development.

Besides positive aspect of sustainable tourism, some of the negative impacts

of tourism in Sunderban are given below:

Frequent movements of launches and bhatbhati (locally made boat) break the

solitude of Sundarban Tiger Reserve which hampers the normal life of wild animals

and plants besides oil spillage in the rivers.

Local villagers opine that tourists’ drunkenness, dress, free mixing (‘drishya

dushan’ termed by local people), etc. are not healthy for villagers.

Impact of Development Programmes in Dayapur village

Repairing of river banks with mud and maintenance of village path under

Jawahar Rojgar Yojana (JRY) were going on in Dayapur village. Programme like IRDP

has no such good impact among the tribals of Dayapur village. There is no

electrification, proper village path, transport both in river and land, proper health

facility nearby, drinking water and so on. Netai Sardar of Dayapur village once was

successful member of IRDP scheme. Rabindra Sardar, a political leader informs that

though large number of schemes were taken on different occasions ‘the tribals arein the same condition as before’ due to illiteracy and ignorance and also for poor

far-sight of the government authorities. For him, now-a-days getting benefit from any

government scheme require active political participation. He also informed that

government authorities rarely visit Dayapur village due to its remoteness (water

transport by engine boat, van rickshaw for road and also walking and crossing

rivers). No fruitful result under different schemes have yet been ripen for the tribals

of Dayapur village due to its’ interior location, island like situation, also for ignorance

of local government authorities etc.

Amitava Dinda 35



Formation of Eco-development Programmes (EDP) to eradicate pov-

erty by the Project Tiger, Forest Department and its impact

Besides schemes mentioned above Project Tiger of Forest Department has

already initiated a large number of schemes in Dayapur village to reduce forest

dependence through some schemes in IRDP and others. In 2006, 544 households,

(two members from one household i.e., husband and wife) became members of the

eco-development programme in fringe villages of Tiger Reserve. The eco-development

programmes are an attempt to reduce forest dependence. The renovation of smaller

Topor khal for irrigation as earlier it was in shape of pond (for drinking water) of

P.C. Sen High School, construction of brick path and jetty as community programme

were done by the Forest Department. Formation of Self Help Group was confined toindividual family level. The trainings were imparted under self-help group in poultry

farming, duckery, goatery, piggery, paddy husking, puped rice for Adivasis of Majer

para, Baghedhara para (the hamlet where large number of tiger attacked victim cases

are available), Malsabhanga, Renuka nagar, Dakhin para hamlets of Dayapur village

by the Forest department for both the tribal and non tribal people. Goatery and

paddy husking are the most successful programmes. Absence of proper market is the

cause of failure of poultry scheme. Supply of non local variety of duck (as they do

not like the particular variety) is the major cause for failure of the scheme. The

distribution of smokeless chullah was also an important programme which helped

in the lower consumption of fuel wood.

The activities of the EDC are not very transparent to the common man. The

decisive power remains confined among the Joint Convenor, Beat Officer and oneor two members of the EDC. The political intervention is another factor on which the

decisions are made and many a time the executive member belonging to a different

party is unaware of the development programmes. The common members most of the

time remain unaware of the development activities (Dhar, 2007).

Discussion

Eco-tourist’s degree of satisfaction depends on several factors. Some of the

important factors are availability of proper infrastructural facility, involvement of local

community in ecotourism activity, proper tourism management, maintenance of eco-

tour spots and fragile ecosystem.

Government

Tourist Satisfaction

Small Scale Private

EntrepreneursLocal Community




Strategic approach to sustainable tourism for Sundarban Tiger Re-

serve

In the management process of tourism, the interplay of three indicators viz. local

community, small scale private entrepreneurs and government determine the nature

and degree of management in terms of availability of infrastructure, conservation of

ecology, benefit to local community and satisfaction to tourists. In case of Sundarban

Tiger Reserve, which has a fragile ecosystem, a greater participation of local com-

munity along with decisive government intervention the in management of tourism

is suggested to safeguard the interest of the local community and protect the

ecology. It, in turn, will ensure maximum satisfaction to tourists. So far as private

entrepreneurship is concerned, the small scale private entrepreneurships’ involve-

ment should be encouraged (Dinda, 2006).

Physical environment of any place play vital role in the society which is

governed by the implementation of government schemes. Hence, it is urgently

realised that planning for implementing any government scheme must be area specific

as well as community specific. It has also been observed from the above study that

economic backwardness, low literacy level and non participation in politics causing

poverty have a direct effect on interrelationship among communities in this micro

level.

Hence, sustainable tourism in Sundarban acts as an agent of sustainable

development for the people.

Global Tourism. Sonali Publications, New Delhi.

Sundarban Biosphere Reserve. Botanical Survey of

India, Kolkata.

‘Human Element in Conservation Process: A Re-

thinking in the Context of Biosphere Reserve’ Man

in Biosphere – A Case Study of Sundarban Bio-

sphere Reserve edited by Dr. D. B. Mandal, Gyan

Publishing House, New Delhi.

Sundarban Tiger Reserve: Perspectives in Sustain-

able Tourism. The Oriental Anthropologists, Vol.6,

No .1, pp.13 9-150.

‘Evaluation of Eco-Tourism Activity: A Case Study

of Sundarban Tiger Reserve’ Man in Biosphere – A

Case Study of Sundarban Biosphere Reserve edited

by Dr. D. B. Mandal, Gyan Publishing House, New

Delhi.

Sree Khanda Sundarban. Deep Prakasan, Kolkata.

Sunderban Tiger Reserve . 2004. Ann ual Rep ort,

2003-2004 on Sunderban Tiger Reserve . Canning.

The Earthscan Reader in Sustainable Tourism.

Earthscan Publications, U.K.

Indian Sundarban – An Overview , Forest and Wild

Life Wing, Forest Department; Kolkata.

References

Chawla, R.ed.

Debnath, H.S.

Dhar, Ratna

Dinda, Amitava

Jana, Debaprasad.

Field Director,

Sunderban Tiger

Reserve.

France, Lesley ed

Raha, A. K.ed

2003

2002

2007

2006

2007

2004

2004

1997

2004

Amitava Dinda 37



Foods for the gods : A study in Jagannath

Temple of Puri

Kakali Chakrabarty*

Krishna Mandal*

K.M. Sinha Roy*

Krishna Basu*

Abstract

This paper attempts to discuss the importance of food related to worship of the

gods and goddesses with particular reference to the famous Jagannath temple of Puri,

Orissa. The place, regarded as the Bhojan kshetra or anna kshetra i.e. the place of dining,

is one of the four sacred centres of the Vaishnava tradition of Hindu pantheon. Being

the place of dining of the god, offering of food occupies the central position in the act

of worship. In Indian Hindu tradition the food ethos of the people is greatly influenced

by the Aryan beliefs and practices in which food is a part of cosmic moral cycle. The

essence is that ‘from food all creatures produced, by food all do they grow.’ Some foods

are considered innately pure while some are not. Cow-milk is considered pure and

so its by-products like ghee (clarified butter), dahi (curd), while buffalo milk is not.

Coconut and sesame seeds are also considered innately pure. The food items that

stimulate senses such as garlic and onions are impure for ritual use. Foods offered

to the deity and get sanctified through rituals are called Prasâda . Prasâda reflects theregional food pattern and the cultural values attached to the food items. Prasâda of

Jagannath temple is called Mahapr asâd a .

The paper discusses the elaborate system of daily service or sevâ to the gods. The

Jagannath temple of Puri housed three prime deities, Lord Jagannath, Balabhadra, the

brother of Lord Krishna and Subhadra, their sister. Foods are offered to all of them

and there is an elaborate food list for the gods and goddess. The importance of food

in Hindu philosophy is reflected through the beliefs and practices of the Jagannath

temple of Puri. In Hindu religion, god is often personified and is offered with all

material needs that a human being needs to live. The concept of Jagannath is no

exception of this. So he requires food and water suitable for different seasons, enjoys

favourite items like chad heineda , pura pi thâ , marich lâru, pak hal etc. He is offered with

marich-p âni , good for stomach, and pa chan bhoga and chakot a bhoga during ailment

( ana basar) and so on.

The food tradition of the Jagannath temple has not yet accepted any addition oralteration since its inception under kingly ruling till date. Mahâprasâda, the holy food

of the gods, has an immense significance in the life and culture of the people of India

as a whole. For the devotees Mahâprasâ da of the lord Jagannath earns them enormous

virtues ( punya) and washes out all their sins ( pâ pa ) in their earthly life. Eating

Mahâprasâda brings them the final emancipation of soul. With all such beliefs, rituals

and practices the Jagannath temple of Puri stands in the centre of Hindu Indian

tradition over centuries.

*Anthropological Survey of India, Eastern Regional Centre, EN -79, Sector– V , Salt Lake,

Kolkata – 700091.




In India, the worship of almost all the gods and goddesses are associated withoffering of some kind of food. The items and recipes vary from region to region,depending on the food ethos of the people and the regional crop tradition. Food ethos of the people, in Indian Hindu tradition emerges out of a concept of purityand pollution that evolved in the society over centuries. Some foods are innately pure such as cow-milk, while some are not. Achaya (1998:61) observes that most of this food ethos has been influenced by Aryan beliefs and practices and in Aryan belief, food is not simply a means of bodily sustenance but a part of a cosmic moralcycle. He explained his observation with the passage from Taittiriya Upanishad and from Bhagavad Gitâ, two important old scriptures of Vedic philosophy.

The Taittiriya Upanishad states, ‘From earth sprang herbs, from herbs food,

from food seed, and from seed man. Man thus consists of the essence of food’. Fromfood all creatures are produced, by food all do they grow. ‘The self consists of food,of breath, of mind, of understanding, of bliss’. The Bhagavad Gita says: ‘From food do all creatures come into being’. With these, Achaya (ibid) brings out the embedded philosophy that ‘in the great Aryan cosmic cycle, the eater, the food he eats and theuniverse must all be in harmony. All food on being, was believed to give rise to three products. The densest of these is faeces which get extracted; the product of intermediate density is transmuted into flesh, and the third product, the finest and rarest, is manas, which is thought or mind. Prasad, which is the left-over of food thathas been offered to the gods, is thought to be pure rasa or essence that leaves noresidue and maintains man’s spirituality’. Built on such philosophy, food earnsimmense importance in the cultural tradition of India covering a wide range of ritualand religious practices.

Religious importance of the Jagannath templeThe Jagannath temple of the coastal town of Puri in the state of Orissa, earns

its importance as bhojan-kshetra (the dining place; bhojan=act of eating,kshetra=place) of Mahaprabhu, the almighty god, here Lord Jagannath, a form of Vishnu or Krishna of Hindu pantheon. The prime item of food offered to Lord Jagannath is anna, the cooked rice and so the place is also known as anna-kshetra.It is believed that Puri, variously known as Srikshetra, Sankhakshetra, Purusottam-kshetra, Nilachal, and Niladri is one of the four major dhâm (sacred centre) of Vaishnava tradition in India, where Lord Vishnu or Krishna is worshipped. The four dhâm are located in four directions, Puri in the eastern part of India, Badrinath inthe north, Dwarkâ in the west, and Rameswaram in the south. These four dhâm aremeant for four precise functions of Lord Vishnu; Badrinath is his tapa-kshetra, the place of meditation and austerities, Dwarkâ is meant for Râjbesa, the place for kingly

adornment, Rameswaram is his sayan-kshetra, the place for taking rest, and Puri isthe place for dining. With this embedded philosophy, food is the prime concern of worship in the Jagannath temple of Puri. All the religious activities in the Puri templerevolve around food. Here any kind of worship or service to the god involves theoffering of food. Hence, there is an elaborate system of offering food to the deity.

Ritual services ( sevâ) and the servitors (Sevaka)

There is an elaborate system of daily service to the gods. The service to thegods is called sevâ. The Gangâ kings introduced daily ritual services or sevâpujâ tothe deities and assigned the tasks to his people who became known as Sevaka. Each

Kakali Chakrabarty, Krishna Mandal, K.M. Sinha Roy, Krishna Basu. 39



and every kind of service to the god is a sevâ and for each sevâ there is a Sevaka.Initially there were 9 Sevaka namely, Caru Hotâ, Patra Hotâ, Brahma, Achârya,Pratihâri, Puspalaka, Dayita, the washerman and the barber which were later extended to 36 categories of Sevakas by the successive kings and the system wasknown as Chhattisa Nijoga/ Niyoga (chhattisa=36, Nijoga/ Niyoga=group of servi-tors/ their association). According to the temple chronicles ( Mandalapanji) AnangaBhima Dev had established 36 Nijogas. Chhattisa Niyoga involved a number of Niyogas like Pratihâri Nijoga, Mahâsuâr Nijoga, Bhitarchha Nijoga, Puja Panda Nijoga and so on. They looked after the temple functionaries. The head of the Nijogas was called Nâyaka. Above all, there was Patjoshi who ensured proper functioning of the temple.

The sevâ categories might have further extended over time. The temple record of Rights, 1950, recorded 119 categories of Sevakas but at present all there are notfunctional. The Sevakas enjoy hereditary right for sevâpujâ. The right to sevâfollows the male line only i.e., from father to the son and normally the eldest sonsucceeds the right. It is strictly men’s domain. There are innumerable number of ritualservices or sevâ around the deities and each Sevaka was traditionally assigned witha particular ritual service to the deity. The responsibility of each category of Sevakais fixed and can never be changed. Nobody was found encroaching other’s functional jurisdiction. The king of Puri, honourably referred to as Gajapati Mahârâj, is the firstSevaka (âdya Seveka) by virtue of his political status. The services of the Sevakasare controlled by the system of Pâli which is a social control over the right to sevâ.Pâli fixes the schedule of duty for each Sevaka. It is a system which ensures eachfamily of Sevaka to get a term for offering sevâ to the gods and thereby earns itsentitlement in cash and kind from the temple. Each of the Sevaka family offers itsservices to the deities on day or days as fixed by the Nijoga. The Sevakas on duty(Pâli) are called Pâliâ. Pâli is a well organized and well disciplined system and thereis no overlapping in between two Pâliâ. The name of each Pâliâ is enrolled in thetemple office and they are called for their respective services accordingly.

The Sevakas traditionally assigned the sevâ of cooking for the Gods is called Supakar or Suâr. Cooking is a sevâ to the gods and the right to cook is hereditarylike all other kinds of sevâ. A group of Supakar is called Mahâsuâr. It is believed thattheir forefathers were awarded with the title of Mahâsuâr by the then king. Theyenjoy a superior status than that of Suâr. The Mahâsuâr are those who carry thecheka (food arranged for offerings) to the Panti i.e., the specified space in the inner sanctuary for offering food. The Mahâsuâr’s duty is to see the kitchen to be cleaned.After being satisfied with the cleanliness he gives permission for Homa (sacrificialfire) in the kitchen. They are the supervisors in the kitchen, always watching on thesanctity and purity of the kitchen. After the food is presented to Lord Jagannathathey offer Jagannatha Thali (food plates) to goddess Bimalâ. It is the Mahâsuâr whoenjoys the privilege to offer the first food offerings namely, Gopâl ballava bhogato the deities, first to Balabhadra, then to Lord Jagannath, thereafter to goddessSubhadra and lastly to goddess Lakhsmi. He also offers kânti and jhilli (varietiesof pithâ, a traditional delicacy of sweet) bhoga to the deities in the same order duringmorning meal. Bhoga means the food sanctified by being offered to the god. Thereis finer classification in work allotment related to cooking and each of the Sevakais well versed with the norms and procedures of sevâ assigned to him. Pâli systemamong the Mahâsuârs is controlled by the Supakar Nijoga. The Suârs do not have

40 Foods for the gods : A study in Jagannath Temple of Puri



Pali system but they distribute the responsibility among their family and lineagemembers so that each family can have priviledge to offer sevâ.

There are three prime duties in the Jaganath temple of Puri eg., the Jagannathtemple of Puri houses three prime deities, Lord Jagannath, Balabhadra, the elder brother of Lord Krishna and Subhadra, their sister. Besides, there is Devi Bimala, theconsort of Lord Siva and goddess Lakhsmi, consort of Lord Vishnu or Jagannath.Another worshipped figure is Sudarshana. Food is offered to all of them and thereis an elaborate food list for the gods and goddesses.

Food: concept of pure ( suddha) and impure ( asuddha)

Foods made holy by ritual presentation to the deity are called Prasâda in

general. Achaya (1998 rep. 2003:195) discussed that ‘In the Hindu belief, such prasad is pure essence or rasa, which when consumed is converted totally into mind or manas, the finest form and leaves no residues (to be eliminated as faeces) or residuesof medium density (that are transmitted into flesh)’. The Prasâda of Jagannath iscalled Mahâprasâda . There are different opinions regarding the very term Mahâprasâda. One opinion says that Prasâda of Mahaprabhu (mahâ=great, Prabhu=lord/god, Mahaprabhu= the great god or supreme lord) Jagannath is Mahâprasâda.According to another view, the food offered to Lord Jagannath passes through Devi(goddess) Bimalâ and then only it becomes Mahâprasâda. The myth says that Nirâkar Brahma (the incorporeal Supreme Being) created three supreme powers:Brahma, the creator of the universe, Vishnu, the protector and Siva, the destructor.They used to serve the incorporeal Supreme Being and receive Prasâda from him.One day, after having Prasâda from Nirâkar Brahma, Lord Siva expressed his satis-faction before his wife goddess Pârvati. Feeling being deprived the goddess approached the incorporeal Supreme Being and urged him to have his Prasâda. TheSupreme Being assured her for the same everyday. Moreover, he assigned her theresponsibility of supervising the kitchen and also made a rule that his Prasâdawould reach the people only after passing through her. Goddess Bimalâ of Jagannathtemple is no one but goddess Pârvati, the consort of Lord Siva. Yet, another storyhas been recorded by Gopal Chandra Tripathy (1989). The story says ‘before Lord Jagannath was installed in the temple, Goddess Bimala had occupied the temple. Lord Jagannath prayed Goddess Bimala, the Goddess of the universe for permission toget into the temple and Goddess Bimala accorded permission on the condition thatthe food offering to Lord Jagannath is to be offered to Bimala first and then it will be regarded as Mahaprasad. The condition was fulfilled and as per the practice todaythe Prasad of Jagannath turns into Mahaprasad once it is offered to goddess Bimala.’The temple of Goddess Bimalâ is considered as one of the important Sakti Pitha (the

seat or place of worship of Sati, one incarnation of goddess Durga, the consort of Lord Siva) in India and the devotees who make a pilgrimage to Jagannath templecompulsorily make a darshana (the holy sight of the deity) of her. It may bementioned here that the food practice of Jagannath temple is strictly vegetarian inVaishnava tradition and therefore the way of worship in Bimalâ temple also followsthe same norm throughout the year except during the fortnight of the worship of goddess Durga in the month of Aswina when the goddess is worshipped in Saktatradition (worshipping of Sakti) with the offering of fish and sacrifice of goat from Maha Saptami (seventh day) to Maha Navami (ninth day) days. According to Nanda (2001) ‘during 16th century, Vardhan Rajguru introduced offering of fish and




sacrifice of goat during Maha Saptami to Maha Navami days in Vimala temple.’ It isalso stated that Ratha Samanta Brahmans of Bira Narasinghpur worship goddessBimala during these sixteen days (ibid).

Prasâda reflects the regional food pattern and the cultural values attached to

the food items. The concept of pure and impure in relation to food practice is very

prominent. An item may be included in the dietary practice of the general people butmay not be considered suddha or pure for offering to the deity. This concept of purity evolves through various socio-historical processes. For instance migration of or introduction through alien people may not be assimilated in the local tradition and therefore, treated as impure (asuddha). This is true for religion, people or a food item.In case of Puri temple, potato, a later introduction by the Portuguese in India and

by the British in Orissa is not pure and cannot be offered to the deity though peopleaccepted it in their diet. There are many other vegetables or food items that are not

considered pure for offering to the gods. Of them, the food items that stimulatesenses, such as garlic and onions are not recommended for one seeking spiritualgain. Cow-milk and its byproducts like ghee (clarified butter) and dahi (curds) areconsidered pure while buffalo-milk is not. Coconut and sesame seeds (til) are also

considered pure. Sesame oil (til tel) is used for lighting the earthen lamps (dipak )for the ritual use in the temple. For cooking food for the gods only ghee (clarified butter) is used. Mustard seeds though included into the list of spices but its oil (tel)is not used. Only those crops, vegetables, fruits and any other food items areconsidered suitable for Mahâprasâda that are original to the land. According to the

Temple Office sources (a government of Orissa Administration) the menu remains

unchanged since the inception of the temple and no item of later origin is entertained.There are a total of 56 items in the menu list which is popularly called chhappana

(fiftysix) bhoga.

Types of rice used in bhoga

1) Bakui (Gobindo bhoga),

2) Champa (Gobindo bhoga),

3) Masiya Pholo,

4) Kakur manji,

5) Mouro Gotha, mainly used during Ratha Yatra,

6) Bhutisha/bhutisara,

7) Khajur Chahal,

8) Kaniya, used during Lakshmi puja,9) Dhara kartika, essential for bhoga during the month of Margashira (equiva-

lent to English calendar months of November-December), also offered togoddess Lakshmi.

Vegetables used

1) Khâmbalu, type of tuber, big in size, original to the land,

2) Sankha sâru (a variety of arum), original to the land,

3) Kakharu, pumpkin type of vegetable,

4) Kando-mulo or lâl âlu, a type of tuber, original to the land,




5) Munda sâru, a variety of arum, original to the land,

6) Potola, a kind of kitchen vegetables,

7) Kakon, cucumber type of vegetables,

8) Kanchâkala (green banana),

9) Sem (kidney bean),

10) Bantolakoduli,

11) Khara shâga, a variety of edible leaves,

12) Kosala shâga, a variety of edible leaves,

13) Agasti shâga, a variety of edible leaves, offered in the month of Kârtika(October-November).

Pulses (dâl) used Harhar , Mugo, Biri only.Vegetables not used/forbidden

1) Potato (gol âlu), brought to India by the Europeans,

2) Tomato, ( Bilâiti baigana), migrated from other country,

3) Drumstick ( Sajanachhui), not original to the land,

4) Bittergourd (Kalorâ), a longish fruit of bitter taste,

5) Green chilli (Konchâ lankâ),

6) Gourd (lâu),

7) Bottlegourd,

8) Snakegourd (Chachindra),

9) Lemon ( Limbu),

10) Lady’s finger ( Bhendi),

11) Papaya ( Amruta Bhânda),

12) Poi (a leafy vegetable),

13) Cabbage ( Bândha Kobi),

14) Carrot (Gâjar ),

15) Bit,

16) French Bean,

17) Capsicum,

18) Janhi, a sort of cucumber,

19) Piriya,

20) Garlic ( Rasuna),

21) Onion (Piyanja).

Spices used

1) Mustard (sarisa),

2) Cinnamon (dâruchini),

3) Pepper (golmarich),

4) Ginger (âda),

5) Black variety of Cumin seeds (kâlajirâ),

6) Poppy seeds ( posto),




7) Cardamom of big size (elâchi),

8) Cloves (labanga),

9) Groundnut,

10) Nutmeg ( jaiphal),

11) Cumin seeds ( jirâ),

12) Coconut (nâriya).

Salt (luno/nuno): Crude type of salt called deshi nuno is in use since ancienttimes. Fine salt processed by modern technology is not used.

Small size cardamom called Gujarati elâchi is not used.

Cooking medium is compulsorily ghee (clarified butter).

The chronicles of Jagannatha temple ( Mandalapanji) includes a detailed list of articles, cereals and vegetables that are allowed in the preparation of bhoga. The listis followed strictly. Madalapanji is maintained by Tadu Karana, a category of Sevaka, who is assigned with this particular kind of sevâ. They have the surnameas Pattyanayaka.

Food for the gods

The food for the gods is Bhoga. Bhoga after ritually presented to gods becomesPrasâda. Bhoga in Jagannath temple has a very elaborate list of food items. Itincludes varieties of rice, pulses, vegetables, sweet dishes. The foods prepared inthe temple can be classified into two categories: Kotha bhoga and Bhoga-mandapabhoga or Bhanda bhoga. Kotha bhoga is the scheduled offerings made from templefunds and king’s house while Bhoga-mandapa bhoga is one that is cooked for

public and is sold to the devotees, to various Matha (Hindu monastery) and to the people associated with the temple. For Kotha bhoga the entire expenditure of food materials, fuel, earthen pots, utensils and other related raw materials are borne by theTemple Office Committee. Kotha bhoga is cooked in the temple kitchen by the Suârson duty and presented in the inner sanctuary. For Bhoga-mandapa bhoga theinvestment is made by the Suârs (cook) and the expenses are reimbursed by sellingthe bhoga to public as well as to the devotees, Mathas and the like. This Bhoga-mandapa bhoga is not presented in the inner sanctuary; it is placed at the Bhoga-mandapa, the pavilion sanctified for offering of bhoga. This mandapa is said to be built by Purusottam Deva in 15th century A.D (Tripathy, 1989:14).

Kotha bhoga after presenting to Jagannath and thereafter to goddess Bimalâis shared among the Pâliâs. This share in Mahâprasâda is called khei. Each of theSevakas has prescribed khei and accordingly they would receive the same. King’s

khei is called tât . The amount of khei received by a Pâliâ is more than enough for his consumption and he can sell the excess amount to the public. For selling of Mahâprasâda there is a market inside the temple called Anandabazar. EverydayAnadabazar receives innumerable devotees who look for Mahâprasâda, the holyfood of the gods; for them Mahâprasâda gets them eternal bliss and relief from allearthly sorrows and anxieties.

Kotha bhoga is cooked and offered five times a day while Bhoga-mandapabhoga is prepared once in a day. On exceptional cases like the excessive rush of devotees due to religious festivals of the temple or of various Mathas the Bhoga-mandapa bhoga can be cooked more than once but restricted to maximum three




times a day. The quantity of Kotha bhoga is fixed but for Bhoga-mandapa bhogathere is no fixed quantity and it is always enormous to cater the needs of the public.Traditionally both the systems of bhoga are running parallelly.

Kotha bhoga

Kotha bhoga, offered five times is named differently. Early morning bhoga iscalled Gopal Ballava bhoga or Balbhoga, offered in the morning between 8.30 a.m.and 9.00 a.m. followed by Sakâl dhupa i.e., morning meal (sakâl=morning, dhupa=offering of rice-meal) to be offered at around 11 O’clock morning, Madhyanha dhupaor Dwiprahara dhupa i.e., mid-day meal (madhyanha/dwiprahara= mid-day/noon)offered at around 2 p.m., Sandhyâ dhupa (sandhyâ= evening) or the evening meal,offered after the evening worship around 6 p.m.and Bada Sinhâri bhoga, the last

offering of a calendar day, offered at around 11 O’clock in the night. Each of thebhoga excepting the Ballava bhoga has an elaborate menu covering cereals, pulses,vegetables and sweet dishes. Depending on the number of associated ritual itemsthe bhoga may be of two categories: panchapochâr i.e., with five upachâr or articlesof worship (in practice it is comparatively less elaborate method of worshipping) and sorosopochâr i.e., with sixteen articles of worship, in practice it includes elaboraterituals of worship. The former includes Ballava-bhoga, Bada Sinhâri bhoga and Bhoga-mandapa bhoga while the latter includes Sakâl dhupa, Madhyanha dhupaand Sandhyâ dhupa.

Categorically bhoga are of two types: samkhudi and nisamkhudi. Samkhudibhoga includes food prepared of rice, biri (a variety of pulses) and vegetables, whilethe food prepared of maidâ and âtâ (flour), ghee, sugar and molasses is called nisamkhudi. Again the cooked items ( pâka) can be broadly classified into four

types:1) Bhima pâka: it includes the items prepared of biri.

2) Nala pâka: includes stuffed and spiced vegetables.

3) Sauri pâka: includes milk items, fried items.

4) Gauri pâka: includes preparation of pulses and edible leaves.

Anna or the cooked rice can be categorized as follows:

1) Sari anna: includes kanika, ghee rice, tava rice etcetera,

2) Kshir anna: rice cooked in milk with added ingredients,

3) Dadhi anna: rice added with curds,

4) Sital anna: rice soaked in water, popularly called pakhal. There are vari-

eties of pakhal e.g., sital pakhal, subash pakhal, tava pakhal.In all three major meals i.e., in mid-day meal, evening meal and in Bada Sinhâri

bhoga, the god is served with pakhal, a favourite item of Lord Jagannatha. The pakhal served in day meal compulsorily have jasmine seeds in it; the pakhal offered during evening meal is added with curds (doi) and ginger and the pakhal of badosinhâri bhoga is served with ginger, jirâ (cumin seeds), ghee (clarified butter) and khand (sugar candy). Another item common to all the bhoga is pithâ (traditional itemof cake). There are different types of pithâ prepared for the deities. Bhoga is cooked following the tradition strictly and there is no provision of change either in menuor in ingredients. There are 56 items (chhappana bhoga) in the menu chart which




is unchanged over centuries. It is said that during the days of King’s rule all the 56items were cooked and offered to the gods every time. Nowadays all the items arenot prepared everyday but the menu is to be selected compulsorily from the list of 56 items that is fixed since the olden days of king’s reign. However, the offering iscommonly referred to as chhappana bhoga. Kotha bhoga is prepared in fixed quantity. In case it is found excess the extra amount is destroyed in fire. Again,during cooking or even after cooking if the Sevakas find the temple premise has got polluted by any unforeseen act by anybody then the entire cooked items will bedestroyed and after necessary purification the food will be prepared afresh. But thegod should be offered food in the stipulated period and there is no question of skipping any meal. Another important event in relation to food practices in the templeis the placing of flags at the temple-mount. Until the flag is fixed bhoga cannot be

cooked. It was once during a festive day accidentally the flag of the temple-peak down and it was a shock for the whole society of Sevaka as well as for the common people that cooking for the gods had to be stopped till the flag was mounted again.The responsibility of placing the flag at its place goes to the Chuneras (appendixVII). For Kotha bhoga, earthen, brass, silver and iron utensils are only used. ThePujâ Pandâ (the priest on duty) draws rectangles on the floor with rice powder and camphor mix before each of the idols for keeping the plates of bhoga. Such drawingsare called murchâ. The rectangles are of 6 feet x 3 feet in size. Food plates are placed on the murchâ in rows for offering and this arraying is called Pangti bhoga.The kitchen or rasa-salâ (commonly called rasa) is a sacred place where entry isrestricted for the general public. It is a huge area consisting of a number of kitchenrooms and courtyards enclosed by high walls. Nobody other than Supakars (thecooks), Taluchha Mahâpâtra, Pujâ Pandâ, Bitarachha Mahâpâtra and other Sevakas

associated with its precise activities are allowed inside the kitchen. Rasa is further classified and named according to its precise function. They are:

1) Kotha bhoga rasa, used for Kotha bhoga,

2) Satapuri rasa, for preparation of sweetmeat like gajâ, khajâ and pithâ. Onevery Makar-sankrânti day (a religious occasion on the last day of Pausai.e., December-January of the English calendar) and on the day of Satapuriamâvashyâ (amâvashyâ=no moon day) some special dishes are added toKotha bhoga which are cooked in this rasa. Special items are sata puri pithâ and pura pithâ, a favourite item of Lord Jagannath,

3) Bala bada rasa, this kitchen is the biggest in size, named after Lord Balabhadra, one of the presiding deities,

4) Matha rasa, also called Emâr rasa cooks the Emâr Matha ( Matha= Hindu

monastery) according to their prescription.

5) Gote Bhitarachchha rasa, is owned by Bhitarachchha Mahapatra, the third Sevaka associated with the Kotha bhoga. He rented it out to other Supakarswho cook for sale. Food items include rice, pulses and vegetables,

6) Bada Oriya rasa, supplies anna bhoga (comprises rice, pulses, vegetables)to the Oriya Matha,

7) Uttar Parsa rasa, is devoted for the purpose of the Matha so named.According to the food requirement of this Matha this rasa supplies annabhoga (rice, pulses, vegetable), pithâ and mohanbhoga,




8) Raghab Das rasa, provides food to the Matha so named. The items prepared in this rasa are anna bhoga (rice, pulses, vegetables) and pithâ,

9) Pithâ Bada rasa, prepare pithâ and anna bhoga.

All the kitchens function everyday. It is believed that the owners of rasa-salâare goddess Lakhsmi and Saraswati. The Suârs and all the people associated withkitchen apply holy vermilion of goddess Dakshina Kâli on their forehead so that shewill protect the cooking pots and thus, pots will remain unbroken while cooking. A Homa or havan (fire sacrifice) is compulsorily performed everyday in the rasa beforethe sevâ of cooking starts. The fire ( Agni) of this Homa is called baishnabagni. Withthis fire the hearths (chula) are lit. Fire is preserved in the kitchen and no moderntechnology like safety matches etcetera is used. Rasa Pâik lights the Homa. He is

the incharge of the fire of the kitchen. The priestly job for Homa is performed bythe Pujâ Pandâ (priest Sevaka). He is assisted by Rasa Pâik all through during Homa.Besides Pujâ Pandâ and Rasa Pâik the presence of Amin Mahâsuâr (the principalMahâsuâr), and Lenka Pâik is also compulsory. The hearth of the kitchen is called nabangka yantra. It has nine holes (nabangka) and looks like a yantra (machine)and therefore so named. There are said to be 752 chula or hearth in the kitchenthough there is difference of opinion about it. In one opinion number of chula isfar less (about 250) than the said number. But Sevakas are adamant about the number as 752. According to one source there are 10 hearths for Kotha bhoga rasa and 300hearths in different other rasa. Hearths are maintained by the Supakar people and repairing, if necessary, is done with earth, sand, molasses and water. The hearths inthe kitchen are also identified differently according to the precise purpose of use.The hearth used for cooking pulses and vegetables is called âhiya, that used for rice

is chuli. The source of fuel is wood. For Kotha bhoga firewood is supplied by theforest department. For Bhoga-mandapa bhoga fuel wood is purchased by the Suârsfrom government or from private agencies. Apart from the hearth for Kotha bhogathere are hearths owned by the Suârs and Mahâsuârs. For Bhoga-mandapa bhogathe Suâr who own a hearth can cook and sell the bhoga. An owner of a hearth maylet it out to another Suâr. Letting and subletting is well accepted practice; but it isrestricted among the Suârs only.

The Suârs who work in the kitchen should follow certain norms. They are tocover their nose and mouth with a piece of cloth called bâghamukha and also tocover their head. They should be cleanly shaved and nails should be properly pared.They should not wear any ring or wrist ornaments but should have a wreath of holy basil (tulsi). All these are to be done to avoid any kind of pollution of the food. Thecooked food should also be covered while transporting to the inner sanctuary for

presenting to gods.For cooking food for the gods earthen vessels are mostly used. The earthen

vessels are supplied afresh everyday. The potters and venders bring their productsearly in the morning everyday at the southern gate and the Suârs collect their required items. For Kotha bhoga the expenditure of the pots is borne by the Templeoffice, while for Bhoga-mandapa bhoga the related Suârs pay their own. No earthenvessel can be reused, either for Kotha bhoga or for Bhoga-mandapa bhoga. For Kotha bhoga apart from the earthen one the vessels made of brass, silver and of iron are also used nowadays, while for Bhoga-mandapa bhoga only earthen vesselsare used. The earthen pots used for cooking are of different size and of different


4



name. The earthen cooking pot is called âtikâ. The big âtikâ in which food for about60 people can be cooked is called baihandi and that for 30 people is called dasia

handi. The pot in which about two and a half kilogram of rice, one and a half kilogramof pulses can be prepared is known as badomatho kuriâ. Sano kuriâ is enough for one kilogram of pulses and one and a half kilogram of rice. Angase is small containerssufficient for cooking pulses and vegetables for two persons, châke for one person,kuriye for four persons, bado-bhato for two persons, sâno-bhato for one person and so on. Purity and sanctity of kitchen is maintained strictly.

Types of sevâ (service) associated with Kotha bhoga

The Supakar or Suâr associated with cooking of Kotha bhoga are called BaduSuâr. There are eight types of sevâ associated with cooking of Kotha bhoga and theSevakas are named according to the kind of precise seva they offer to the deity. Theyare:

1) Pithâ Suâr associated with the preparation of pithâ (cake) with biri (avariety of pulses). Pithâ are of various kinds like kânti, puri, nari etc.,

2) Chana Pua Suâr, who prepares pithâ with pounded rice (chaol chuna) likeârisâ, kakera, lâru, gajâ etc.,

3) Thali Suâr, assigned with the duty of preparing varieties of rice namely sadâanna, khichuri, oriya etc.,

4) Tuna Suâr, prepares sweet rice (kanika), vegetables,

5) Bindua Suâr, pounds biri or rice, makes it ready for preparing pithâ and supplies to Pithâ Suâr,

6) Pagua Suâr prepares lâru, bundia and other sweetmeats like enduri, manda,gaitha etc.,

7) Tola-Baru, counts pithâ prepared by Suâr and arranges them on the platesto be offered to the deity, carries those plates to the deity,

8) Ambâlu Suâr, who cooks ambâlu (a kind of food item prepared of pounded rice, molasses and ghee i.e., clarified butter).

Besides, there are various other kinds of sevâ associated with the rasa (kitchen) for Kotha bhoga. The Sevakas associated with these services are:

1) Rasa Pâik, who looks after the cleanliness and purity of hearths (chuli); heinforms Pujâ Pandâ about the proper arrangement of the kitchen and thenonly Pujâ Pandâ performs the Homa. Rasa Pâik receives the cooking mate-rials from the store and hand it over to the Suâr for cooking. He also actsas watchman of the kitchen till the Bada Sinhari dhupa is over and doesnot allow any unwanted person in the kitchen.

2) Angarua cleans ashes from hearths and then sprinkle water mixed with cow-dung paste over the hearth.

3) Amina Mahâsuâr, certifies the quality of the raw food materials, check thevegetables and other food items before offering to the deities. If he findsthe raw vegetables and other items are not up to the mark he immediatelyreports it to Deul Karana.




4) Amunia Paricha supervises the work of the kitchen. He is responsible for arranging all the necessary appliances of the kitchen.

5) Taluchha Mahâpâtra looks after the rules and regulations in the kitchen,checks the raw materials used for cooking. Rasa Pâik compulsorily accom- panies him.

6) Bhitarachchha Mahâpâtra, checks the food items to be properly served. Heis also responsible to meet up any problem arising during the preparationof bhoga.

7) Paiya Mahâsuâr, not involved in cooking but takes the bhoga toMahaprabhu, the Lord Jagannath.

8) Gandhara Nekapa, he distributes the essential rations to the Suârs time to

time,9) Kotha Bhoga Jogania, supplies earthen pots, fuel wood etc. to the Gandharo

Nikapa.

10) Nikapa Sevaka, dresses vegetables for cooking.

11) Kotha bhoga Pâniya or Pâniya Sevaka, supplies water for cooking from theholy wells (namely Gangâ and Jamunâ) located inside the kitchen enclosure, but he is not allowed to enter inside the kitchen.

12) Pangti-Baru, serves bhoga on the plates before Lord Balabhadra

13) Behera Pangti-Baru, serves bhoga on the plates before Lord Jagannath

14) Bidua Sevaka serves bhoga on the plates before goddess Subhadra and Sudarsana, also caries ghee (clarified butter) from kitchen and pours it onall the four plates of offering with the permission of Pujâ Pandâ.

15) Behera Seba, checks whether ghee is properly served on food.16) Dopakhal cleans and sweeps the kitchen before havan.

As has already been discussed each of these sevâ or service is a hereditary rightfor the particular Sevaka and each person on duty has a share (khei) in Kothabhoga. Kotha bhoga, after offering to Lord Jagannath is brought by Pangtibaru toBimala temple. After being offered to goddess Bimalâ the Mahâprasâda is handed over to Pangtibaru again who distributes its khei to the Pâliâ. A Pâliâ can sell hiskhei at Anandabazar.

Kotha bhoga

Offered to Lord Jagannath (becomes Prasâda)

Pangti-Baru (Sevaka)

Bimala temple Sevaka

Offered to goddess Bimala (becomes Mahâprasâda)

Pangti Baru (Sevaka)

Khei to Pâliâ




The Supakars associated with the Kotha bhoga compulsorily follow certain

restrictions. On the preceding day of duty, they would restrict themselves to

habisyanna, the pure vegetarian food i.e., boiled rice with ghee, offer naibidya

(oblation) to Lord Jagannath and their families would cook on fire wood only. On

the very day of duty they would enter the temple wearing wet gâmochhâ (towel) or

dry matkâdhuti (matkâ=coarse kind of silk, dhuti= traditional men’s wearing), first

have a darshana (the holy sight of the god), then come to the rasa ârâ (the

enclosure of kitchen), wash hands and feet with the water from the holy wells located

within the enclosure and then only enter into the kitchen. While cooking they recite

Jagannath Visnu Sahasra Nama (thousand names of Lord Jagannath), a way of

prayer.

Gopal Ballava bhoga or Pratham (first) bhoga

This is the first offering of a day. This bhoga is devoid of rice and vegetables.

The offering includes the followings food items:

1) Khairo, prepared of khoi (fried grain), black pepper, karpur (camphor),

ghee (clarified butter) and khand (sugar candy)

2) Kora, a sweetmeat item, made of nariya (coconut), khand , black pepper and

ghee

3) Khoya manda, a sweet item, made of milk cream and khand

4) Doi (curd)

5) Nariapati, coconut slices6) Banana.

Sevaka associated with Ballava bhoga

A number of sevâ are associated with the offering of ballava bhoga. Each and

every activity is important and precise. Sevakas are referred according to the kind

of sevâ they perform. They are:

1) Suddu Suâr, who cleans Pâkhania, the defined space in inner sanctuary

where the bhoga and the associated articles would be presented to the god,

2) Ballava-Jagonia, carries the food articles to the specified area over head,

3) Suâr-Baru, keeps the plates before the deities and then food is served,

4) Patri-Baru, who keeps the ghanta (bell), sankha (conch shell) and flowers

ready for offering,

5) Gora-Baru, keeps the holy water, jaifal (nutmeg), karpur (camphor), chandan

(sandal) paste ready for necessary ritual performance but he is not allowed

to place them before the deities,

6) Pâliâ-Mahâsuâr, places the items kept ready by the Gora-Baru before the

gods,

7) Pratihari, keeps watching whether the activities are on the right track,




8) Pradhania Sevaka, formally invites Pujâ Pandâ for the ritual offering of

bhoga to the deities

9) Pujâ Pandâ performs the priestly job. There are three Pujâ Pandâ to offer

to three presiding deities and the Pujâ Pandâ who offers to Lord Jagannath

also offers bhoga to Sudarshana.

Sakâl dhupa (morning meal)

In the morning meal the offering includes the following items:

1) Kanika, sweet rice, offered three pots (handi) full

2) Tâto khichuri, three pots full, prepared of rice, pulses of muga added with

salt to taste (tato signifies king’s share)3) Nukhura khichuri, prepared of rice and pulses of muga with salt to taste

4) Menda-mundiya, a preparation of rice, offered one pot full

5) Bado Kânti, a variety of biri-pithâ (cake made of biri pulses), ingredients

are biri (a variety of pulses), coconut, hing (asafetida) and ginger, offered

five pots full

6) Mâtho puli, a kind of pithâ, offered six pots full

7) Hansapuli, a kind of pithâ, offered two pots full

8) Pithâpuli, a kind of pithâ, offered four pots full

9) Chandapuli, a kind of pitha, offered nine pots full, this has three khei

(share) for three Pujâ Pandâ10) Jhilli, a kind of pithâ made of biri and rice, fried with ghee and drenched

into molasses syrup, offered four pots full

11) Enduri, a kind of pithâ offered six pots full

12) Adâpachri, syrup made of ginger juice, black pepper, salt and hing (asa-

fetida) fried with ghee, offered three pots full

13) Sâga, preparation of edible leaves, offered five pots full

14) Bhâjâ, fried items, fried banana, khâmbâlu (a variety of tuber), sâru (tuber)

added with pounded rice, salt and turmeric, offered one sarâ (a measure)

full

15) Hansakeli, balls made of pounded biri and rice and added with salt to

taste

16) Bundiâ, a type of sweet dish made of biri soaked into molasses syrup and

scented water

Of these items, khichuri, shâga, bhâjâ and enduri are favourite items of Lord

Jagannath.

The Sevakas associated with Sakâl dhupa

1) Pratihari, before the bhoga is served to the gods he covers the door with

a piece of cloth. The act is called kânâ bândhâ (kânâ= cloth, bândhâ=




tying up). It is believed that if anybody other than specified Sevakas look

into the food it will lose its purity. He also leads the bhoga bearers from

kitchen to the inner sanctuary. He keeps the door closed during offering of

food.

2) Suâr-Baru, after cleaning the space he keeps plates before Lord Jagannath.

3) Patri-Baru keeps the pujâ articles like the bell, conch shell, sandal paste,

utensils for sarosopochâr on the throne (singhâsan).

4) Gora-Baru keeps the holy water ready for pujâ and for offering.

5) Pradhani, after the food is served on the plates before the deities, he

formally invites Pujâ Pandâ to perform the priest’s job.

6) Pujâ Pandâ, priest Sevaka.

7) Paiya Mahâsuâr and Pangti-Baru, bring food from kitchen and serve on

plates. As soon as the pujâ is over they take the Prasâda to goddess

Bimalâ, and after receiving back as Mahâprasâda distribute the khei among

the Pâliâ.

8) Harapa-Nayak, offer pân (betel leaves) to the gods as soon as the food

offering is over.

Madhyanha dhupa (mid-day meal)

The sevâ for mid-day meal are the same as morning meal and Sevakas perform the

same duties as of the sakâl dhupa. The menu differs from the earlier one. It includes

following items:

1) Arisa, round flat cakes are made out of a mixture of pounded rice and

molasses and then fried in ghee,

2) Dhaula, small balls are made of a mix of pounded rice and molasses with

little water and fried in ghee,

3) Mâtho-puli, made of biri added with ginger, hing (asafetida) and salt to

taste,

4) Bada, balls made of biri stuffed with scraped coconut- kernel,

5) Tripuri, made of a mixture of pounded biri and rice fried with ghee,

6) Ambâlu, prepared of âtâ (coarse flour), chhena (curdled milk), ghee (clari-

fied butter) and molasses,

7) Manohar lâru, small balls prepared with mixture of pounded rice, coarse

flour (âtâ), and molasses and fried in ghee,

8) Kharchulo lâru, same ingredients as Manohar lâru but the balls are bigger

in size,

9) Biri lâru, small balls made of biri stuffed with coconut and molasses paste

and fried in ghee,

10) Khajâ, made of maidâ (fine flour), ghee and khand (sugar candy),




11) Marich lâru, ingredients are âtâ (coarse flour), ghee and sugar candy,

12) Jagannath ballav, ingredients are maidâ (fine flour) and kharucha nuno

(crude type of salt),

13) Nariyal keli, ingredients are nariya (coconut), âtâ (coarse flour) and sugar

candy, square or round in shape,

14) Parijâta, small round flat cake made out of flour dough, fried in ghee and

drenched in sugar syrup,

15) Pakhal or bhija bhât , water soaked rice added with curds and fried jira

(cumin seeds),

16) Suji payasa, ingredients are suji (semolina), sugar candy and ghee,17) Ghee-bhât , rice with ghee,

18) Mithâ dâli, sweet dish of harhar (harhar = a variety of pulses),

19) Malo-Dâl, a preparation of pulses added with coconut, ginger, dhaniâ

(coriander seeds), jirâ (cumin seeds), kâlimarich (black pepper),

20) Patolrasâ, ingredients are patol (a vegetable), coconut paste, poppy seed

paste, cooking medium is ghee,

21) Besro, vegetables prepared with mustard paste, cooking medium is ghee,

22) Mahuro, an item of mixed vegetables prepared in ghee and added with black

pepper and cumin seeds. Vegetables include kakharu (pumpkin- white and

yellow variety), sankha sâru (a type of arum), kandamul (a type of tuber),

khambâlu etc.,

23) Doi-bada, balls of black biri (a variety of pulses) soaked in curds (doi),

24) Doi-baigun, brinjal prepared with curds,

25) Oriya, anna (cooked rice) added with ghee,

26) Marich-pâni, boiling baigun (brinjal), kadali (banana), black pepper (in

large quantity) in water with nuno (salt) to taste. It is good for stomach,

27) Muga, a preparation of mung dâl (a variety of pulses) added with ginger

and salt (nuno). No ghee is added,

28) Subas pakhal, water soaked bhât (cooked rice) added with sliced ginger

and fried cumin seeds,

29) Karamba, pounded rice boiled in cream-milk and water mix added withmolasses. After preparation cardamom powder is added,

30) Nari, made of coarse pounded rice added with nuno to taste,

31) Suji-khiri, suji (semolina) prepared with molasses, cardamom and camphor,

32) Chadheineda, made of pounded rice with large quantity of ghee, molasses,

cardamom powder and camphor,

33) Pura pithâ or Suaro pithâ, ingredients are pounded rice and biri mixed with

molasses and ghee, fried in ghee, a favourite item of Lord Jagannath,




34) Mâlpua, a sweetmeat preparation,

35) Subasita jal, water treated with camphor and jaifal,

Of these pura pithâ, chadheineda and marich lâru are the most favourite items of

Lord Jagannath.

Sandhyâ dhupa (evening meal)

After arati (waving of lights before the idols by way of worship) in the evening

this meal is offered to the deities. The Sinhâri Sevaka adorns the deities with flowers

and performs the ritual of arati.

The items of evening meal are as follows:

1) Sadâ bhât , plain rice,

2) Misti bhât , sweet rice, added ingredients are unbroken groundnut, currant

(kismis), walnut (akhrot ), cloves, cardamom, sugar candy and ghee,

3) Sadâ dâli, cooked harhar dâl (pulses of harhar ),

4) Biri dâli, simple cooked biri (a variety of pulses),

5) Chadheineda, pounded rice with large quantity of ghee, molasses, carda-

mom powder and camphor,

6) Pura pithâ or Suaro pithâ, ingredients are pounded rice and biri mixed with

molasses and ghee, fried in ghee, offered to Lord Jagannath,

7) Mâlpua, a sweetmeat preparation,

8) Arisha, round flat pithâ made out of a paste of pounded rice and molassesand fried in ghee,

9) Kakira, ingredients include coarse flour, molasses, sugar candy and ghee,

10) Matha puli, made of biri added with ginger, hing (asafetida) and salt to

taste,

11) Biri pithâ, pithâ made out of biri,

12) Nari, spiral shaped pitha made with the biri paste, white in colour,

13) Mandua, flat pieces made of a mix of coarse flour and curdled milk and fried

in ghee,

14) Kanalapuri, made of biri only, soft and large in size,

15) Pârijata, small round flat cake made out of flour dough, fried in ghee and

drenched in sugar syrup,

16) Doi pakhal, cooked rice soaked in water, added with salt, curds, finely sliced

ginger and cumin seeds fried in ghee

Of the above items Mathapuli, Kaanalapuri are favourites of Lord Jagannath.

Bada Sinhari Dhupa

This bhoga is offered after the lord is adorned with Bada sinhâri besha (a particular

set of dress, besha= dress) in the late evening. It is the last offering of the day. It

is offered at around 11.15 p.m. This meal includes the following items:




1) Doi pakhal, cooked rice soaked in water added with curds, sweets, scented

flower, fried cumin seeds and ginger

2) Ghee

3) Kadali bada, small fried balls prepared of banana, other ingredients include

pepper, ginger and coconut

4) Chhoto kânti, a kind of pithâ made of biri paste

5) Subasita jal, scented water, water added with jaifal (nutmeg) and camphor

offered in earthen pot.

Bhoga-mandapa bhoga or Bhandâ bhoga

This bhoga is also called Chhatra bhoga. It is believed that Bhoga-mandapa

bhoga was introduced by Sankaracharya, the great philosopher and theologian of

Hindu religion and exponent of Advaita Vedanta School of philosophy, for the large

mass of devotees. This food is not taken into the inner sanctum but is placed in the

bhoga-mandapa. This bhoga is done in panchopochâr (not much elaborate). Earthen

utensils are compulsorily used for cooking. There is no Pâli system associated with

this bhoga. The Suârs who own a hearth can cook and sell the bhoga. Hearth may

be sold or let out on rent. Unlike Kotha bhoga, the bhoga-mandapa bhoga is

unlimited; the quantity depends on demand. The Sevakas associated with this

bhoga are as follows:

1) Pratihari, the guards, two persons, one would guard the eastern gate and

other the southern gate. The eastern gate is the main entrance to bhoga-mandapa and therefore is kept open for devotees only during the time of

offering bhoga there. The bhoga is carried to the mandapa through south-

ern gate. The other two gates on the west and the northern direction are

usually kept closed.

2) Patri-Baru, one person, performs the duty same as that of Kotha bhoga.

3) Suâr-Baru, having sacred thread ( jani). Sacred thread is compulsory for the

Suar who cooks food with salt

4) Gora-Baru, one person, perform duty same as of Kotha bhoga.

5) Pradhani, one person whose duty is of the same as that of Kotha bhoga.

6) Pujâ Pandâ, three persons, performs priestly function.

Items of food included

1) Sâdâ anna, plain rice,

2) Khichuri, a mixture of rice and pulses added with ginger, ghee, hing, cumin

seeds and nuno (salt),

3) Ghee anna, rice added with salt, ghee and the juice of green oranges,

4) Sweet polâo, sweet rice, ingredients added is khand (sugar candy), daruchini

(cinnamon), cardamom (baro elachi), cloves, nutmeg and ghee,




1) Sâdâ dâli, an item of pulse (harhar ), added ingredients are salt, ghee,

ginger, hing

2) Mithâ dâli, a sweet dish of pulse (harhar ), added ingredients are ghee,

ginger, hing and khand (sugar candy),

3) Dalma, a preparation of pulse and vegetable mix, added ingredients are

coconut, ginger, cumin seeds, black pepper, clove crust, cooking medium

ghee,

4) Besro, a preparation of mixed vegetables; vegetables used are khambâlu,

kasaru, sâru, kandmul, kakan and coconut; spice used is mustard paste,

salt added to taste,

5) Mahuro, an item of mixed vegetables, spices used are black pepper and cumin seeds, cooked in ghee,

6) Shâga, preparation of edible leaves,

7) Patolrasa, ingredients are patola (a vegetable), coconut paste, poppy seed

paste, cooking medium is ghee,

8) Gota baigano, a preparation of brinjal (baigano), each piece of brinjal is

sliced into four pieces longitudinally and fried in ghee, then cooked with

black pepper, cumin seeds and pounded coconut,

9) Kâbli chholâ (gram), same spices as of gota baigano, but instead of

pounded coconut here scraped coconut-kernel is used,

10) Phalo chhola dâli, a preparation of gram, added ingredients are coconut,

ginger, salt, asafoetida, cinnamon, sweetening article,

11) Kanika, also called polâo, sweet rice preparation, ingredients are rice, ghee,

and crushed cloves, cinnamon and cardamom,

12) Mistânna, sweet rice, rice fried in ghee and added with unbroken cloves

cardamom, cinnamon etc.,

13) Borirasa, the item may be of two types depending on the type of bori

(small balls made of pounded pulses or other ingredients) used in curry.

Bori can be of two types: chhena bori and biri bori, as the name implies,

the former is made of curdled milk and the later of pulses of biri. The

method of cooking is same as of patolarasa and the spices added are black

pepper, cinnamon, asafoetida (little quantity), cumin seeds, added salt to

taste; cooking medium is ghee,14) Shâga, edible leaves, cooked in two methods; one is frying (bhâjâ) in ghee

with the spices like cumin seeds and hing, added with salt to taste; another

method is cooking with vegetables, coconut and gram (little quantity)

added with the spices like cumin seeds, black pepper with salt to taste,

15) Simo (kidney-bean), fried in ghee added with coconut (nariya), cumin

seeds, black pepper, asafoetida and salt to taste,

16) Jani rai (a kind of cucumber like vegetable), prepared with coconut, cumin

seeds, black pepper, asafoetida and salt to taste,




17) Tila-kshiri, ingredients used are pounded rice, kshir (thickened milk), tila

(tila or rasi=sesame), sugar candy, cardamom (the large variety); the quan-

tity of rice and sesame should be equal,

18) Suji-kshiri, ingredients are suji, kshir , cloves and sugar candy,

19) Chhena-daria, flattened small pieces made of a paste of curdled milk (chhena)

and banana fried in ghee and thereafter small pieces of sugar candy are

sprinkled on them,

20) Biri-bada, balls made out of the mixture of pounded biri-dal (a kind of

pulse) and rice, added with ginger, asafoetida and salt to taste.

Apart from the above mentioned bhoga, there are some special foods offered to the

gods on various tithi (a lunar day) in the inner sanctuary.

A. Nabânna: this tithi comes in the month of Margasira (eighth month of local

calendar year, equivalent to November-December of English calendar). Special foods

offered are:

1) Bado nari, spiral sweets made of biri-dâl, fried in ghee and soaked in

molasses syrup, offered four pots full,

2) Sano nari, offered four pots full, same kind of sweets as above, smaller in

size,

3) Tripuri, spiral shaped fried item, prepared of leafy juice and pounded rice

mix, fried in ghee, offered four pots full,

4) Bado-pithâ, offered four pots full (four murti), flattened round cakes pre-

pared of pounded biri-dâl and rice mix added with scraped coconut kernel,ginger juice and salt to taste; after frying in ghee sprinkled over with small

pieces of khand ,

5) Sano-pithâ, same as bado-pithâ, smaller in size; offered four pots full,

6) Bado kakra, offered eight pots full, made from dough of âtâ (coarse flour)

and molasses and fried in ghee,

7) Sano kakra, same as bado kakra but smaller in size, offered 16 pots full,

8) Bado kânti, round flattened cake made of a paste of pounded biri-dâl,

pounded rice (chal-chuna) and âtâ (coarse flour) added with ginger and salt

to taste and fried in ghee,

9) Sano kânti, same as bado kânti, smaller in size, offered 20 pots full,

10) Dalim (lâru), offered four pots full, small pomegranate shaped balls prepared

out of a paste of pounded rice, sugar candy and molasses mix,

11) Gajâ, prepared of flour added with ghee and salt to taste, no sugar is added,

quantity- five pots full,

12) Arisha, offered eight pots full, round flat cakes made out of dough of

pounded rice and molasses mix and then fried in ghee,

13) Ambâlu, on this occasion ambâlu is prepared of pounded rice, molasses and

ghee (clarified butter),




14) Khiri, sweet dish of thickened milk and pounded rice, added with cardamom

powder and khand , offered four handi (pot/ vessel) full i.e. four murti (a

measure),

15) Kanika, sweet rice, quantity- 18 pots full,

16) Oriya, plain rice, 10 murti (10 handi full),

17) Muga dâl, a preparation of pulses ( muga= a variety of pulses),

18) Pana, it is a drink prepared of milk, curdled milk (chhena), milk cream (sar ),

chhachi (scrapings of milk after it has been boiled) added with camphor and

cardamom,

19) Tâto khichuri, 22 murti in 22 handi, prepared of rice, pulses of muga added with salt to taste; it goes to king as his khei,

20) Dhaula, offered four sarâ (a measure),

21) Khairo chulo, prepared of pounded rice and molasses, offered two measures

(murti) in two sarâ,

The word murti denotes a unit of a given quantity. It may be of any measure,

may be a handi (a typical vessel for boiling food), a Sarâ (a concave type of earthen

vessel) or a piece of item. For instance, one handi full of rice means one murti of

rice, similarly 4 Sara of vegetables means 4 murti of the item or 6 numbers of an item

is counted as 6 murti of that item. In this connection it may be mentioned here that

bhoga cannot get weighed, it is measured in terms of the number of containers in

which it is kept and offered.

B. Aruna Adhibâso: It is observed on the sixth day of the Margosira month.

On this day Lord Jagannath is adorned in a special dress and offered following food

items:

1) Sano pithâ, 10 sara,

2) Oriya, one murti served in handi,

3) Muga, 4 handi,

4) Khiri, 4 handi,

5) Sano kânti, 16 murti

6) Sano kakra, 16 murti,

7) Baro and Sano arisha, 16 murti each

C. Pahili bhoga: This bhoga is offered everyday at 3.00 a.m. in the month of Pausha (December- January) and the ceremony continues for one month from Dhana

sankranti, the last day of Margasira to the Makar sankranti, the last day of

Pausha. It is believed that goddess Mahalakhsmi, the consort of Lord Vishnu (here

the incarnation is Lord Jagannatha) visits her natal place during these days and

hence there is a tradition in the society for the married women to make a visit to the

natal house. Pahili bhoga consists of the following food items:

1) Khichuri,

2) Misti polâo,




3) Ghee anna,

4) Arisha,

5) Fried flattened rice,

6) Ambâlu,

7) Varieties of vegetables,

8) Varieties of pulses,

9) Bado Jhilli, 42 murti,

10) Daro sua bari, 60 murti,

11) Daro sua jhilli, 50 murti,

12) Bado bada, prepared of biri dal, 30 murti,

13) Kakra, 100 murti,

14) Sano ambâlu, 34 murti,

15) Nari, 12 murti,

16) Enduri, 2 murti,

17) Muga, 14 handi,

18) Chadheineda, 4 sarâ,

19) Chhattu, 24 murti served in sarâ,

20) Chura-puâ, 5 murti,

21) Bari, made of biri dâl, 1000 murti served,

22) Kantei, tiny sweets, 300 murti offered,

23) Tâto nari, 4 murti,

24) Gajâ, 4 murti,

25) Khairo churo, 4 murti,

26) Gaintha, 200 murti,

27) Manda, 400 murti,

28) Tât sâmân (implies king’s share) is offered to the deity with the following

items arranged in separate tray:

i) Bada bada, 20 murti,

ii) Arisha, 14 murti,

ii i) Bado jhilli, 24 murti,

iv) Chhattu, 3 murti,

v) Kakra, 40 murti,

vi ) Chadheineda, 3 murti,

vii) Badi of biri dâl, 60 murti,

After offering tât sâmân would go to the king directly.

D. Pusabhiseko: On the auspicious day of Pusa-Purnima, the full moon day

( purnimâ) in the month of Pausa (December-January), abhisheko (coronation cer-




emony) of Lord Jagannatha is observed. The ritual is associated with the offering

of special food items to the deity. The menu includes the following items:

i) Ghinari, 8 murti,

ii) Dhaula, 16 murti,

iii) Khairo-chura, 8 murti,

iv) Sano arisha, 18 murti,

v) Adha taria, 2 murti, first paneer (milk product, like cheese) is prepared

using the juice of green oranges, then a mix of paneer , pounded rice and

ghee is made, the mixture is fried in ghee, thereafter khand are sprinkled

over it,

vi) Khiri, 2 murti (2 handi),

vii) Chanda-mathoguli, 24 murti, these would go to Puja Panda as their khei.

E. Makar Sankranti, observed on the last day of the month of Pausa (Decem-

ber-January). Following special food items are offered to the deity on this occasion:

i) Matho puli, 20 murti,

ii) Chadheineda, 26 murti,

iii) Antariksha- manda, 32 murti,

iv) Lahuni manda, 32 murti,

v) Baro bada, 20 murti,

vi) Saro kampa, 4 sarâ,

vii) Kholo bada, 4 sarâ,

viii) Kheuri, 20 murti,

ix) Moria, 40 murti,

x) Dhanyi sarini, 4 murti,

xi) Taria bada, 8 murti,

xii) Bado dalim, 40 murti,

xiii) Pansua, 8 murt i,

xiv) Pheni, 8 murti,

xv) Mandua, 8 murti,

xvi) Saru chakuli, 25 murti,xvii) Chhena keri, 8 murt i,

xviii) Parijata, 80 murti,

xix) Chhena laru, 8 murti,

xx) Sudhuyo, 8 murti,

xxi) Goti kakra, 40 murti,

xxii) Oriya, 10 handi,

xxiii) Chatti bhato, plain rice, 38 handi,




xxiv) Bado pithâ, 4 murti,

xxv) Sarpuli, 25 murti,

xxvi) Kanika, 10 murti,

xxvii) Karomba, 14 murti,

xxviii) Sebikiya, rice, 100 handi,

xxix) Dahi pakhalo, 20 handi,

xxx) Tava, 20 handi,

xxxi) Khiri, 8 handi,

xxxii) Muga, 8 handi,

xxxiii) Panâ, 12 handi,

xxxiv) Sakra, 12 handi,

xxxv) Khirisa, 12 handi,

xxxvi) Bari mahuro, prepared of bari (small balls made of biri dal) and Mahuro,

added with black pepper and cumin seeds paste, 8 handi,

xxxvii) Manjakarai, 20 handi,

xxxviii) Aru-kadali rasa, preparation of khambalu (a kind of vegetables) 30

murti,

xxxix) Adâ pachori, 4 handi,

x̀l) Phena sika, 6 sarâ,

xli) Navi sacra, 8 sarâ,xlii) Badokada, 32 sarâ,

xliii) Chana kada, 18 sarâ,

xliv) Chanda nari, 1 sarâ,

xlv) Khirisua bundia, 8 sarâ,

xlvi) Saro siri papuri, 6 murti.

xlvii) Pura pithâ, prepared of coconut, black gram and black pepper

F. Basanta Panchami : On the fifth day of the bright fortnight in the month of

Magha (January-february). Special food items are offered to the deity, the items

include the following :

i) Ghee nari, 1 murti,ii) Khairo chura, 2 murti,

iii) Sano kanti, 16 murti,

iv) Bado Arisha, 16 murti,

v) Manohara, 2 murti

G. Satapuri Amabasya: Special food items served on this occasion are:

i) Tâto kakra, 10 changra (tray), one changra contains 10 pieces of the item

ii) Tâto mudataro, 7 murti,




iii) Same item a s above 14 murti,

iv) Adha taro, 16 murti,

v) Choutha taro, 2 murti,

vi) Nariapura and Kakra, 3080 pieces,

vii) Sat puri pithâ, prepared from flour and molasses,

Only this bhoga has Sevaka- khei for all the Sevaka, for any other bhoga the share

or khei goes to related Pâliâ i.e. the Pâliâ on duty for that day’s sevâ. Tâto kakra

and Tâto mudataro go as king?s khei. King’s share is offered in a separate tray.

There are some specific items that go to particular category of Sevaka like Chandra-

mathopuli compulsorily goes to the khei of Pujâ Pandâ; Chadheineda goes to the

share of Suâr Baru.

H. Badu Ekadasi: observed on the eleventh day of dark fortnight in the month

of Chaitra (March-April). Special menu includes the following:

i) Khichudi,

ii) Polâo,

iii) Ghee bhât , rice with ghee,

iv) Tak bhât , rice with sour ingredients,

v) Varieties of pulses,

vi) Varieties of vegetables,

vii) Varieties of pithâ,

viii) Varieties of payas prepared of suji, rice, bundia.

I. Rathayatrâ, the Car-festival: observed in the month of Asada, commenced on

the second day after no moon day (amavashyâ) i.e., sukla dwitiya tithi. During this

festival following dry foods are offered to the deity four times a day on the Ratha

(the car) only.

i) Murki (sweetened parched paddy) added with ghee,

ii) Nâru (small balls) made of green mung (variety of pulses) mixed with

khand and scraped coconut-kernel,

iii) Flattened rice fried in ghee,

iv) Scraped coconut-kernel with khand ,

Besides, fruits (banana , mango, cucumber, guava, pineapple) are offered by the Pujâ

Pandâ to the deities. There are three Pujâ Pandâ for three Cars, one each for Lord Jagannath, Lord Balabhadra and goddess Subhadra. Taking the gods out of the

temple towards Ratha is called pahandi.

J. Anabasar: The sevâ for a period of 15 days from Deba Snân purnimâ (full

moon day in the month of Asada i.e., July-Aug) to Asada amâbasyâ (no moon day

in the same month) is called Anabasar or gupta sevâ (secret service). During this

period darshana (the holy sight) of god is forbidden for devotees and for all the

Pandâs excepting Dayitas, a group of Sevaka claimed to be of Sabara (a tribe of

Orissa) origin. During this period the Dayitas enjoy the sole authority to offer sevâ




to the deities. Common belief says that during this period the Lord Jagannath suffers

from ailment. Bhoga is offered only twice a day, once in the morning at around 8.00

a.m. and another in late evening at around 10.00 p.m. Each time the bhoga includes

the following two items:

i) Pachan bhoga: also called Pona bhoga. It is a mixture of milk, milk cream,

khand and water. It is prepared by Poti Mahâpâtra, a category of Sevaka,

associated with Dayitas.They are assigned to this particular sevâ.

ii) Chakota bhoga: ingredients are milk, milk cream, rabri (a sweet dish

prepared of milk cream), chhena (curdled milk), and barfi (sweetmeat

prepared of thickened milk).K. Ghosh Yatrâ: the occasion is marked with the mounting of the gods on the

Ratha (the Car) on the second day (dwitiya tithi) of the bright fortnight (suklapaksha)

in the month of Asada. The foods offered include dry food and fruits, perâ (sweet-

meat), milk cream, scraped coconut-kernel etc.

L. Jhulanyatrâ: observed in the month of Sravana (August-September). Com-

pulsory items of food offered are ambâlu, kshiri.

M. Jeuto bhoga: offered on the preceding days of Ram-navami and Janmastami.

This bhoga is cooked by the Tanu Suar and he only carries it to the deity. The

vegetables like kadu, patola, baigon are boiled along with the paste of cumin seeds,

coriander seeds, black pepper, coconut, ginger and salt to taste.

N. Jata bhoga: this bhoga is offered during chandan yâtrâ, a prolonged period

(42 days) of ritual observances from akshay tritiya (the third day after the no moon

day in the month of Baisakha i.e., April-May) to the preceding day of Snân Purnima

(in the month of Asada i.e., July-August). On the 21st day of celebration before

setting out ( yatrâ) for Narendra Puskarini (water body so named) Jata bhoga is

offered to Lord Jagannath. This particular offering does not include any rice item.

The menu chart includes the followings:

i) Pona, a mixture of milk, khand and ripe banana,

ii) Dahi pakhal, added with cumin seeds, salt and ginger to taste,

iii) Shâga (edible leaves), neutiya, khosla,

iv) An item of ginger,

v) Dâl (pulses),

vi) Pithâ of 56 varieties.

This bhoga is offered by the Mahâsuâr, Pangti-Baru and Tola-Baru.

It may be noted that besides the above, there are a number of occasions when

additional items are offered to the gods along with the usual food chart. Those

are mostly sweet dishes picked up from the elaborate list of pithâ or flour made

sweet items.


5



Taboos

Followings restrictions are observed by the Sevakas :

1) Earthen pots used in cooking should not be black in colour; only red

coloured pots are used.

2) A bachelor is not allowed to offer sevâ to the Lord; he cannot be a Sevaka

as well.

3) Women are prohibited to offer sevâ; it is exclusively men’s domain.

4) A Sevaka should be cleanly shaved of mustache and beard.

5) Each Suâr compulsorily have a dhwaja (a ritual identity with personal flag)

which they inherit through generation (bansaparampara). Those without

having dhwaja are not allowed to cook bhoga.

6) The Suârs compulsorily use bâghamukha and cover their head.

Bâghamukha helps to protect the food from any kind of exudes out of

their mouth. They also avoid conversation during cooking.

7) Mahâprasâda cannot be weighed.

8) Mahâprasâda cannot be served on tables. One can have it sitting on the

bare ground only.

9) Mahâprasâda is to be received by the Bhakta (devotee) on his palm only,

or is served on leaf-plates.

10) Mahâprasâda cannot be given into one’s mouth by the other as it is donefor the dying person.

11) Bela patra, the leaves of wood apple is not used in worshipping Lord

Jagannath.

12) The Sevakas should not eat anything while entering into the temple for

sevâ; they can have their food only after performing their duties. This rule

is exempted only in case of Suârs, the cooks, who should come on duty

only after having food so that while cooking bhoga they should not feel

hungry and hence can restrain themselves from feeling tempted towards

the bhoga.

Observation

From the data presented in the preceding paragraphs it is clearly observed that

food acts as pivotal to the whole activities of the Jagannath temple of Puri. It is

highly organized and disciplined institutional behaviour where food occupies the

centre of all religious activities. Anna in Hindu philosophy is believed to be the prime

source of life on the earth. Therefore, food has an immense importance in the life

and culture of the Hindu tradition, thus is reflected through the beliefs and practices

in the Jagannath temple of Puri. In Hindu religion god is often personified and is

offered with all material needs that a human being needs to live. Jagannath is no

exception of this. So he requires food and water suitable for different seasons, enjoys




favourite items like chadheineda, pura pithâ, marich lâru, pakhal etc. He is offered

with marich-pâni, good for stomach, and pachan bhoga and chakota bhoga during

ailment (anabasar ) and so on.

The food tradition of the Jagannath temple allowed no addition or alteration

over time since its inception under king’s rule till date. In olden days the temple and

its activities were fully under the control of the ruling families and the king declared

himself as a servitor to the Lord Jagannath. With the abolition of kingship after

independence the administrative power was shifted to government body keeping in

confidence the service of the Sevakas and the king, by virtue of his position, acts

as the first Sevaka to the deity. He has precised duties to perform will beget share

(khei) in the Mahâprasâda.

The food practices of the temple involve traditional knowledge of health and

hygiene. The restrictions imposed on the Sevakas work in the kitchen express such

sense of hygiene. Bâghamukha i.e., the practice of covering one’s nose and mouth,

covering up of one’s head, avoiding ornaments especially that of finger and wrist,

clean shaving of beard and mustache, regular trimming off the nails, all imply this

strong sense of community hygiene. Wearing of the wreath of holy basil by the

Sevakas attached with the job of cooking, use of camphor and basil leaves in water

offered to the gods, use of camphor mixed pounded rice for drawing murchâ, a

defined space for keeping food before the deity, reflect the traditional knowledge of

medicinal plants and preservative articles. Both camphor and basil work as preser-

vative and pest control mechanism.

The food practices also reflect the concept of purity and pollution of a particular society. A particular food item may not be avoided in the general way of life but is

not considered pure in ritual terms and therefore cannot be offered to the deity.

Those were mainly imported to the land through alien people during historical period

and were not assimilated into the dominant cultural stream of the society. Being

established and developed by the Hindu kings the Jagannath temple of Puri showed

strong resistance towards any foreign cultural aggression. Thus, potato, an imported

item by the Europeans is not accepted as ritually pure and therefore, cannot be

offered to the gods. Likewise cabbage was introduced into India by the colonialists

initially for their own use, tomato, originated in Mexico migrated to India by the

Europeans, Drumstick, native to Sub-Himalayan region, lady’s finger, originateing in

Africa, a later entrants into India, carrot, probably of Afghanistan origin, moved to

westward around tenth century AD, transformed into new shape by breeding and afterwards grown in Shimla (carrots globular in shape and greenish in colour, known

as desi gajar is a very old vegetable in India, but not the one that is cultivated

today), cabbage, introduced in India by the colonial rulers, capsicum, came to India

from Mexico (Achaya, 1998) are some of the vegetables that are not considered

ritually pure.The produces including vegetables and cereals that are natural to this

land and were cultivated since the time of early Princely rule were used for ritual use

and are considered pure. The temple of Puri did not allow any change in the food

practices that had been fixed by the kings centuries ago and traditionally the

practices are maintained till date.




Mahâprasâda, the holy food of the gods, has an immense significance in the

life and culture of the Sevakas as well as the people of India as a whole. The

devotees come to the Jagannath dhâm with two precise intentions: one is darshana

and another is Mahâprasâda. For a devotee Mahâprasâda of the Jagannath temple

is the most holy food that one must have in one’s lifetime as it gets them away

enormous virtues ( punya) and washes out all their sins ( pâpa) in their earthly life.

Eating Mahâprasâda is an act that brings them the final emancipation of soul.

Everyday innumerable number of people come to Anandabazar for Mahâprasâda

and eat sitting on bare ground. For the Sevakas and the people living in this holy

city Mahâprasâda is an obvious part of every social occasion and ceremony of their

life. In the life cycle rituals i.e., in birth, marriage and death rituals, before the feast

guests are served with Mahâprasâda to get them eternal bliss. Thereafter only, theyare served to have actual feast from the host family. It is stongly believed that if

Mahâprasâda is not served prior to feast it will bring harm to the host family. It is

also a common practice to offer at least a drop of Mahâprasâda into the mouth of

a dying person so that he or she can earn immense virtues before leaving this mortal

world and attain the final salvation of life. It is believed that with the virtues earned

by taking Mahâprasâda one can avoid rebirth. With all these beliefs, rituals and

practices the Jagannath temple of Puri stand in the centre of Hindu Indian tradition

over centuries.

In the Jagannath temple of Puri, there are sixteen kinds of offering for

sarosopachanr worship, five items of offering for Panchopachar worship, six sweet

dishes, sixteen food items made of flour that are offered to the Lord, six sweet items

made of curdled milk that are very common and popular and are accepted as sacred.We have also recorded the roles allocated to twentyfive Nijogas (Appendix-I)

and the honourarium received by the sevaks (Appendix-II) for performing their duties.

The myth related to the concept of Saktipitha has also been placed (Appendix-III).

Apart from these rituals and traditional mythical aspects that have perpetuated

through decades, the very structural and functional arrangement in the Jagannath

temple is very interesting and exciting. The sacred official and allocation of roles and

perfect division of labour speaks of the persistence of bureaucracy in religious

institution. The amazing perfection, punctuality and precision with which different

officials perform their roles keep such religious institutions properly functioning.

Lord Jagannath temple is a sacred centre where pilgrims from different parts of

country congregate and fulfil their sacred commitment. In the temple management it

is seen that from procurement of fuelwood, dressing and cooking of vegetables,guarding the entire space, bringing the flags down every evening, selling of

mahaprasad etc. everything is done with outmost devotion and co-ordination. These

jobs are done according to the taste and demand of the deities of the celestial world.

This depicts an intimate relationship and a kind of continuity between the

human beings and the devine benigs.

The kind of bureaucratic mechanism exists in all religious institutions. The study

of the structural organsation of the Jagannath temple of Puri only remind us of Max

Weber who developed his concept of bureaucracy from a study of Chinese monasteries.




References

Achaya, K.T. 1998 A Historical Dictionary of Indian Food, Oxford

University Press, New Delhi

Achaya, K.T. 1998 Indian Food, A Historical Companion, Oxford

University Press, Delhi

Nanda, Purnendu Kumar 20 01 Neeladri , English Special issue

Tripathy, Gopa l Cha ndra 1 98 9 Sri Jagannath Temple, At A G lance, Manor ama

Prakasani, Puri, Orissa.

Aknowledgment

We express our sincere thanks to Jawhar Sircar, Secretary, Department of Culture,

for his idea and encouragement for this study. We also express our thankfulness toProf. K.K.Misra, Director, Anthropological Survey of India, for his constant

encouragement for anthropological researches. We are deeply indebted to the Temple

committee of the Jagannath temple, Puri for their cooperation in every respect. Our

special thanks to Sri Sudip Chatterjee of temple administration for his untiring

cooperation and guidance. Sri Laxmidhar Puja Panda, being an insider, enlightened

us with his vast knowledge and insight. Sri Satyanarayan Guru of Harihar Guru

Estate provided us an insight about the philosophical importance of the temple and

extended his cooperation in every respect. We express our sincere gratitude to all

the Sevakas of different categories of the Puri temple, whose cooperation and

knowledge made this study successful. For the title of the article we owe to K.T.

Achaya’s book ‘Indian Food’.

Appendix I

According to the temple record of rites, the following are the main Nijogas and their

seva (assigned services to the god).

1. Mudirasta: Mudirasta represents the king. A young Brahman boy below

eighteen years is selected for the purpose, whom the king appoints as his

representative. He performs the seva of the king’s part in his absence.

2. Chhatisha Nijoga Mahapatra: He is the overall incharge of the temple. He

approves the Sâri Bândhâ ceremony, an initiation rite compulsory for a

Sevaka before getting into the right to seva to the deity. He supervises

over the activities of the Sevakas. He is responsible to execute the ordersof temple authorities. He belongs to the Puspalak family.

3. Puja Panda: They are the priest and their responsibility is to perform Puja.

4. Bitarachha Mahapatra: He is the head of the temple for daily rituals. He

supervises opening of the doors in the morning and checks the seals. He

also looks after the cleanliness of the foods offered to the gods. He may

enter into the kitchen which is a protected place and nobody other than

Supakars (the cooks), Taluchha Mahapatra, Puja Panda and Bitarachha

Mahapatra are allowed.




5. Taluchha Mahapatra: He seals the temple doors at night and also checks

the cleanliness of the kitchen.

6. Pradhani: At the time of bringing food, he goes to the kitchen to invite

goddess Lakshmi and the Suârs to come with Bhog; he then leads them

to the inner sanctuary of the temple, makes a continuous sound with two

pieces of canes to alert the people to keep the path clear.

7. Deulakarana: Traditionally they were the temple accountants. Now they

handle some money matters, especially the donation money and distribute

prasada to the devotees.

8. Tadukarana: He assists Deulakarana in account matters. He keeps accounts

of the Bhandar , the store, affixes temple seals and posts dates of all special

rituals or niti.

9. Dayita: They claim to be of Sabara (a tribe of Orissa) origin, the descen-

dants of tribal chief Bishwabasu, who, according to the popular myth,

worshipped Jagannath as Neela Madhava in the forest and from whom the

deity was adopted by the King Indradumna. Except puja (offer worship)

and cooking, they do all the sevâ to Lord Jagannath for one month from

Snana Purnima to Rath Yatra. They are one of the major Nijogas of the

temple. They believe Jagannath to be their own kith and kin.

10. Khuntia Nijoga: They are the body guards of the deities.

11. Puja Panda Nijoga: They are the priest Sevaka. This is one of the mostdifficult services of the temple, because the Pujâ Pandâ must be thoroughly

conversant with the norms and methods of worship. Formerly the knowl-

edge used to transmit from father to sons but now the Nijoga conduct a

course. It takes one to two years to train the young properly and then only

a young Pujâ Pandâ can join the temple.

12. Mekapa Nijoga: They are in-charge of store. They are of four categories,

namely, Bhandara Mekapa, Khata seja Mekapa, Cangada Mekapa and

Akhanda Mekapa, each having specific service to perform.

13. Bhandara Makapa: They are in-charge of the Bhândâr (store) containing

all the gold ornaments, jewellery, diamonds precious stones for the deities.

14. Pratihari Nijoga: They guard the temple and enforce discipline among thevisitors. Nowadays there are policemen who help them in this task. During

the time of offering bhoga to the gods it is the duty of the Pratiharis to

go to the kitchen and ask to bring bhoga to the main temple. From the

olden days Pratiharis used to maintain records of the visiting pilgrims.

15. Gochikars: They help the Pratiharis in their tasks and guard the kitchen

doors.

16. Ghanta Nijoga: They play cymbals called ghanta during the time of

offering bhoga and during pahandi.




17. Singhari Nijoga: They are members of the Puspalak community who adorn

the deities with dresses and flowers.

18. Godabadu Nijoga: They bring water from the temple well for pujâ and

other purposes.

19. Sudha Suâr: They preserve all puja items in their proper containers, for

example, chandana (sandal paste) in the chandana pot and flowers on the

flower trays and so on.

20. Mudali: They count and verify the number of puja utensils once puja is

over. All utensils are supplied by Mekapas.

21. Hadapanayaka Nijoga: They offer pân (betal leaf) to the Lord after everymeal.

22. Pania Apat: They bring water and wash the floor where bhoga will be

placed before the deities for the offering.

23. Bimanbadu Nijoga: They carry palanquins (bimana) of Lord Jagannath

during the festival of Chandan Yâtrâ, observed on the third day of bright

fortnight in the month of Baisakha (April-May) and continues for 42 days.

The festival is observed in two stages, one the Bahara Chandana, and the

other is Bhitara Chandana, each observed for 21 days. The former one is

celebrated in a water body called Narendra Puskarini commonly called

Narendra Tank and the later one is observed inside the temple. On the

occasion of Bahara Chandana Madanmohona, the moving idol of Lord

Jagannath is escorted in procession to Narendra Tank where the idol is placed on a boat and taken round the tank with dancing and music.

24. Suar: They are the cook of the temple kitchen. They are known differently

according to the types of bhoga they cook. They are the biggest Nijoga

of the temple.

25. Chunera Nijoga: The name Chunera is derived from chuna or lime. In

olden days they used to apply whitewash to the temple. Now this job is

done by labourers from outside. The present-day duties of this Nijoga are

as follows:

a) To wave the flags daily from the temple-peak. The flags are to be tied

with the chakra (the wheel) on the top of the temple. Until the new

flags are waved, no bhoga can be offered. For carrying the flags tothe chakra which is more than 215 feet high from the ground, one

must climb more than 300 uneven stone steps through the outer

temple wall. Today only one family is associated with this seva.

b) They are in charge of worshipping Garuda stambha (the piller of

Garuda, stambha= piller) in front of the main altar. Garuda is the

bahana (the carrier) of Lord Vishnu. On the top of the piller Garuda

is seated with folded hands. Devotees embrace the piller and offer

pranâma (bow).




Appendix II

Sevakas involved in the daily worship

Category of Sevaka No. of Sevaka Extra Honourarium

per month

Raj Guru One — 300/-

Deulo Mandir Purahit One — 300/-

Puja Panda Three Six 300/- + 50/-

Pasu Palak Three Six 300/-

Poti One — 300/-

Mudirastha One — 300/-

Bhitarachu Mahapatra One — 300/-

Amin Mahasuar One One 300/-

Palia Mahasuar One One 250/-

Puran Panda One — 250/-

Bhandar Makap One One 250/-Changada Makap One One 250/-

Patri Badu One One 250/-

Khuntia One One 250/-

Pratihari One — 250/-

Ritwik jyotish One One 250/-

Suar Bada One One 250/-

Pitha Suar Four Four 200/-

c) The members of this Nijoga carry a big lamp, known as mahâdipa, on

each ekâdasi (eleventh day after the full moon day) to the temple-

peak and place there.

d) During Deepâvali (the Festival of Lights) in the month of Kârtika

(October-November) members of this Nijoga decorate the temple with

lights. On Deva Deepâvali, the festival of Light meant for Gods

( Deva) the temple crest is decorated with small dipa (earthen lamps)

by them.

e) They are in charge of decorating Aruna Stambha, the Sun pillar

( Aruna=Sun, stambha=piller) outside the main entrance through east-

ern gate called Simha dwar i.e., the lion’s gate (Simha=Lion, dwar =gate)

of the temple. The piller is of stone, 34 feet in height and erected on

a platform. Aruna is seated on the top of the pillar. The pillar was said

to be constructed in 18th century A.D. All the devotees who visit the

temple compulsorily make a pranâm (bow down) to this pillar.





Anya (others)(Extra Suar) Two Two 200/-

Pania Suar One One 200/-

Suna Goswami One — 200/-

Chandan Khatari One One 200/-

Luga dhwa Pani Kunda One One 200/-

Pania Pata One One 200/-

Mahuria, Kaharia, Bajanti one each one each 200/-

Binakar, Ghantua

Dhopa Khalia Three Three 200/-

Bahara Deuli Suara Two — 200/-

Mahajan Three — 200/-

Chunora One — 200/-

Khandaka One — 200/-

Dayita Ten — 200/-

Sudhu Suar One — 200/-

Parba Yatra Jogania One — 200/-

Biman Badu Four — 200/-

Chhatra One — 200/-

Datta Mahapatra Three — 200/-

Usthan Pratihari One — 200/-

Darji One — 200/-

Kotho Suansia Eight — 200/-

Bori One — 200/-

Patara One — 200/-

Bania One — 200/-

Bhoi One — 200/-

Dayana Mali One One 200/-

Maha Sethi Two — 200/-

Makap Two — 250/-

Khuntia Two — 250/-

Pratihari One — 250/-

Godabadu One — 250/-

Lenka One — 200/-

Mandari One — 200/-



Appendix III

Sakti Pitha

The myth related to the concept of Sakti Pitha is as follows:

Sati, the daughter of king Daksha was given in marriage to Lord Siva though

he was not to the liking of the king. But Sati was fully dedicated to her husband.

Once the king Daksha conducted a yagna (sacred fire oblation) where he did not

invite Siva. Sati, in spite of being not invited, went to attend the yagna. Daksha

started abusing Siva in presence of Sati. Sati with agony and disgust gave up her

life. Lord Siva rushed to the spot. His followers destroyed the entire site of yagna.

Siva took out the body of Sati on his shoulder and started a frantic dance ( tandavanritya; tandava=frantic, nritya=dance). With the dance the universe started

dwindling. To save the universe from destruction Lord Vishnu pierced the body of

Sati into pieces by his discus (Sudarshan chakra). The pieces of Sati’s body fell

down in different places which came to be recognized as the sacred center of Sakti

Pitha. It is believed that in the holy town of Puri the feet of Sati fell down and

therefore it is also known as Pada Pitha (Pada= feet).




The Mishing of Assam: An IntroductionR.R.Gowloog*

G. Baruah*Abstract

The Mishings are a major tribe of Assam—the homeland of a large number of tribes and communities from varied backgrounds. The paper projects the overall life

and culture of the Mishings. The most important source of cultural and religious

change among the Mishings was their contact with the Vaishnavite Hinduism.

The Mishing tribe is one of the largest tribes of Assam. It is believed that theywere originally hill dwellers and lived along with the Adi and the Nyishis of ArunachalPradesh. Historical data and their legends show that they migrated to the plains of Assam during the 13th century although their migration continued till early 19 th

century during the Ahom rule (Mipun 1987:1). They mostly settled along the river Bhramaputra concentrating more on the north bank of the river. They belong to theTibeto-Burman family. After their migration to the plains considerable changes havetaken place in their language, rituals, dress, food habits, house-types, settlement patterns etc. The Mishing language belongs to the northern branch of the Indo-Tibeto-Burman languages.

The term ‘Miri’ was given to them by the plains people of Assam, but they prefer the name ‘Mishing’ as they feel ‘Miri’ is ambiguous, sounds derogatory and has no proper meaning. The term ‘Mishing’ is derived from a combination of thewords Mi (man) and Asi (water). By nature the Mishings are simple and peace loving,

easy going, and fond of festivals. To the people of Assam, Miris are a “docile tribal population” living somewhere in the Subansari tract who once produced a kind of cotton-rug called ‘miri-Jim’. E.A. Gait, the noted historian of Assam, interpreted theterm ‘Miri’ as ‘go-between’ for marital negotiations. Their population, according tothe census of 2001, is 517,170. They are mostly concentrated in the riverine areasof Sibsagar, Dibrugarh, Lakhimpur, Jorhat and Darrang districts of Assam.

A Mising Chang ghar (traditional house) in the new re-located village called Borbeel Mising

gaon, situated near the Kaziranga National Park. Photo: Emilie Crémin, February 2007.

*Anthropological Survey of India, North Eastern Regional Centre, Shillong.




House type: The traditional Mishing houses stand on stilts about 4 to 5 feet

above the ground. The stilts are made of wood or bamboo. A ladder (Kobang in

Mishing language) made of single log of wood is used to climb on to the main house.

It is believed that any guest or bride who comes through the ladder is accepted in

the house and considered lucky. The normal house is a large hall with a common

hearth in the middle. Thick bamboo splits, cane, wood and palm leaves are used for

the construction of their houses. These days iron sheets are also used for their roof.

Just above the hearth they hang two bamboo trays called perap and rapte against

the ceiling, which are used for drying various items. The lower portion of their house

is used as storage for firewood, baskets, etc. or for keeping animals and fowls. They

build huge granary on raised platforms for storing their paddy. This is done to

protect their paddy from wild animals, rodents, water, etc.

Social organization: Kinship terms used by the Mishings are generally clas-

sificatory, as those are applicable to a class of relatives. They trace their clan names

from the names of their ancestors or from the names of their deities. Clan exogamy

and tribal endogamy are practised by them. They believe in a supreme being who

created the living beings of the earth and therefore they trace their clan from the

name of the creator. Among them the patriarchal joint family exists. However, nuclear

families are becoming popular these days. It is headed by the father or the eldest

son or the mother if the sons are minors. The properties are managed by the father

or the eldest son in the absence of his father as long as they remain in the joint

family. Married daughters and sisters have no claim to the landed property of their

father. They have to be in content with whatever they receive as parental gift ( jituk )

during their marriage.The Mishing women are very sturdy and hard working. Dancing and weaving

are their common skills. A popular Mishing saying goes like this: ‘A home is worth

living only with a wife’. The women are treated with love and respect.

Marriage: The Mishings are strictly exogamous as regards clan. Marriage

within a clan is never sanctioned socially. However, cross-cousin marriage is allowed.

Marrying father’s sister’s daughter is admissible but not as common as marrying

mother’s brother’s son. As a rule, they are monogamous but polygyny is not treated

as a breach of law provided the husband can afford to support a big family. Two

types of marriages are common. These are midang (arranged) and dugla-lanam

(elopement). Bride-price was high earlier but today it is negotiable. Divorce is not

common. Widow remarriage is allowed. A widow can marry the younger brother of

her deceased husband but not his elder brother, who is regarded as a father figure.

Political organization: The socio-political structure of Mishings is democratic.

They are governed by the village councils (Kebang) consisting of fifteen village

elders. The officials are selected and not elected. The kebang is supreme within the

village and controls the social and political life of the villagers. He has the power

to deliver judgments and punish the offenders. Punishment depends on the nature

of offence. The Gam or gaonburah acts as the chairperson of the village council.

Besides kebang the member-yame (organization of young women and men) is another

important institution of the Mishings. The head of member-yame is known as Bora

74 The Mishing of Assam: An Introduction



and is responsible for maintenance of the organization. Besides these two bodies the

Mishings have several other institutions responsible for maintaining their customary

laws and to check violation of norm.

Religion: The present religion of Mishings is a synthesis of animism, VaisnaviteHinduism and tantrism (Bhakatiya cult). The outcome of the synthesis is known asKewalia, Kalsanghati or Nisamalia and their priests are known as Bhakats and Hattulas (Mipun 1993). The Mishings still practise their traditional religion, i.e.,

reciting the names of the Sun and Moon (Donyi-Polo) in every ritual and festival.

Mibu is their traditional priest.

Festivals: Amongst many festivals, the important ones are Ali-ai-ligang (harvest

festival) and Porag (festival of prayer and feast). Ali means root/seed, Ai means fruit,and Ligang means to sow. The name itself denotes the ceremonial sowing of seedson this day (first Wednesday in the month of Falgun, i.e., February-March). Thisfestival continues for five days. Rice beer, pork and dry fish are essential for the

feast. The Porag festival is celebrated for three days after an interval of 2 to 5 yearsand the member-yame takes active part in it. They also perform the three Bihus of

Assam (Magh Bihu, Bohag Bihu and Kati Bihu).

Staple diet : To them food generally means rice and their staple food consistsof a variety of rice, leafy vegetables, edible roots and fish. Their greatest delicacyis pork, which is either smoked or boiled. They are fond of the drink called apong

prepared from fermented rice and epop, which is specially prepared for this purposefrom more than one hundred locally available herbs.

ConclusionThe most important source of cultural and religious change among the Mishings

was their contact with the Vaishnavite Hinduism. It is seen that their traditional

religious practices have been changed to a great extent. Changes in their dress, food

habits, style of life and language are also significant. The traditional dress is only

worn during festivals and ceremonies. The process of acculturation and growing

communication facilities have given them further opportunity to join the regional

Assamese culture but today the educated youths are showing concern for the

preservation of their culture, language and their distinct identity. A section of them

have also demanded the use of the Roman script instead of the Assamese script for

their language. The new educational facilities, reservation of jobs and politics have

created a new and culturally conscious elite section among them.

References

Bhandari, J.S. 1974. Land and Social Structure: An Economic Study of a Mishing Village. In K.S.

Mathur and B.C. Agrawal (eds), Tribe, Caste and Peasantry . Ethnographic and Folk

Culture Society, Lucknow.

Doley, D. 1973. The Socio-Economic life of the Miri Tribe. North-Eastern Research Bul letin ,

Vol.1V.

Mipun, J. 1993. The Mishings (Miris) of Assam: Development of a new Life Style . Gian Publishing

House, New Delhi.

Pegu, N.C. 1956. The Miris or the Mishings of the Bhramaputra Valley . Sri Dasiram Pegu,M

Dhemaji.

R.R.Gowloog, G. Baruah 75



Methodology of Studying Indigenous Knowledge

Samira Dasgupta*

Amitabha Sarkar*Abstract

India harbours a vast diversity of plants and animals and an impressive variety

of habitats and ecosystems. Indigenous knowledge refers to the unique, traditional,local knowledge existing within and developed around the specific condition of the

human being indigenous to a particular geographical niche. This knowledge is chiefly

oral tradition which is transmitted over generation. In order to understand indigenousknowledge properly one has to depend on oral tradition and to know oral tradition onehas also to rely on folklore of a community and that too through emic approach. Under

this backdrop the present paper highlights some empirical observations from AbujhMaria—a vulnerable tribal group of Bastar, Chattishgarh on their health care practices.

“To our mind, Indigenous knowledge is the product of interaction between acommunity and its surrounding environment, and this environment is both physicaland social in which they live and maintain their livelihood in a sustainable way”.Usually indigenous knowledge (IK) refers to the unique traditional, local knowledgethat has developed and is acquired by a group of people in a particular niche. Theindigenous knowledge is the product of the traditional wisdom of a community,which is transmitted from one generation to another generation primarily through oraltradition. To understand such oral tradition, one has to depend chiefly on folk tradition.

“The commitment of a global community to diversity and pluralism is mostrigorously tested when it comes to its response to cultures that exist outside theglobal economy and its willingness to permit them to remain there”. (Seabrook, 2003).India is a country of cultural diversities that help us to understand the unique qualityof its cultural mosaic. The people living in this vast area have different ethnic boundaries with different levels of cultural development. Each ethnic group pos-sesses an identity through some of its cultural attributes, which usually differs fromthe other.

Truly speaking, the oral tradition can be understood, to a large extent from theIndian folk communities, primarily from rural and tribal communities. In fact, they aresource of great oral cultural heritage. The term ‘folk’ includes all those personsresiding in a village or within a given geographical area. They are conscious of acommon cultural heritage and have some common trends. Their knowledge is based

on oral tradition, and not on written scriptures and lastly their way of life is moretraditional, simple, natural, less systematic and less specialized in comparison to theso called urban elite people.

Often we use the term tradition. Tradition can be defined as the mode of behaviour by which social cohesion intensifies group consciousness and solidarityis maintained from generation to generation. Structurally tradition is cumulativesocial heritage in the form of habits, customs attitude and way of life, which istransmitted from generation to generation through oral tradition.

*Anthropological Survey of India, 27, Jawaharlal Nehru Road, Kolkata – 700016




TABLE – 1

Classification of Folklore

1. Prose narration 2. Aphorisms 3. (a) Poetry (b) Verbal formulae – Charms

Myths Legends Folktales Folk song Ballad Epic-lays

(eg. Supernatural (eg. Historical (a very popular

deities, stories stories) story when converted

of creation of into long poetry form)

universe and Man

etc.)

Droll Noodles Trickster tale Fable Adventure of

man and animal

Proverb Riddle Maxims and Sententious says

similar terse

(depends upon

expression)


Therefore, to study indigenous knowledge, primarily one has to depend onoral tradition. And to know the oral tradition, one has to rely on folklore of acommunity and that too through emic approach. Because this is the only repositoryof indigenous knowledge of a community that governs their life and action in a particular geographical area.

Folklore in its broadest sense includes all knowledge that is passed on by ‘word of mouth’ and all crafts that are learnt by imitation. It, therefore, comprehends folk art, crafts, games, music, dance and those verbal forms of expression, which arecommonly, described as folk-literatures.

Considering the nature and field of folklore, the arena of folklore may broadly be categorized as:



The knowledge system in the form of heritage and tradition as well as valuesystem of a culture are usually expressed through the folklore of a community whichis not only time tested but it is also an essence of a culture.

It is also believed that indigenous knowledge is a pivotal factor for empoweringthe communities. Each aspect of life and culture of a community living in rural, hillyforest clad area or in a riverside possesses a body of knowledge as a means of their survival strategy which is linked with their sustenance pattern of living. In the light

of modernization and diversity and cultural pluralism in Indian culture the rich

indigenous knowledge is now being given importance to comprehend the cultural pattern.

Under the backdrop of this theoretical framework some empirical observationsare now made. From time immemorial, the people of India irrespective of their culturaland technological achievement, have been depending upon their immediate geo-graphical environment not only for livelihood, but also for various aspects of devel-opment of their daily life (Sarkar and Dasgupta, 2000). The knowledge to utilize thelocal environmental resources is mainly dependent on their age-old interaction with

the local environment for sustenance over generations and often this essence of knowledge is highly confined to particular person/s. It is also widely accepted that

most of the ethnic groups are ignorantly exploiting their environment, throughhunting, collection, gathering for consumption, sale or exchange of forest producewithin the same geographical niche or outside (Haimendorf, 1943; Bhowmick, 1989).Apart from these, they also exploit such resources during their ailment. It has also

been observed that due to prolonged association with forest environment the tribal

people make use of some medicinal herbs, plants, roots and tubers to cure their ailment. But to detect and diagnose the actual disease they are dependent on somespecialists. In Bastar, the medicine-men are known as sirha or leske who have theexpertise in detecting diseases by counting the pulse beat. In case of the Abujh

Maria or Hill Maria – a primitive tribal group of Bastar, Chhattisgarh, it has been

keenly observed that “situation has compelled them to find out the way throughwhich they may recover or survive from any illness. As a result they often use their local resources to cure their ailment”(Dasgupta and Sarkar, 2005).

The study of indigenous beliefs and practices regarding health and disease indifferent cultures is of great significance in understanding human behaviour. An indepth study of folk medicine from an emic point of view will help in understandingthe cultural symbols and meanings and their integration with the culture (Tribhuwan,

1998). Anthropological data on ethno-medicine is instrumental in understanding thehealth related beliefs of the Abujh Maria tribal people as well as mechanism adopted by them to preserve and conserve the surrounding bio-diversity of their habitat.They utilize the resources of a particular territory for their ailment over generations

and also protect the resource base to sustain their future generation. This knowledgealso ensures the means adopted by them to enable the members of the future

generation to be benefited by the natural resources. Thus, ethno-medicine is the belief and practices relating to health and disease, which are the products of indig-enous cultural developments and not derived from the knowledge taught by themodern medicine manufacturing technology (Dasgupta and Sarkar, 2005).

78 Methodology of Studying Indigenous Knowledge



The abode of the Abujh Maria, a little known primitive tribal group, is luxuriant

with vast tract of forest resources. The Abujh Maria depend on their specialists leske

(medicine man) and sirha (sorcerer) who possess a thorough knowledge of plants,

herbs and roots of their territory. The leske or sirha through his magical perfor-

mances try to identify the actual cause of the sickness. If the leske or sirha gets

some hints through their magical power that someone has performed somewhat

detrimental activity through magic or sorcery to do harm to a person who ultimately

becomes ill, the leske or sirha prescribes remedies. If they fail to identify the witch

or the evil spirit responsible for their disease he takes the help of ‘log god’ or pen

(clan) deity, who, by his/her divine power identifies the witch or the wicked person

responsible for the mischief. He then prescribes heal system in their dreams which

frequently may include some forest leaf or root with some magical quality. But inalmost all cases a ritual offering to the deities become obligatory.

The present treatise is confined on the Abujh Maria tribe of Bastar who destroy

their immediate natural resources for their ailment ignorence. In the following lines

a list of locally available herbs, plants and seeds with their curing power are presented.

Table No. 2 : Indigenous Knowledge on Health Care Practice*

Sl. No.

1

Use of local

herbs/plants/

seeds

2

Name of the

disease

3

Method of use

4

1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

Turguma fruit, kattaor Kota fruit

Hara (Terminalia

chebula)

Kohka or velva seed

(Semi carpus

anacardium)

Beng podia tuber

The root of duli

tree

Pendra root

Headache and Stomachache

Cold, cough and\

fever (Local name :

Muta pasinta)

Headache and wound

(Local name : Tala

naunta)

Blood dysentery

(Local name : (Neturpota)

Diarrhoea (Local

name: Tatti/pet darna)

Body pain (Local

name : Mendur

nainta)

Boil the fruit in water and con-sume the fruit or fry the fruit and

consume

Grind it in water then keep it

soaked in water for at least 2 hours;

then drink the water. It is taken 2

to 3 times in empty stomach.

The seed is slightly broken and

heated. The oil of the seed comes

out and is applied on the forehead/

wound. The wound will be healed.

Grinded and soaked in water over-

night, taken in the morning.

It is grinded and soaked in water

overnight. It is drunk early in the

morning.

Grinded and taken


Contd...

6



7.

8.

9.

10.

11.

12.

13.

14.

15.

16.

17.

Pittereka fruit

(green small sized)

Tora seed oil

(Mahua seed)

Karanj seed

(Pongamia glabra)

Chiratia

(Swertia chirata)

Sannhemp seed

(Crotrolaria junea)

Balbairang or

Babreng (Embrelia

ribes)

Mud of ant hill

Bark of neem tree

(Azadirachia

indica)

Arjun bark

(Terminalia arjuna)

Gunchee (Abrus

precatorius L.)

Iswarmul (Aristo

lochia indica)

Eye trouble (Local

name : Kondang

putingta)

Cold, cough and

cracks in the skin

Skin disease

Malaria, blood

purifier

Barrenness (Local

name : Banj)

Wormicide

Sprain

Irregular

menstruation

Chest pain

Skin disease

Snake and rat bite

The fruit which is available in

forest is taken as a medicine.

At first the oil is heated then

the warm oil is massaged all

over the body

Extracted oil is applied on the

affected parts of the body

Grinded and soaked in water

overnight and the water is

taken.It is taken after grinding

Root of the plant is grinded

and taken

Collect the mud and it is heated

and then anointed at the place

of sprain.

Bark of neem tree is grinded

and soaked in water for few

hours and then the water is

drunk.

Bark is soaked in water over-

night and water is taken.

The seeds are pounded with

water and the paste is applied.

The whole plant is grinded and

consumed.

*Source : Reflection of Ethno-Sciences : Study on the Abujh Maria, 2005

The above data on indigenous health practices as observed by the Abujh Maria

clearly reflect that their own concept of diseases and their way of treatment are

directly influenced by local herbs, plants etc. of their abode. The sirha or leske whoactually knows the medicinal plants always try to conserve it in their ecological niche

by imposing certain norms and values. Since these medicines are the products of the

forest, there is no degenerating effect. Moreover, it is also revealed that use of herbal

medicine is curative rather than preventive. Therefore, this kind of vast indigenous

knowledge should be properly documented in the interest of future generation.

Apart from the health care practices the Abujh Maria socio-economic life is also

guided by indigenous knowledge where myth plays a key role. The Abujh Maria are

traditionally penda (slash and burn) cultivators. Ownership of land here is decided




firstly on the village basis and then on the clan deity basis. It is learnt that sometimes

the village site is abandoned for various superstitious reasons such as death,

disease or any calamity. After cultivating a land for two to four years, they shift to

another plot of land leaving the previous land fallow for its regeneration and thus

allowing the plot of land to regain its lost fertility.

They move from one hill to another hill, when all the plots of land of that

particular hill are cultivated and exhausted, they shift to another hill, which is also

under the control of same clan deity. In this way they shift from one hill to the other

for cultivation and again come back within 15-20 years to the old site, that is, first

penda plot. As they have to move from one patch of land to another in an interval

of four years, they have a requirement of a vast land but there is a sharp territorialdemarcation of each and every pen’s (clan deity) area. Again each pen’s territory is

divided among the Abujh Maria according to their kattas (clan). Each pen consists

of number of kattas who are considered as dadabhai or bhaiband group and

marriage within the same dadabhai group is strictly prohibited. Under this backdrop,

the katta members are bound to cultivate within their own territory that ultimately

results in a land limitation and it indirectly has an impact on their family size. The

empirical data from studied villages of the Abujh Maria (mainly uni-ethnic villages)

suggests that average family size of the the Abujh Maria is 4.92 members. From the

aforesaid discussion it is reflected how myth guides the economic life which in turn

affect the family size of the Abujh Maria. Practice of penda cultivation and movement

from one patch of land to other in an interval of four years clearly suggests that in

their indigenous knowledge they are highly aware that the fallow land will berejuvenated with nitrogenous balance during this period.

The Abujh Maria of Abujhmarh hills of Bastar, who live in association with hills

and forest, have their own world. They know that outside their own world there is

a greater world about which they are least bothered. Everything happening around

them is thought, understood and explained in their own way through certain myth,

stories, songs and legends etc. They count their months and days according to the

position of the moon. The full moon day is regarded as the fifteenth day of the

month. Moon changes its shape everyday, which helps in counting days. They have

twelve months that are divided into three seasons. When the mahua and palash

flowers bloom, the mango tree start flowering, they get the indication that the

summer season is coming. During summer season new chhind (date palm) leaves

grow. When they see that new leaves begin to grow in the mahua tree, there is noflower in the tree, they understand that monsoon is approaching. When sulphi or

sago palm tree is ready to give sweet juice, paddy is ready for harvest, they can

realize that winter is close to them.

From the above discussion it can obviously be concluded that the life and

culture of the Abujh Maria tribe are deeply enmeshed in forest environment. Their

indigenous knowledge helps them to preserve their immediate bio-diversity with the

help of taboos, beliefs and practices. This again ultimately helps them to lead a

sustainable living condition.




References

Bhowmick, P.K. 1989 The Chenchus of the Forests

and Plateaus : A Hunting-

Gathering Tribe in Transition,

Calcutta : Institute of Social

Research and Applied Anthro-

pology.

Dasgupta, Samira and Amitabha Sarkar 2005 Reflection of Ethno Science :

Study on the Abujh Maria, New

Delhi : Mittal Publication.

Furer Haimandorf, C.V. 1943 The Chenchus : Jungle Folk of

the Deccan , London :

Macmillan & Co Ltd.

Sarkar Amitabha and Samira Dasgupta 2000 Ethno- Ecol ogy of In dian

Tribes: Diversity in Cultural

Adaptation, Jaipur : Rawat

Publications.

Seabrook, Jeremy 2003 ‘Diversity and Pluralism’, in the

Sunday Statesman, 22nd June,

2003.

Tribhuwan, Robin, D 1998 Medical world of the Tribals, New Delhi : Discovery Pub.

House




Traditional Health Practices :

A Study among the Lepchas of Sikkim

Sumitabha Chakraborty*

Abstract

Lepcha is the oldest tribe in Sikkim, as it is reported in many of the secondarysources; majority of its population inhabiting in the isolated homeland, Dzongu

valley; an officially demarcated reserve for Lepcha community, bordering

Khangchendzonga Biosphere Reserve, in the north district of Sikkim. Lepchas of Dzongu are known for their retention of rich cultural heritage. In view of the ongoingcultural and economic changes brought in by the process of globalization, the imme-

diate need was felt to document in details the under-explored ethno-medicinal prac-tices of Lepchas of Dzongu valley. This paper reports the two spectrums of traditional

health practices – (i) the belief therapy and (ii) the uses of ethno-biotic material forethno-medicinal utility by the Lepchas for curing different types of physical ailments.

As per use pattern, maximum of species are to cure stomach related disorders/ ailments, followed by curing cut, wounds, inflammation, sprains and joint pains.

Administration of medicine orally is recorded in many cases. The changing scenarioover time both at socio-cultural front and passing traditional knowledge interests from

older to younger generation and rich ethno-medicinal wealth of the oldest tribe of

Sikkim are discussed in the light of conservation strategies and techniques to adopt.

Introduction

“Health is a state of complete physical, mental and social well-being and is not

merely the absence of disease or infirmity” as propounded by World Health Orga-nization (WHO, 1946/1948, p.100). Life of an individual is always concerned with‘health’. The idea of ill-health disturbs the rhythm of life and the performances of the individual being. All human groups, no matter how small or technologically primitive, have always been devising ways and means for taking care of the health.There are many definitions represent health and illness, which have conceptualized health as ‘modes of relationship’ – equilibrium and disequilibrium between man and his environment; involving human factors, ecological aspect and social structure(Lehriche, 1973, p. 54). Health and illness have an integral association with theindividual as well as society, where the health is a property and illness is a state.In one of his interpretation, Valabrega mentioned two notions of health and illness – first, the concept of endogenous (illness is caused by the magical theft of theindividual soul) and exogenous (illness is caused by the real or symbolic intrusionof some objects into the patient’s body); secondly, illness may be caused by theaction of another man or sorcerer or religious origin, produced by a god or a spirit(1962). Saunders (1959) suggested in his writing that every person has culturalguides, which enable him/her to know when he/she may be regarded as sick. It isalso mentioned that culture plays a broad role in shaping peoples’ ideas about healthand illness and their subsequent treatment activities.

Health and illness have close linkages with the therapeutic and preventive practices, which have shown variations throughout the ages. These therapeutic and preventive practices led by the human being is termed as ‘ethno-medicine’, which

*Anthropological Survey of India, Eastern Regional Centre, Kolkata




84 Traditional Health Practices : A study among the Lepchas of Sikkim

is referred to beliefs and practices relating to disease which are the products of indigenous cultural development (Hughes, 1968, p. 88). All societies have an identicalway of health practices, which are not explicitly derived from the conceptual frame-work of modern medicine. History reveals that since the dawn of civilization, every-where man searched out both naturalistic and super-naturalistic means to prevailover the ill-health. In this matter, man only depends on their surrounding ‘biome’ and developed an attachment with biotic and abiotic creature for coping up varioushealth disorders and illness. Thus, the traditional way of nature cured with herbalmedicine got tremendous popularity during the historical period. The first recorded treatise on the collection of 800 plants and plant products was mentioned in Charak Samhita (1000 – 800 BC) followed by Sushruta Samhita (800-700 BC). In the pathof development of ethno-medicine, there were two types of healing prevalent duringthe Vedic period – one was relied on magico-religious system while the other

combined with medicinal herbs and medicines.In India, the concept of utilizing the natural plant products to cure the ailments

had appeared in the remote past, dating back to 4500-1600 BC during the period of the Rig Veda. In course of time, a number of attempts have been made to improvisethe knowledge of ethno-medicine. In the early part of twentieth century, numerousanthropological studies on ethno-medicine had been carried out by the famousscholars like, Evans-Pitchard (on Azande); Kluckhon and Spencer (on Nabaho);Redfield, Gillion and Adams (on Maya). In the Indian context ethno-medicine has been studied in the later part of twentieth century by famous scholars like, P.C. Joshi;Balgir Singh; K.H. Bist; S.N.H. Rizvi and so on. The present study was undertakento understand the status of health, illness and the role of ethno-medicine amongthe Lepcha of Sikkim. The Himalayas in and around Khangchendzonga BiosphereReserve (KBR). The entire state of Sikkim is in rich repository of many such endemicmedicinal species, which are used by the local people over the centuries. The present

article has highlighted how the herbal medicine are effectively used by the Lepcha people for their ill-health.

The Lepcha of Khangchendzonga Himalayas have their age-old traditional systemof therapeutics, which they have acquired from their forefathers and practise whenthey feel to be effective. But due to modernization and with the advent of variousmodern treatment facilities, are they changing their age-old practice of natural healingand the ethno-medicine? How far their health related beliefs and practices are reallychanged by the implementation of modern health care systems and programmesimplemented from outside? Is there any stiff resistance prevailing against the imple-mentation of such health care programmes? All these impeaching queries haveappeared again and again. Because, due to the implementation of forest protectionrule extraction and exploitation of forest resources from deep inside the jungles arerestricted at large.

Area and the peopleLiving on the western flank of the eastern Himalaya, Sikkim, one of the smallest

states in India is flavoured with floral bounty and land-locked terrain. It is located between 27°05' - 28°09' N latitude and 87°57' - 88°56' E longitude, having an area of around 7096 sq.kms., and is known as the paradise of nature lover. The state is bounded by Nepal in the west, Bhutan in the east, Tibet in the north and north-eastand West Bengal in the south. The Chola range separated the state from Tibet and Bhutan, while Singalila range separated it from Nepal (Gazetteer, 1931). Historicalinformation shows that before 1641 the area was ruled by the Lepcha kings and between 1641 and prior to 1975 Sikkim was ruled by the Bhutia king. In 1975 Sikkim became an independent sovereign state (Sharma, 1983; p.18). A number of mountain



passes, like, Nather La (4392 m.), Gelep La (4388 m.), Donkia La (5520 m.), KongraLa (4809 m.) along the ranges have sustained a two way traffic of traders, pilgrimsand adventurers from Tibet and central Asia. About 36.3 per cent (2656 sq. kms.) of the total area of the state is under forest coverage.

The topography of Sikkim is quite varied. The elevation ranges from 1250 meter to 8558 meter, with almost no flat piece of land anywhere. The snow-clad mountains,the lower hills covered with dense evergreen forests, many rivers and rivuletscascading down from the rocky heights and rippling through the green expanse of the valleys constitute a magnificent and eye inspiring panorama. MountKhangchendzonga (8598 meter), the world’s third highest mountain is treated as‘sacred mountain’ to the Sikkimese as their guardian deity and considered as theholiest of the holy.

The study area

The area under the study lies in the west and north districts of Sikkim. In thewest district, the studied hamlets are lying in the revenue villages, like (a) Yuksam(under Yuksam–Dubdi Gram Panchayat), (b) Tsozo (under Tsozo Gram Panchayat)and (c) Khecheopalri (under Khecheopalri Gram Panchayat). A total number of 636households with a total population of 3385 (Census of India, 2001) souls are inhabited in west districts, of which about 75 percent are tribal. They are mostly residing inthe remote hamlets (bustees), adjacent to the Khangchendzonga Biosphere Reserve.

Table-1: Concentration of the Lepcha population in the study area

(West Sikkim)

Revenue village (West Sikkim) Household Population

Total Lepcha Total Lepcha

YUKSAM 364 1951

(Ramgyathang bustee) 16 16 87 87

TSOZO 89 476

(Lethang bustee) 33 33 194 194

KHECHEOPALRI 114 556

(Monastry bustee) 16 15 83 76

Source: Gram Panchayat record compiled with field data

Table-1 shows the concentration of the Lepcha population in various revenuevillages. It is noticed that each revenue village has a number of hamlets popularlyknown as bustee. In Yuksam, there are many hamlets (bustees) like, Topsing, Gerethang,Mangsabong, Yuksam Bazar, Nubgang, Guffa-dera, Dosthang, Tintin, Ramgyathangetc. of which the Lepcha inhabit three hamlets (bustee). The Ramgyathang busteeis totally inhabited by the Lepcha. On the other hand the Tsozo revenue village hasdifferent hamlets, like – Lethang, Tsozo, Seling, Lingay, Putung etc. The Lepchainhabit Lethang, Lingay and Tsozo hamlets with hundred percent concentrations,while the other two hamlets – Seling and Putung are inhabited by the Bhutias. It isinteresting to notice during the fieldwork that due to shyness and a preference tolive in isolation on the lap of nature, most of the Lepcha bustees are found in aremote corner amidst in the forest and away from the locality. In the monastery bustee under Khecheopalri revenue village the Lepcha houses are built within anarea centering a very old Buddhist monastery.





In north districts of Sikkim, the Lepcha only inhabit the village of Dzongu, an

isolated place separated from the district headquarter Mangan by the river Teesta.

Dzongu is a Tibetan word and combination of two syllables i.e., Dzon, means hillock

and gu means nine. Most of the houses and cultivated land are between 1200 meter

and 2500 meter above sea level, a relatively narrow band above the two rivers,

though occasionally fields are made at even higher altitudes. Above the cultivated

land is the forest in which wild produce is gathered, where hunting is done, and

where the cattle are sent for grazing in the winter months. Above the forest level

comes first the rhododendron forest, and then the snow coverage, rarely visited by

people except by the hunters searching either or ibex, musk-deer or wild aconite from

which forms the basis of their arrow poison is made (Gorer, 2005; p.56).The area, Dzongu is separated in two areas – (a) the lower Dzongu and (b) upper

Dzongu. In lower Dzongu, there are altogether two GPU (Gram Panchayat Unit) – (i)

Gor-Sangtok and (ii) Hee – Gyathang. The upper Dzongu has five gram-panchayat

units (GPU) namely (i) Lingthem – Lingdem, (ii) Sakyong – Pentong, (iii) Shipgyard

Salim Pakhel, (iv) Tingbong – Linzya and (v) Lingdong - Berfok. The total Dzongu

area is not under the KBR (Khangchendzonga Biosphere Reserve), rather a portion

of the upper Dzongu consisting of Sakyong, Pentong, Bay Linzya, Tingbong, Lik,

Shipgyar, Salim – Pakhel hamlets are under the KBR.

Table-2, depicts the areawise concentration of the Lepcha in the hamlets of

lower and upper Dzongu. In lower Dzongu Hee-Gyathang is the largest revenue

village consisting of many hamlets (bustees). On the other hand, except Lingthem – Lingdem revenue village, others have small Lepcha population. It has been found

that most of the hamlets in upper Dzongu revenue villages are situated in a very

inaccessible terrain. The people have to cross the river Teesta with their traditional

bamboo made suspension bridge and have to travel a longer distance on foot

through the forest land and inaccessible terrain.

Table-2: Concentration of the Lepcha population in the study area

(North Sikkim)

Revenue village (North Sikkim) Household Lepcha Population Lepcha

HEE-GYATHANG (Lower Dzongu) 268 1380

(Samdong bustee) 039 228

TINGBONG-LINZYA(upper Dzongu) 075 385

(Lower Linzya bustee) 017 99

SAKYONG-PENTONG(Upper Dzongu) 069 414

(Bay bustee) 011 69

Source: Gram-Panchayat record compiled with field collected data



The People

Once the ruling race, the Lepcha are the earliest settlers of Sikkim profoundly

proclaimed as ‘ Rong’ (the son of the snowy peak) ‘motanchi’ (term for intra-community

identity) nowadays concentrated on the lap of Kangchendzonga (‘mayel lyang’ – the

land of hidden delightful paradise).

The derogatory word ‘Lepcha’ is derived from the Nepalese term Lepchey, which

means scurrilous speakers. Originally, the term Lepchey was anglicized by the British

people who coined the present term ‘Lepcha’. History of the state states that the

Lepcha are the oldest inhabitant of Sikkim. They had kings and kingdom. They had

their own script (rongring). It is believed that at one time the Lepcha dominantly

ruled over the whole of north-eastern states including Sikkim. During the reign of Gaeboo Achok, the area of his kingdom extended to the highest unit. But the reign

of whole Lepcha kingdom was ruined within a very short period and the condition

of the Lepcha gradually became impoverished.

The Lepcha were living mostly through hunting and gathering from the forests

and since later phase of last century they took the initiative in terrace farming and

subsequently adopted the system of cash crop plantation, like cardamom and ginger.

The Lepcha raise maize, paddy, buckwheat, barley and millet in their terrace agricultural

field. The maize is the most important staple food and millet is commonly used for

making local beer ‘Chi’. Fish is taken occasionally but meat – both fresh and dried

are taken regularly. They do not have any inhibition in consuming beef, pork, rabbit,

porcupine, monkey, deer etc.

The Lepcha certainly developed a strong cultural base. Their folklores, mythsand legends, dance, songs are cherished and transmitted to the younger generation.

The Lepcha have their own ancient religion, named as Boongthing-ism and Mun-ism.

They believe in the existence of God called ‘Rum’ and to Him they offer their prayers.

They also have strong belief in evil spirits, who cause illness and misfortune.

Boongthing and Mun prescribe all the rituals and religious ceremonies of the Lepchas.

Many of the earlier scholars mentioned that the Lepcha did not have any religion

rather they believed in atheism. But in reality, for the God fearing Lepchas; prayers,

supplication and worship through the medium of Boongthing and Mun are no

superstition. They believe prayers and chanting spring out from the core of their

hearts. They also believe that prayer is an unfailing means to achieve the purity of

heart. The Boongthing and the Mun play the role of mediator between God and the

people.

In recent times, the majority of the Lepcha are converted into Buddhism and

some of them are converted into Christianity. People have accepted the ritual, the

validating mythology, and the organization of Lamaism. Lamaism is individualistic;

it holds that a person’s chief concern should be with his own spiritual welfare. Thus,

the key-concept of Lamaism, is an attitude to disapprove social acts. Lamaism

believes that the society bears the brunt of wicked acts (Gorer, 2005; p.135).

Lepcha language is dubbed by many scholars as a ‘mystery’ language, because

it is not related to any other language, prevalent in this region. Some have a belief





that the language belongs to the Tibeto-Burman family, while others have found its

root in the Austro-Asiatic family. Dr. Suniti Kumar Chatterjee has mentioned that the

Lepcha language belongs to the Himalayan group of the Tibeto-Burman sub-family

(Thakur, 1988).

Being a man of the forests and having a perfect harmony with nature, the

Lepcha developes an intimate relationship with the surrounding environment. They

have extremely rich knowledge for variety of plants, beasts, insects and flowers and

some of them who, even today, live in the mountainous forest patches. Some plants

grown in the forest are beneficial to them. During the present field work, many of

the medicinal herbs were collected with the help of them. It is observed that for the

course of daily activity the people follow the nature. Their song, dance and music

are speaking out the beauties of nature.

Social structure

The Lepcha are kin based community and sub-divided into a number of patri-

lineal clans, which are locally known as ptso. Each ptso is considered to have a

common supernatural or legendary ancestor. The chief function of ptso is the regu-

lation of marriage alliance and the prevention of incest. The Lepcha do not have any

centralized authority. In older times, during the reign of kings, two division or social

classes existed; i.e., (i) Rongboo (patricians), (ii) Mangboo (plebeians). According to

them, the Rongboo Lepcha belonged to the nobility class (Roy Burman, 2003; p.35),

who were appointed by the king as priests; while the Mangboo class of Lepcha

consists of farmers, potters, carpenters, blacksmiths, weavers etc. At the time of

marriage alliance, if it is arranged marriage, the Lepcha enquire about the caste or clan of the bride and the groom, because they strictly follow the rule of ptso (clan)

exogamey. It is observed that the settlement pattern of the Lepcha is also usually

clan centered. That is why, the clan— Sandyanmoo, Lutsomoo and Hee-moo are

prevalent in Lethang, Ramgyathang and Khecheopalri bustee. It is in their belief that

these clans are conferred from the 108 main snowy peaks of Sikkim Himalayas. In

his writings, K.P. Tamsang (1983; P.40) has mentioned that a kind of social order is

embodied where both the father and the mother are the head of the family at a time

and therefore, the male children or sons belong to the father’s clan and the female

children or daughters belong to the mother’s clan. The girls or daughters inherit her

mother’s clan from generation to generation; and as such daughters have no right

whatsoever over her father’s moveable or immoveable properties.

In Lepcha society, the extended family is an operative group, which renders possible identification with the community. It is their opinion that the extended family

imparts positive training to the child and teaches a strong control over behaviour.

While describing the society, the Lepcha men often start that they have no class,

creed and ranking among themselves. No one is big, no one is small, and there is

no stratification as such.

A delicate balance between man and nature set limits for efficient and intensive

exploitation of resources. Exchange of labour system between kin members, neighbours

and barter economy plays a significant role in the system of reciprocity. The extensive



gift giving practices between the kin members also ensure strong community bonds.

The reciprocal ties among the Lepcha are fully legitimized through an institution

called ‘lobo’ (Roy Burman, 2003, p: 46). Reciprocity with a wider group – ‘ Lyhang-

cho’ with whom obligations of token exchange is essential as a member of the

community. In Lepcha society, the household member, especially the male member

is also asked to participate in the ‘Onlok ’ – collective work for community welfare,

like bridge making, bridle path construction etc. ‘Ochhom’ is the other system

institutionalizing friendly ties between people of the same ptso or clan or outside –

within or outside the village. This relationship involves giving help, including material

items and services as well as offering psychological support.

It is evident that among the Lepcha of Dzongu, a system of self-rule is still

functioning in the form of an informal council of the elders, which they termed as

‘ Lyang-ganbu’. In spite of the existence of the Panchayat, it is very important to

settle-up various disputes regarding marriage alliance, fixing up of bride-price, cul-

tivation of crops, land holding disputes, crimes, disputes within the family members

etc. are settled by this self-rule system. According to their belief, any kind of quarrel

is the result of the evil action of three spirits or devils, i.e. – Soo-moong (enmity of

speech), Ge-moong (enmity of thought), and Jhor-moong (enmity of action). The

devil Soo-ge-Thor is responsible for the evil trinity. The Lamaic exorcism is performed

every year to destroy the evil action of Soo-Ge-Thor devil.

Traditional health practices

After the advent of Buddhism, the two guiding forces – Mahayana Budhism

and Tibetan Dynasty developed a kind of holistic medicinal practice in Sikkim, whichlater popularized as ‘Tibetan Medicine’. Samuel Weiser (1984) has opined that there

is a very close relationship between Buddhism and medicine. He has also stated that

Lord Buddha was the first, who said Man suffers from the inherent frustration of

conditioned existence, and our suffering is caused by the fact of impermanence of

all entities and by the endless craving that arises from the delusion, the Dharma

(cited in Tibetan Buddhist Medicine & Psychiatry, New York; Samuel Weiser Inc.).

In reality, illness is the reflection of mind to body and of the embodied psycho-

organism at large. On a relative plane, illness is said to be caused by a lack of

harmony within the microcosm and on an absolute plane, it is understood to be

caused by the disharmony originating from the fundamental delusion of duality and

ego’s self-existence (Weiser, 1984). In the arena of traditional medical practices in

Sikkim, Veena Bhasin (1997) is of the opinion that in spite of the prevalence of Tibetan pharmacopoeia, the state has the abundance of flora and fauna which have

tremendous value in ethno-medicinal purpose of the local people.

Health and Illness: Belief therapy

The concept of health and illness among the Lepcha is fully guided by the belief

in supernatural. According to the belief of the people, the cause of illness can be

classified into two categories—(i) Diseases are caused by supernatural beings, their

displeasure and actions, which are beyond man’s control; and (ii) diseases are

caused by the magical means like witchcraft and sorcery. According to them, the





system of cause, effect and cure is a circular and enclosed system of knowledge,

which provides the manifestation of explanation and control in the face of disorders,

chaos and inexplicable circumstances. It is their belief that if the cause of illness is

a spirit, the effect is then spirit possession or the other way it can be the cause of

controlled spirit possession. The ideas of health, illness and disease have own

individual importance in Lepcha mind. As like others, they also believe that health

is related with tension, mental stress and strain. When a man suffers with tension,

mental stress and strain, illness automatically appears without any cause of disease.

According to them, disease is of two categories – (a) Curable and (b) non-curable.

According to their perception ‘illness’ has two aspects – i.e. (i) Psycho-analytical

(based on the existence of spirits, ghosts, evil doers), (ii) medicinal (based on the

existence of some non-curable fatal diseases like, tuberculosis, cancer, cholera,diarrhoea etc.). The Psycho-analytical aspect of illness is cured only by means of

propitiation of deities and appeasement of spirits, ghosts etc., while the ‘medicinal’

aspect is cured by the application of traditional herbal medicine first and if not cured

then they apply modern allopathic medicine.

Faith in supernatural power-god - Rum and demon – Moong is an age-old

tradition that existed before the advent of Buddhism. Both Rum (God) and Moong

(demon) can or do harm in the form of fatal injury, epidemics, mishaps, disease etc.

and also can snatch ones’ life, if they are really dissatisfied. At that time, the Mun

and Boongthing, the folk-healer are to be consulted. The mums and boongthings are

considered to be the media for communication to the God (rum) and the devils or

demons (moongs). It is believed that the boongthings are supposed to be able to

communicate with all the devils/demons ( Moongs) except the ‘Dom moong’, who

causes leprosy. It is the opinion of the mun and boongthing that different types of

illness are caused by the deeds of different moongs (devil/demon) which can be

treated with worship and devotion of respective moongs accompanied by animal

sacrifice. The folk-healer (mun & boongthing) stated that if those rum and moong

(God and devil/demon) are ignored or any disrespect is shown to them by defiling

or polluting by nature’s call etc. they may invite the suffering of the particular

individual – the people may suffer from serious sickness and sometimes even die.

Mun and boongthing also agreed that if Rum (god) is angered it appears in malicious

guise and then referred to as a demon, and may cause sickness and other misfortune.

The sickness, disease may also cause by magical means, which is treated by exor-

cism. In this sphere the folk healer (mun and boongthing) takes initiative steps. By

counting of the rosary beads and throwing off the dice, the folk-healer divines what

is actually troubling the patient and then suggest whether sacrifice is actually

necessary or not. In psycho-analytical aspect of illness, disease may be caused by

the evil spirit and according to them, all evil spirits reside in the upper part and as

well as in the lower part of the earth. To get rid of those evil spirits, in almost all

Lepcha houses of both in Yuksam and Dzongu, a kind of structure is found, what

they term as Namgo (for the evil spirit of upper part of the earth) and Sago (for the

evil spirit of lower part of the earth). It is a common belief that this structure protects

them from all kinds of malevolent spirits.



Due to the harmful effect of demon, deities and spirits the people become sick

with heart disease (alut-dak ), stomach disorder (tubok-dak ), rheumatism (aku-dak

athung-dak ), vision problem, nose bleeding ( jukmar-vee) etc. which can be cured by

the magico-religious performances.

Illness curing rituals

The rituals are performed for the benefit of individuals, households and the

geographical area. Few important rituals are necessarily mentioned hereunder. The

people have the belief that performances of these rituals are essential for curing the

illness. In these ceremonies, Mun, Boongthing and Lama play an overwhelming role.

Cherim Ceremony : Cherim ceremony, is held twice yearly; to keep off

epidemic diseases like malaria from the community. There are three separate

rituals, two performed by Mun, and the third one by Lamas.

Shokbu-Rum Ceremony : This ceremony is held during the onset of summer

season for various seasonal diseases like diarrhoea, dysentery, cough and

cold etc. which may be caused by the ill effect of that Yomgebo deity ( rum)

and the spirit residing in the nature. Boongthing plays an important role to

propitiate the god and the spirit remaining in the state of fasting.

Parnap festival : This ceremony is performed to appease a demon, known

as Zengo, who is believed to protect their health from dreadful diseases.

Boongthing or Mun presides over such rituals in their traditional way.

Apang Moong/Sor moong : To get rid of genitor—urinary disease or fataldiseases, a goat is tittered by a long rope which has three knots tied in its

length. Mun will call on all the devils to be contended with the blood of

the sacrifice.

Num-een moong : The young children who die by the infantile diarrhoe is

believed to be caused by a demon of a dead child named as Num-een

moong. To drive away that demon (moong) the Lepcha sacrifice a goat or

a sheep. The Mun is called for treatment.

Sipundi : If the Lepcha suffer from food poison and they believe it to be

the job a malevolent spirit called sipundi. It is also believed that when the

malevolent spirit sipundi makes a tremendous effect on the Lepcha, they

die instantly.

Lung-Zee : One of the most special spirits is Lung-zee, who if ignored,

defiled or polluted can destroy the whole village—villagers suffer from

any infectious disease, or at least the culprit or culprits receive punish-

ment from spirit. For that matter they restrict themselves from cutting or

chopping the wood of a tree, where lung-zee is thought to reside.

Supernatural power and illness

According to their opinion, illness may occur due to the displeasure or

dissatisfaction of the supernatural power to which they have no control.





Malevolent power by the God ( rum)

Local name Position Diseases caused

Langrum Village God Responsible for headache, fe-

ver, drowsiness

Tongthing Household deity Eye infection

Lee-rum Household deity Cause the disease like diarrhoea,

dysentery, stomach disorder

etc.

Tsandong rum Common deity Cause epidemic like malaria, jaundice

Lung-no rum, Ajo Common deity Responsible for severe stomach

Gyantho pain, diarrhoea, dysentery.

Shukbu-rum Seasonal deity Responsible for various

seasonal diseases like cough

& cold, Pneumonia, diarrhoea,

dysentery etc.

Malevolent power by the demon/devil/ghost ( moong)

Local name Position Diseases caused Duet-Tshen moong Place of dense Responsible for rheumatism (akn

forest, rock and -dak/athmg dak ), headache, Body-

cave ache, joint and limb pain, high fiver

Manoo moong Places of flowing Responsible for pain all over the

(female ghost) streams, rivers body.

Loo-moong places of flowing Responsible for specific skin disease,

(female demon) streams, rivers wounds, fatal injury

Gey-bo-moong Places inside the Responsible for severe headache,

bustee severe heat attack

Lyang shergynu Places of a village Responsible for miscarriage,

(female ghost) boundary frequent vomiting; loss of appetite

of the female-folk.

Sabdok moong Places of outcrops Skin disease, sore etc. is caused

of a rock due to the ill effect of the moong

Arof moong Places of roadside Accident, suicide

area



From the above it can be assessed that the Lepcha world of belief is completely

guided by beliefs. Even nowadays, this tradition gets importance. The Lepcha take

the measure, to propitiate those supernatural evil power first by the boongthing and

Mun, if it is not cured they opt for the better option of traditional herbal medicine

by consulting the medicine-men– maondaok . If the health situation becomes aggra-

vated only then they go to the Primary health centre and opt for modern medicine.

Health and Illness: Ethno-biotic medicinal therapy

The idea of health, illness and diseases have own individual importance in

Lepcha mind. In their perception any kind of illness may not be called a disease, and

thus cough and cold, headache, bodyache are not considered as disease.Ethno-biotic therapy means use of both herbal and animal parts for the treat-

ment of ailment. In Sikkim, the Lepcha have the treasure of medicinal plants as well

as the knowledge of effective utilization of animal body parts. Here, herbal and animal

parts assembled together can be called ethno-biotic medicine. The Lepcha medicine

man, ‘Maondaok’ utilizes the medicinal plants for the treatment of diseases. Besides

herbs and plants they use the minerals and animal parts as medicines for treatment

of diseases. To them, medicineman uses flowers, roots, tubers, barks, leaves etc.; the

body parts of the animals as an effective therapeutics.

Cause of different dreadful dis-

eases like TB., Pneumonia, a lung

disease.

Cause of genitor-urinary disease

and violent death.

Cause of infantile diarrhoea

Cause of food poison and jaundice

Cause of limb pain, whole body

pain

Cause of various infectious dis-

ease. The whole village get af-

fected.

Cause of various common diseases

like headache, bodyache, limb pain,

nose bleeding ( jukmar-vee), heart

disease (alut-dak ), stomach disor-

der (tubok-dak )

Cause of vomiting, stomach pain,

diarrhoea

Cause of loose motion, piles, ab-

normal delivery etc.

Malevolent power by the evil spirit

Position Diseases caused

Dzengo

Apang moong sor

moong

Num-een moong

Amee

Lung-zee

Sandong

Long-chuk

Maknyam

Sor

Reside in the nature as a whole

Reside in the tree trunk

Reside in the dead child’s soul

Reside in the open barren field

Reside in the fruits, vegetables

and grains

Reside in a large tree, a crag, a

taru, a cave, a cluster of trees, a

hillock

Reside in the large stone situ-

ated at the entry point of the

bustee

Reside in the open air just out-

side the house

Reside in the dense forest

Local name





Utilization of medicinal plant by the Lepcha of West Sikkim

CHULI

TEIL

CHIMCHARCH

ANIOMUKH

ROO-PA-TONG

SHYKHYOK-

KUNG

ULAK-RIKH

KAL-KUNG

FIRUPOT

YAYENA

SAMBRUNGKUNG

MONG RIP

ZANGOO MUCH

PUSORE

TUNGKUNG

DINSHING

Contd....

Local

Name

Botanical

NameParts used Disease/ailments

Abroma augus ta

Artemis ia

Nilag irica

Begonia sp.

Codonopsis

Viridis

Costus speciosus

Engelhardt ia

spicata

He miphra gma

heterophyllum

Juglaus regia

Lobe lia angulata

Rubia cord ifolia

Schima wallichii

Siegesbeckia

orientalis

Spilanthes

acmella

Thysanolaena

maxima

Tr ichosamthestricuspidata

Abies wabb iana

Bark, by making bark

juice, bark paste

Leaf by making juice,

pa ste and boiled in

water

Leaf and petiole by

making the juice and boiling in water

Leaf by making juiceand boiling in water

Rhizome by boiling and

consumed as vegetable

Green bract by making paste and consu med as juice

Fruit consumed directly

Nut consumed by boilingand fried

Fruit consumed directly

Root by making paste

Fruit consumed directlyand dried up sometimesmake a paste and applied

directly

Leaf by making juice boili ng in water and leaf-paste

Inflorescence by boilingin mastered oil

Root by boiling of root

making a paste.

Root, stem and seed bymaking juice and pasteof root and stem by

boilding the seed

Leaves and gums bymaking paste of leaves.

Gum mixed with oil of

roses

Menstrual disorder

Nasal bleeding, benemicidal

and skin treatment

Stomachache

Infant diarrhoea

Urinary disorder and food poisoning

Stomach ailments and throat pa in

Throat pain and tonsillitis

Rheumatism

Mother health care after

child birth

Astringents in cuts and

wounds

Dandruff

Sore

Toothache

Boils, sores and gastric prob-lem

Food-poisoning snake bitingrheumatism

Stomachache, Tonic astringent,internal haemorrhageTuberculosis. Gum used inter-

nally for intoxication and

externally for headache




7

RIKLOK

MORDO-

KUNG/KOHUL-

KUNG

YEL, YEL-POTE

HARRASIRIS

IAKMAR

SINGRIANG

LANGI

TUNGRAP

TANGARUK

TUK-GNYEL

RAMSUKUNG

SUNGYENKUNG

CHEE-KUNG

MAKRIK/

SUNGUNGRIK

RHAR-KUNG

SUTUNG KUNG

Acorus calamus

Act inodaphne

Hookeri

Aesandra

butyraceae

Diploknema buty

raceac Maduca

butyraceac

Albizzia Lebbeck

Albizia procera

Albizia stipulate

Amm o mu m

sabulatun

Aphana mixis pol ysta chaya

Artimisia

vulgaris

Artocarpus

heterophyllus

Artocarpus

lakoocha

Bauh imia

purpurea

Bau himia vah lie

Bauhini a

variegate

Berberis aristata

Root and Rhizome by

making powder of root.

Boiling the Rhizome

Leaves & seeds by ex-

tracting oil from seeds

Fruit by making ointment

oil cakes by making

juice of the bark

Root, seed, leaves by

extracting oil from theseed; by making powder

from the root bark

Leaves

Bark by making lotion

Seeds by making seed oil

and seed juice

Bark and seed by mak-ing bark juice and seed

oi l

Whole plant by making

the juice and sometimes

paste .

Fruits, latex, leaves,

roots by making tonic

from fruits.

Fruit, plant

Roots, Bark, flowers by

making juice.

Seeds, leaves by making

leaves tonic

Bark, leaves, flowers,

buds & flowers by mak-

ing astringent tonic

Root, bark, Branchlets

fruit by making pasteand juice from root

bark.

Expelling intestinal worm

insect repellent diarrhoea

Urinary disorder, diabetes, oil

extracted from seeds used in

sprain of muscles

Asthma, rheumatism.

Root disease of blood,

lencoderma, itching, piles,skin disease inflamation,

crysepelas, bronchitis.

Flower- Asthma seedoil-lep-

rosy root bark powder—

strengthens the gums

Applied in ulcers, used in

cancers.

Cuts, scabies and other skin

disease.

Heart and Liver disorder,

hypnotic apetiser Indigestion,

vomiting, enlarged spleen,

bulzyness of rectum, gonorrhea

Spleen and liver disease, tu-mors abdominal complaints,

rheumatism

Asthma, itching, antibacterial

and antifungal properties.

Leaves ash healing ulcers,

root useful in skin disease,

asthma, diarrhoea

Ripe fruit- Improve taste,

Eye trouble, Appetite

Plant- Spleen, bone fracture,

tapeworm

Control diarrhoea, animal

bit e.

Diarrhoea, dysentery, stomachdisorder

Toothache, ulcers, skin dis-eases, diarrhoea, cough

bleeding piles.

Skin disease, diarrhoea, jaun-

dice, eye infection root ex-

traction is hypoglycaemic

and anticancerous.




Fresh and dried flower petal

cures dysentery and diarrhoea

clear the bones of fish stuck

in the throat.

Remedy for headache and

cholera, used as stimulant

and digestive

Petal paste is applied in cuts,

stops bleeding.

Buds & Root cure Tubercu-

losis.

Leaves- rheumatic swelling,

sciatic and inflamations

complaints

Seeds powder – smoke of

seeds powder cure asthmatic

fits.

Astringent in diarrhoea,

dysentery and hemorrhage

of the bowels. Juice is ef-

fective for excessive men-

strual discharge

Roots-Fracture and

dislocation.

Pounding roots- gonorrhea.Juice is taken as tonic for

cleaning after child birth.

Cure gonorrhea, burning

sensation while urine and

painful ur inat ion.

Cure colic pains and kill the

intestinal worms in children.

Bark :- paste is applied for

healing up fracture of bones,

Soaking liquid of small

branches prevents abor tion.

Paste is applied to cure all

kinds of skin diseases.

Cure Asthma, cough, rheu-

matism, gonorrhea, piles,spleen.

Powdered fruits- applied

with black pepper powder

and milk good for develop-

ment of breast.

Seed oil- very useful for

leprosy, also used for ec-

zema and other skin diseases

and chronic rheumatism.

Contd....

Utilization of medicinal plant by the Lepcha of North Sikkim (Dzongu)

Vernacular

Name

Botanical

NameParts used Disease/Ailments

Aetok koong

Ausoodaong

Kadaorip

Kajyoo

khyaamoong

Kanyim

Kazoo

Kahlyaabi

Kashyum koong

Kaong ki koong

Kaong hi koong

Kuntim paot

Took koong

R h o d o d e n d r o n

arboretum

Menthe arvensis

Rosa clamascena

Datura fistulosa

Amaranthus

tricolor

Urtica parviflora

Hibiscus

esculentus

Rubus ellipticus

Prumus Pudum

Semicarpus

amacardium

Piper longum

Gynocardia

odorata

Flowers & Petals by

making dried powder

Leaves & young shoots

by making ju ice and

past e

Petals, buds & roots, by

making paste and juice

of buds and roots

Roots, leaves and seeds

by making past e, juice

and dried powder

Roots, stalks and leaves

by making juice

Roots, leaves and flow-

ers by making juice,

powder

Fruits- Gums and gelati-

nous substance of the

fruits

Roots, shoots

Bark, branches by mak-

ing paste and soaking

liquid

Roots, barks and fruits

by making paste

Fruits by making juice,

powder

Seeds by making oil and

past e




Contd....

Gey bookhanaok

Gok-Rip

Tuk chyer koong

Tuk nyil

Tukpitrik

Tumbaar rik

Tung loo koong

Durbi hyur

Na ong ryoopaot

Paong mook

Pudin ayok mook

Dichroa febrifuge

Michelia

champaca

Albizia julibrissin

Artimisia vulgaris

Paederia foetida

Mussaenda

frondosa

Bombax

malabaricum

Red fungas

Zanthoxyllum

acanthopodium

Cynodon

dactylon

Drymaria cordata

Roots and leaves, by

making paste and juice

Bark, flowers and fruits

by making ju ice as

tonic

Bark and seed by mak-

ing powder, juice and

past e

Whole plant including

leaves by making paste

young shoot by boiling

in the water.

Leaves, roots and fruits,

shoots by making

powder juice

Flowers, roots, by

making paste/juice

Gum or juice roots

Whole body of the

fungus by making pow-

der

Seeds and bark by mak-

ing tonic, distilled

arrack of fruit

Roots, whole plants by

making decoction, juice

Leaves and plants by

making ash and paste

Decoction of root cures

fever. Very useful for malaria

and other type of fevers.

Bark – reduce fever and

ejects phlegm from throat

and lungs by coughing and

spitting.

Flowers and Fruits- cures

nausea and fever. Promot-

ing urine in kidney diseases

and in gonorrhea.

Cures piles and diarrhoea.

Root Bark powder-

strengthens gums of teeth.Juice of young leaves- cures

night blindness.

Cures skin diseases and ul-

cers, nose bleeding, clear the

block in nostrils. Cures gout

and rheumatism.

Young shoot- increase and

promotes appetite digestion

Young leaves and shoots-

cure convalescent

rheumatism.

Leaves juice- cures diarrhoea

of children pounded fruits-

protect s toothache .

Flowers – cough, asthma

Root juice- jaundice root

past e- skin erupt ion ulcers.

Cures dysentery. Young

roots- cures gonorrhea

Dried red fungus soaked in

worm water to cure arching

ear.

Seed & Bark tonic- cure

fever, dyspepsia and cholera

Distilled arrack of fruit

massaged to cure gout and

rheumatism.

Decoction of roots- cures

dropsy and syphilis

Fusion of roots- stops

bleeding of pilesCrushed roots- cures chronic

gonorrhoea Juice of plants-

cures cuts and wounds,

Inhaling of moulder leaves

and plants cures nose

blockage, headache, dyptheria,

pneumonia and good chronic

for sinus infection.




Pur vok koong

Phago koong

Braong paot

Booshi kaa

Ruklim

Rung kyen

Vyum rik

Sangaa koong

Alstonia scholaris

Not col lected

Phyllanthus

emblica

Not col lected

Celastrus

paniculata

Swerita chirata

Hain

Rubia cordifolia

Not col lected

Bark, root by making

paste and juice

Bark, seeds by making

paste and ashes pow-

der

Barks, fruits by mak-

ing juice, paste

Roots, bark leaves and flowers by making

paste, juice

Seeds by making juice

and paste

Whole plant

Roots, fruits by making

juice and paste

Bark by making pow-

der

Bark- cure skin disease, rheu-

matism. Root - juice taken

with milk cures from

leprosy.

Bark paste- cure fresh cuts

and wounds

Bark ashes- cure chronic

wounds.

Powder of seed- cures

throat, lung sores and ty-

pho id.

Bark and fruits- cures diar-

rhoea and dysentery, helps

digestion.

Fresh juice- mixed with milk

cure gonorrhoea mixed with

honey cure white lencorrhoea

relieves pain in urine trouble

and burning sensation the

vagina.

Remove phlegm, bile impu-rities of blood cures cough,

asthma, fever, vomiting,

leprosy, tuber-culosis. Leaves

are valuable antiseptic.

Cure rheumatism, paralysis,

leprosy, scabies.

Cures intermittent fevers,

acidity, bilious dyspepsia

cures lever function.

Cures skin disease act as a

cleaning agent after deliv-

ery.

Bark powder soaked in wa-

ter cures Pneumonia.




Utilization of biotic component among the Lepcha of Sikkim

Name of the disease Application of animal body parts

Weakening of vision/eye sight

Calf pain and turning over the calf muscles

Inflamation or swelling of groin or armpit

Fresh cut and wounds

Pneumonia, Bronchitis, other lung sores

and Typhoid

High fever

Pneumonia

Epilepsy and High fever

Tuberculosis

Snake bite

Gall bladder pain

Cut, wounds, skin disease

Malaria (dangdulat ) and Food poison

(enng)

Asthma

Malarial fever

Vomiting of pregnant lady

Liver malfunction

Ill effect of poisonous mushroom

Apply the lukewarm blood of Leech

Apply the burnt tail of peacock ( mung young tuk

shyin) by smearing over the calf muscle of human

leg.

Apply the burnt cocks quill (hik tsaong kaop) by

smearing over the inflammatory or swelling portion.

Apply the spider’s web (sung gryaong saong) and

bandaged properly

Apply the pounded paste of round worm ( tarekbu),

which is available under banana plant.

Prescribed to take the soup of cooked flesh of

black toad.

Prescribed to take the soup and flesh of cooked

Green toad without patch.

Prescribed to take the soup of palm and finger of

monkey without mixing salt.

Consume the liver and flesh of monkey (su-hu)

‘Kastoori’, navel of abar (musk-deer) is applied.

Prescribed to consume the boilded flesh of bear

Black frog’s skin (luk pak taluk ) used as band aid.

Prescribed to take the gall bladder soup of black

Bear (san-ha)

Prescribed to take the gall bladder soup of monkey

(su-hu)

Prescribed to consume the roasted stomach of

porcupine (Sattin) with the gelatinous juice of aloevera (ghreta kumari).

Prescribed to inhale the smell of the burning ash of

porcu pine’s barb.

Prescribed to dip the navel of sabar (musk deer) in

water for over night and then to be consumed.

Prescribed to take the roasted skin and meat of

deer (Su-ku)




Conclusion

Discussion of the foregoing pages tries to delineate that irrespective of caste,class, creed, ‘health’ is an important feature to all human groups. The ill-healthdisturbs the rhythm of life and performances of the individual being. On having aseparate identity, health and illness always remain as both sides of a same coin. If health is a property, then illness is a liability. The failure of health causes illness,whose cure is very necessary. Being an inhabitant of the Khangchendzonga Bio-sphere (KBR) the Lepcha have dependency on ethno-medicine.

While describing the illness and therapeutics, it has been found that illness of the Lepcha is either caused by the dissatisfaction of various natural being which isconsidered to be an animate object, the arrogance and dissatisfaction of spirits,demons and ghosts, believed to be residing in the nature; or by the displeasure of various deities related with nature. In accordance with the rules of prevention againstthe illness and diseases, the Lepcha primarily follow the path of appeasement of various deities by worshipping them; or propitiating the malevolent spirits, demons,ghost by employing the service of the traditional spirit healer and priest, called asmun and boongthing. The second option for that is to apply the herbal therapeuticsin consultation with the traditional medicinemen (maondaok ). According to them, thedisease and illness will be cured by the herbal therapeutics; If it is not cured, thenthey are advised to go to Primary Health Centre or District hospital for moderntreatment.

In relation to the present topic, Yuksam and its adjoining areas of West Sikkimand Dzongu area of north Sikkim, were chosen for a comparative observation. In this

regard, it has been observed that the Lepcha of Dzongu area of north Sikkim possessa better mythology of illness and its traditional pharmacopoeia compared to that of other than the Yuksam of west Sikkim. In all respect, the traditional wisdom of pharmacopoeia and therapeutics is much higher among the Lepcha of Dzongu thanthose of the Yuksam area. A common feature observed between the two set up isthe much dependency on the traditional way of therapeutics. The interesting featureobserved among the Lepcha of Dzongu is that the traditional system of therapeutics prevailing in the interior areas except the Lepchas of Lethang hamlet of west Sikkimwho show their dependency on traditional practice of treatment. The reason behind it perhaps is the mental make-up of the people. To them the age-old tradition should be kept alive.

Literature Consulted

Charles, C. Hughes 1968 ‘Ethnomedicine’ in the Encyclopaedia of Social Sciences ,Edited by David L. Sills, Vol. 9 & 10, P. 88.

Fonning, A.R. 19 87 ‘Lecpha, My Vanishing Tribe’. New Delhi, Sterling Pub-

lishing Co.

Gazetteer 1931 Gazetteer of Bengal and Sikkim – A.E. Porter, Vol.V,

par t-I & II , Delhi: Usha Pub lica tion.

G ochman, S. David 1 98 2 La bels, systems and mot ives: Some Perspecti ve for

Future Research in D.S. Gochman and G.S. Parcel (Ed.)

Children Health, beliefs and health behavior (Spl. Issue),

Health Education Quarterly, vol. 9, pp. 167-174.



Gorer Geoffery 20 05 ‘The Lepcha of Sikkim’, New Delhi, Gyan Publishing

House

Govt. Of India 2001 Population Atlas, Census Report, Sikkim

Lehriche, C. & Danglas 1973 Health & il lness: A Social Psychologica l Analysis ,

Graham London, Academic Press.

Maity, D. & 20 01 ‘Kanchanjunga Biosphere Reserve’ published in Floristic

A.S. Chauhan diversity and Conservation Strategies in India, Vol. V;

(ed.) N.P. Singh and K.P. Singh, Kolkata, Botanical Survey of

India.

Pattnaik, B. 2005 Ecological Bases of Indian Traditions: Search for an

Indigenous vision in The Eastern Anthropologist ,

Vol. 58, Nos. 3 & 4.

Raina, V.K. & B.S. 19 81 Tectonic Evolution of Sik kim Himalayas, Contemp.

Shrivastava Srivastava Geosci, Resin Himalaya , vol. Dehradun

Roy Burman, J.J. 20 03 Tribal Medicine : Traditional Practices & changes in

India, New Delhi, Mittal Publication.

Roychaudhu ry, A. K. 1 98 8 Man, Ma lady & Medicine: History of Indian

Medicine, Calcutta, Das Gupta & Co. (P) Ltd.

Sharma, Ramesh 19 83 Images of Sikkim: The Land, People and Culture,

Sikkim, Department of Tourism, Gangtok, Ringsum

Publication.

Sigerist, H.E. 1943 ‘Civilization and Disease’. University of Chicago

Press, Chicago.

Singh, A.K. & S.Pati l 2007 Man in Biosphere: Nilgiri Biosphere Reserve, New Delhi,

Anthropological Survey of India and Gyan Publishing

House.

Singh, N.P., V. Mudgal & 2001 ‘Medicinal Plant in Floristic Diversity and Conservation

K.K. Khanna, Strategies in India, vol. IV, Botanical Survey of India,

Kolkata.

Tamsang, K.P. 1983 The Unknown and Untold Reality about the Lepchas,

Kalimpong, Lyangsong Tamsang.

Thakur, R.N. 19 88 Himalayan Lepchas, New Delhi; Archives Publisher and

Distributors.

Valabrega, J.P. 19 62 ‘La Relation Therapeutique, Malade et Medecin’ Cited

in ‘Social Tactors in relations to chronic Illness by

Graham Smith (1963).Weiser Samuel 19 84 Tibetan Buddhist Medicine & Psychiatry’, New Delhi,

Samuel Weiser Inc.

World Health Organization 1946-48 “Health and Illness”, Bulletin, New York, W.H.O.




The Role of Family in Mental Health and Illness :

An Anthropological Viewpoint

Shyamal Kumar Nandy*

Abstract

This review paper deals with the roles played by the family structures in mentalhealth and illness. Mentally healthy people can see other people in proper perspectives

and are able to have satisfying and lasting personal relationships. If there are someperso ns with aberra nt behaviour in the family, some children may imitate them. Such

type of problems may be looked in the backdrop of holistic biological viewpoint.

The mental dimension of health is recognized to be as important as physical and social dimensions. The World Health Organization (1946) defines health as “a stateof complete physical, mental and social well-being and not merely the absence of disease and infirmity” which is widely accepted. Gillis (1988) considers people men-tally healthy when they can ‘react adequately in all spheres of their lives. They feelcomfortable about themselves; they experience emotions freely but are not bowled over by them - by fears, angers, love, jealousy, guilt and worries – and they take life`sdisappointments in their stride. They neither underestimate nor over-estimatethemselves, they accept their shortcomings and have respect for themselves withal.They get satisfaction even from simple events, have a toleranence and easy-going

attitude and can laugh on the acts of themselves.’ Mentally healthy people can seeother people in proper perspectives and are able in satisfying and lasting personalrelationships with others. The most sensitive indicator of psychiatric illness is theway that a person feels about and reacts to others. It is in a person`s relationships.There might be tension between friends, or a lack of interests about other people ingeneral. Arguments may rise time to time in the family but the spirit of mutual respect between husband and wife may not be missing. The person may become unable toengage himself with others at any meaningful level, and so on.

Much of the mental health of a person, his attitudes and behaviour towardsothers, takes shape in the family into which he or she is born and within which heor she grows up. Family is considered as the basic unit of human organization and social structure in anthropological literature.

There are various types of families – nuclear family; compound family; horizon-tally and vertically extended family; broken family and so on. The interaction and interrelationship between members of a family vary according to the family type. Thenuclear family consists of father, mother and their unmarried offspring. In a compound family, different units of nuclear families are connected through a common bond. When a remarried widow or widower lives together with a new spouse as wellas the offspring of the previous spouse, it is a form of compound family. The polyandrous family consists of a woman with her two or more husbands and their

*Anthropological Survey of India Eastern Regional Centre, Salt Lake City, Kolkata-700091,

E-mail : [email protected]




offspring. The polygynous family consists of a man with his two or more wives and their offspring. The remarriage of a widow or widower along with the children of their earlier marriages also form the compound family. The horizontally extended familiesconsist of several brothers, their wives and children living together. The verticallyextended families consist of the members of several generations, their wives and children are living together. These are the traditional forms of families which arecommonly found in rural India. The parents with brothers and/or unmarried sistersof one of them and the children form intermediate families. The broken familyconsists of a widow or widower with their offspring.

Families are functional units because it functions as a residential, economic and political unit and as a an institution ensuring common food supply, rearing of

children, regulation of sex, accumulation and transmission of property. Perhaps themost important function of the family is to educate its members according to thenorms and values of the society which is technically conceived as enculturationwhich includes socialization. Family is also responsible for other endowments suchas attitudes, stress potentials, adaptive or coping mechanisms, and other previouslyuntapped health resources (Mahler 1974; cited in May and Sprague 1976:266).

IIAvailable studies on families in India have emphasized their psycho-social

aspects (Kapadia 1954; Rahman 1967; Pareek 1954; Thomas 1940; and others). Someof them have dealt mainly with the psychological problems of the adolescents and their relationships with other members of the family (Reddy 1967, 1968; Singh 1960).Studies on the roles of families in relation to mental illness are available elsewhere

( Caplan 1956; Bhatara and Dixit 1993; Farina and Dunham 1963; Gard and Sainsbury1963; Ramachandran,Menon and Ramamurthy 1981 and others). The potential indi-cator was a statistically significant predictor of health status and preventive action.In both individual and group levels, excess of stress was associated with lack of preventive action and more illness; “weighted severity score of current morbidity

( a generic health status indicator) and by the mental health status indicator” ( Mayand Sprague, 1976). All these studies provide evidence from the fact that family playsan important role in the upbringing of children in terms of the norms and values of the society. But, the structure of the family varies from society to society. The

interpersonal relationship governs the socialisation process within the family.

III

The cohesiveness of the family is gradually breaking down rapidly due to the

impact of urbanization and industrialization processes. This is clearly observed inrecent years. The joint family system is breaking down resulting in the formation of

nuclear families. This means that those broader network of relationships amongkinsmen is gradually shrinking to the limited relationships within a nuclear family. For this the family members depend on the friends and neighbours rather than relativesfor the function of the families at the time of acute distress. The modern complexworld offers severe social and economic stresses on individuals in every walk of life.It happens not only in urban areas but also in rural areas. Excessive stress and straindisturbs the harmonic interrelationships and peace of mind of the members of thefamily.

Shyamal Kumar Nandy 103



104 The Role of Family in Mental Health and Illness : An Anthropological Viewpoint

The traditional socio-economic structuring has also broken down resulting inthe uncertainty of employment and economic support. Individuality and self-

centredness grow up at the cost of social causes of the family and its consequencesare the development of severe stress and strain within the members of the family for

their livelihood. These social factors are also responsible for various types of mentalillnesses of the family members. The disturbance in mental equilibrium of the mem-

bers of the family, the breakdown of the harmonious relationships between parts and

the whole injure the social health of the family. The interpersonal relationships withina family are not stable through time due to social, economic and other changes.

Differences arise in between father and son or between two brothers due to ego-centricism or self-centredness. These differences lead to the breaking up of the

interpersonal relationships due to differences of opinions or other reasons. If thefamily breaks down, its individual members mostly suffer. This situation activatesabnormal behaviour which, in course of time, leads to mental and social illness.

The impact of uneven development can be seen in the breakdown of the systemof relationships conditioned or structured in a society for ages. This has apparently

disturbed in the kinship roles and behaviour and generated severe strains on familiesand their traditional functions. Harmonious relationships amongst family members

are being not maintained and young members are deriving benefit from the process

of socialization inherent in that harmony. They have naturally become somewhatasocial and antisocial as the case may be. Anthropologists interested in group

psychology with the cross-cultural perspective earlier reconsidered that family played a pivotal role in the society into which human beings are born and grow up. But

some social scientists of the western super-urbanized societies in USA or Swedenhave begun to talk about mother-child pairs as the ultimate unit of society, replacingthe true form of families. These are even thought of as new types of families by some

authors.

Ideally, the members of a family play different roles and the work is divided

between them so that the family functions as an organic whole. At the time of distress, disaster or illness within the family, not only its members but also other

relatives and friends together play a meaningful role to overcome the situation. In

case of illness, especially in mental illness the family’s attitude towards the patientsshould be cordial and attentive. Besides, the attitude of the society through the

interaction of the families must also be sympathetic. The interpersonal relationshipsof family members are based on the mutual help and cooperation, division of labour,

rights and obligations. Certain principles govern the relationships which lead to theformation of uniform pattern of behaviour and obligations between the family mem-

bers. However, the temperaments differ among the family members and heredity also

plays a role in this variation of temperament. It also depends on the socio-economicsituation. It is instrumental for breaking down the uniform patterns of relationship.

The manifestation of interpersonal relationship – mutual trust, affection, respect and

cooperation is, therefore, a product of the interplay of the individual temperament

and upbringing with the socio-economic and other environmental factors. The dis-

ruption of the socio-economic balance and the cultural framework would cause a

damage if not a breakdown of the framework of the mutual relationship between



members of the family, in between them and others associated with them. In a

disturbed condition of the family, the problem of personal adjustment and poise will

remain unresolved.

IV

In Indian society, family’s role is to look after its members for their all-round development including that of mind in the socio-cultural context. Now-a-days, someof these roles are served by institutions like schools, clubs and so on. Thedevelopment of individualism and self-centredness is the result of the impact of westernization and industrialization which have resulted in the disintegration of thefamily structure. Too much of individualism is causing a stress upon the functionof family and of strain among its members. At the time of illness and other adverse

conditions within the family, its members do not have enough time to look after eachother. In this way, the social aspects of the interpersonal relationships in the familyhave been lost. The closeness and interaction between members of a family as wasgenerally noticed in earlier times are not expected now. The incidence of divorce or separation is gradually increasing due to this increase of individualism and other factors. Majumdar and Madan observed in 1967 that “many contemporary sociologistsattribute most of the social and personal neuroses of western society to this fact of the disintegration of the family. The emotional basis of family, where love, sharingand solidarity are the main drives behind the adult‘s role as the teacher and the preceptor, spares the learning child all unnecessary strains and anxieties, therebylaying solid foundations for fully integrated and secure personality structures. Thesecure, emotion-laden atmosphere of the home has no substitute whatever. Thedecline in the importance of the family has meant the growth of individualism and the decline of social responsibilities. Self-seeking is becoming dominant over socialand collective interests”.

The studies on families within and between cultures would highlight basicsimilarities and differences in mental health and illness behaviour and these may bring out causative factors of mental illness generating within families. The resultsof such studies would throw light on universal human psychological laws, if any, behind mental illness. During social change due to industrial and urban impacts in particular, the functions of the family and kinship get disturbed. The balance is lost.Some children are neglected and develop their individual problems which are notcollectively solved by busy parents and elder members who would have otherwiselooked into them. The structure and completeness of the family has its influence on

the personality development, for example, socio-biologists like Harpending (1980)

suggest that “ This sets preferences for later development leading to practice of, aninterest in abilities leading to reproductive success is the particular kind of socialsituation characterized by the household structure. Thus the interest in violence,competition, and hierarchies of males from father-absent households reflectsdevelopmental adaptation for participation in a social organization where access tofemales is regulated by interaction with other males.” He says that males from father-absent households show greater “verbal” than “quantitative” ability on psychologicalcognitive tests which is characteristic of females. These males may not be feminized in any way but are “simply more interested in people and interpersonal phenomenaas an adaptation to competition and that this performance is reflected in greater




106 The Role of Family in Mental Health and Illness : An Anthropological Viewpoint

verbal competence.” If the family performs its role well as a basic unit of socialcoherence and social efficiency, it can successfully develop the personalities con-ducive to social harmony. To the extent the family fails to perform the functions of enculturation of individuals tend to become culture-free and therefore cannot adjustto the society in the broad sense. They suffer from mental illness. It must beremembered that family is also the means and medium through which hereditarycharacters, diseases and their predispositions are inherited and nurtured in a particular way. The family can counter-balance and compensate for the deficiencies and disturbances of its individual members suffering from mental illness throughsympathetic treatment and cooperation. It would be relevant to mention in thiscontext, the structural family therapy advocated by Minuchin (1974). It “ deals withthe process of feedback between circumstances and the person involved – the

changes imposed by a person on his circumstances and the way in which feedback to these changes affects his next move. A shift in the position of a person vis-a-vishis circumstances constitutes a shift of his experience. Family therapy uses techniquesthat alter the immediate context of people in such a way that their position changes.”He cites an example, “A twelve year old girl had asthma which was psychosomaticallytriggered. She was on a heavy medication, missed school often, and in the previousyear had to be taken to the emergency room three times. She was referred to a child psychiatrist, who insisted on seeing the entire family – two parents and the identified patients, and two older siblings. During the first interview, the therapist directed thefamily`s attention to the oldest girl`s obesity. The family`s concern then shifted toinclude worry about the newly identified patient. The asthmatic child`s symptomsthen diminished to the point that her asthma was controllable on considerably lessmedication, and she stopped losing school time.” Thus the family can provide an

opportunity of the mind to be distributed to the problems of others – the charity that begins at home. The participation in a family affair makes one feel less self-concerned. This participation makes one socially and mentally and consequently physically healthy at least on some occasions.

Some behavioural patterns develop in a person as he or she matures by imitatingelders in the family. If there are some persons with aberrant behaviour in the family,some children may try to take those behaviour by imitating due to the genetic propensities and for individual‘s need for finding his distinctive individual niche. Thecoherence of family as a psychological, cultural, economic and wholesome social biological unit could often absorb these aberrations by successfully sublimatingthem. But in a disturbed situation of the family that is hardly possible.

References

Bhatara, K. And Dixit, A. 1993. A comparative study of family relationship of hypertensives and normotensives. India n Journal of Psycho log y, 68(3&4), 73-80.

Caplan, G. 1956. An approach to the study of family mental health. Public Health Reports,

Vol.71, No.10. Washington, D.C. : U.S. Government Printing Office.

Chopra, S.L. 1966. Family size and sibling position as related to Intelligence Test Scores and

Academic Achievement. Journ al of Socia l Psychology , 70(1):133-137.

Farina, A. And Dunham, R.M. 1963. Measurement of family relationships and other effects.

Journ. Psychiat ., 9: 64-73.

Gard, J. And Sainsbury,P. 1963. Mental Illness and the family. New York: Wiley and Sons, Inc.,

pp. 54 4-547 .



Gillis, Lynn. 1988. Human behaviour in illness. London: Faber and Faber. P.166 & 168.

Harpending, A. 1980. Perspectives on the theory of social evolution. In Current Developments

in Anthropological Genetics, Vol. 1. Eds.Mielke and Grawford, M.H. New York: Plenum Press.

Kapadia, K.M. 1954. Changing patterns of Hindu marriage and family. Sociological Bul leti n,

3:131-157.

Majumdar,D.N.and Madan,T.N.1967. An introduction to social anthropology. Bombay: Asia

Publishing House, p.67.

Minuchin, S. 1974. Families and family therapy. Tavistock Publications, p. 13.

May, Jean T. And Sprague, H.A. 1976. Chronic stress as a predictor for family health action and health status. In Stress and Anxiety, vol. 3, eds. Sarason, T.G. and Spielberger,C D. Washington:

Hemisphere Publishing Corporation, p.266.

Mahler, H.T. 1974. Key note address at the International Health Conference on the health of

the family. Sponsored by the Nationa l Council of Inter na tiona l Healt h ,Reston, Va., October

15-18.

Pareek, 1954 . A psychological investigation into marital relationship. Educat ional Psyc hology

Journ al , 1(2): 14-26.

Rahman, M.M. 1967. Marital relations and emotional involvement . Research Bulletin of the

Departmen t of Psycholog y, Osmania University, 3: 45-49.

Reddy, N.Y. 1967. A study of the adjustment problems of adolescent boys from large, medium

and small families. Res earch Bull etin of the Department of Psycho logy, Osmania Uni versit y,

3: 45-49.

Reddy, N.Y. 1968. A study of adjustment problems of adolescents in joint and single families.

Research Bulletin of the Department of Psychology , 4:11-19.

Ramachandran, V.,Menon, M.S.,Ramamurthy, B. 1981. Family structure and mental illness in old

age. Indian Journal of Psychiatry, 23(1):21-26.

Straus, J.H. and Straus, M.A. 1968. Family roles and sex differences in creativity of children in Bombay

and Minneapolis. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 30(1):46-53.

Singh,R.P. 1960. Parents and adolescents behaviour problems. Shiksha, 13(2):141-145.

Thomas, P.J.194 0. Woman and marriage in India. New York:Norlon.p.224.

World Health Organization 1946. Constitution of the World health Organization . Geneva: The

Organization( cited by Steven Polgar, Health, International Encyclopaedia of the social Sciences,

Reprinted Edition, 1972. Vol.5 and 6 p. 330.

I am thankful to Dr. Anindya Chatterjee for fecilitating me to present this paper in a seminar

and helping me with stimulating suggestions. Professor D.P.Mukherjee has kindly gone through

the manuscripts and Mr. Diptendra Bandyopadhyay has offered some valuable comments and his

views during a discussion. These are thankfully acknowledged.




Tribal Development and Panchayati Raj: A Case

Study of Tribal Development Programmes and

Life Situation of the Tribes in Kanksa Block

of Burdwan District of West Bengal

Md. Ayub Mallick*

AbstractIn its transition to modernity the tradition at the transitory level has not been

extinct, but has placed for itself a secure position in the cradle of modernity moving

to and fro from pre-machine technologies of the tribes to machine technologies of

development. The cradle of modernity has placed the tradition in motion, forward and

backward, and kept them alive instead and in compromise with it. Initiation of

measures intended to meet the immediate needs of the tribal population, to increase

their level of income and add to their existing assets, to facilitate participatory process

of development and thus improve their levels of living has not been fulfilled. They are

victims of the new order and not its beneficiaries in reality. The tribal people have

not actually empowered through the institutionalization of Panchayats, when the

poorest of the poor are losing and the influential sections are gaining the ground by

and through their control over the decision-making process. They are mobilized too

much politically, rather socially and economically. Participation of the tribals incommunity development activities is lower, but this is not the case with political

participation, where the tribal respondents’ rate of answering the questions asked is

higher on the political participation continuum. Tribals’ participation includes voting,

canvassing, discussing political matters, attending meetings, and contributing to elec-

tion fund etc. Panchayati Raj seems to have developed a sense of popular participation

and political education among the tribals. They are mobilized along class political

lines by the left parties.

The work is an empirical one. The problem is ‘Panchayati Raj and Tribal Devel-

opment in West Bengal: A Study of Kanksa block in the district of Burdwan’. It is

a fact that political institutions play a very decisive role in society. The political

system influences the community or communities of the political society concerned.

The main objective of the present work is the study of development of tribalcommunity under the impact of the new Panchayati Raj dispensation introduced in

West Bengal since 1978—how much the community has achieved and how the

backward tribal community has been empowered after the introduction of Panchayati

Raj. The objective of the study is to determine how the development and power

structure of the tribal community are influenced by the socio-political changes and

institutional innovations such as the extension of representative democracy at the

grassroots level. Since independence modernizing elements have introduced changes

*Faculty, Department of Political Science, University of Kalyani, West Bengal.




in the social structure of the rural communities. Modern political and economic

institutions have imposed certain new demands on the people. At this stage the

attempt to study the process of empowerment of the tribal people and social justice

awarded to them might be rewarding.

I have chosen Kanksa block in the district of Burdwan for field study in view

of the fact that (1) Kanksa block is the heart of the Jungle Mohal; (2) that in this

block, the tribal people constitute at least the 10% of the total population; (3) that

there are varieties of tribal communities in the area – Santhal, Kora, Oraon, Mahali,

Malpahari and others and (4) that section of the tribal population reside in the

outskirts of the tribal area or around the periphery of the non-tribal areas. Therefore,

tribal-non-tribal interaction in this area can clearly be understood and examined.

Kanksa block had a long tradition of revolutionary political culture. In order to

use this revolutionary spirit the Communist Party of India (Marxist) became more

active. It was the Left Front, which for the first time in West Bengal declared

panchayat election on party basis. Organization of revolutionary peasant movements

through peasant associations affiliated to various leftist political parties, the CPI(M)

in particular accompanied by ‘red panchayats’ became a marked feature of rural

politics in the whole of West Bengal, Kanksa being no exception, after 1977. I have

examined the levels of politicization and mobilization of the tribal people, their actual

participation in the panchayats, class-caste composition of Anchal and Gram

Panchayats and Rural Power Structure of the block concerned. I also have examined

how politics has crept into the tribal society with the introduction of representative

democracy at the grassroots level. It has been necessary to turn to the anthropologicalliterature and extensive field survey.

The work is mainly based on qualitative analysis. In few cases qualitative

method has been supplemented by quantitative method of observation, analysis.

Every care has been taken to make the study objective and methodologically sound.

At the same time, given the qualitative nature of study, purely quantitative techniques

have been avoided to the extent possible. The attempt has been mainly to elicit

information through what Galtung would characterize as dialogical method in the

interview process.

For empirical work, survey method has been adopted. The main respondents of

this work were Panchayat members and the tribal beneficiaries. Questions asked were

informal, unstructured and open-ended. Questions relating to the personal information

about sex, age, education, occupation and landholdings of the respondents wereasked. Apart from this, different records at Block and Panchayat levels have been

used for getting necessary and relevant information. Records of District Land and

Land Revenue Office and official publications of the Government of India and West

Bengal have been used.

I have collected data relating to development programmes from Gram Panchayat

offices. Records were not properly maintained by the office-bearers. I faced difficulties.

However, I have tried to point out the actual trend, facts and figures of various

development programmes involving the tribes initiated in Gram Panchayat areas of

Md. Ayub Mallick 109



110 Tribal Development and Panchayati Raj

this block. I discussed with government officials. During field level data collectionI faced difficulties. Maintenance of records is a problem for block and panchayatoffices. I found this administrative lapse during the field survey. I also interviewed local people and the beneficiaries of the development programmes.

Kanksa is the heart of the Jungle Mahal. In this block the tribal peopleconstitute at least 10% of the total population. There are varieties of tribal commu-nities in the area – Santhal, Kora, Oraon, Mahali and Malpahari etc. and some of thetribal groups reside in the outskirts of the tribal area or around the periphery of thenon-tribal areas. Besides others, Santhal tribal group forms the majority in this block area. The proportion and concentration of the tribal people in this block area can beunderstood from the following tables (Table Nos. 1 – 2).

Table 1: Proportion of STs to Total Population in the Villages in Kanksa, 1991

% range of STs to total No. of villages in % of villages in eachpopulation each range range

0 – 5 578 34.51

6 – 15 507 30.27

16 – 25 293 17.49

26 – 35 141 8.42

36 – 50 83 4.95

51+ 73 4.36

Total 1675 100.00

SOURCE: District Census Handbook, Burdwan , 1991.

Table 2: Concentration of Scheduled Tribes according Gram Panchayats, 1991

GPS GN SC ST T TC RANK OF

GPS IN %

(> … <)

BIDBIHAR 6,843 (51.22%) 5,367 (40.16%) 1,152 (8.62%) 13,362 4

MOLANDIGHI 4,397 (32.70%) 5,889 (43.79%) 3,161 (23.51%) 13,447 1

BONKATI 8,830 (51.87%) 5,392 (31.67%) 2,801 (16.46%) 17,023 2

GOPALPUR 10,727 (47.10%) 10,116 (44.40%) 1,934 (8.50%) 22,777 5

AMLAJORA 13,255 (57.27%) 9,111 (39.37%) 777 (3.36%) 23,143 7

TRILOKCHAN-

DRAPUR 9,465 (51.39%) 6,248 (33.92%) 2,705 (14.69%) 18,418 3

KANKSA 15,449 (76.14%) 4,126 (20.33%) 715 (3.53%) 20,290 6

TOTAL 68,966 (53.68%) 46,249 (36%) 13,245 (10.32%) 1,28,460 —-

SOURCE: Calculated and complied from Gram Panchayat records and Census, 1991

Note : GN means General Caste; SC means Scheduled Caste; ST means Scheduled Tribes; T means

total and TC means Tribal Concentration

The traditional occupations of the tribe have changed to a great extent: tribal

economy has become a part of the national or local economy, slash and burn

cultivation has been replaced with settled agricultural practices, commercialization of

the crop and monetization of the economy have replaced the barter system of the

economy; hunting, fishing and collection of minor forest produce have been turned

into a subsidiary status. They are mainly settled agriculturists, owner cultivators,



share-croppers and landless labourers at present. They are employed also in indus-

tries, collieries, educational institutions and tea gardens as daily workers, technical

staff, teachers, office bearer and tea plantation labourers. Therefore, traditional oc-

cupations of the tribal people now-a-days play a subsidiary role in the subsistence

economy, of the tribes as to the introduction of modern education, commercialization,

monetization, industrialization and urbanization, development of transport, and

communication and mass media. Therefore, in the tribal economy the secondary and

tertiary sectors are very negligible in comparison with the primary, so that they have

become less mobile as (i) economic turn-outs from agriculture are low, (ii) most of

the owner cultivators own less than three acres of land, (iii) most of them are

agricultural labourers, (iv) lands are fragmented, and (v) remunerative prices for the

agricultural goods seldom exceed the costs etc. The tribal people experienced a lotof migration and entered into the local economy of plough agriculture as agricultural

labourers and tenant cultivators. The possible causes for the dispersal of settlements

may be the push factor: Land alienation and insufficient lands for cultivation, seasonal

unemployment, need for money to maintain family life and daily family needs and

agricultural requirements, very limited scope of progress and prosperity in villages

and in agricultural activities; and pull factor: Preference for permanent service or

occupations other than agriculture, search for status insecurity and economic

prosperity, temptations of a new and modern life, money-economy, and the need for

cash and developed modes of cultivation.

Many of the agricultural tribes have entered into and adapted with an economic

life of agricultural workers and non-agricultural labourers on daily wage basis. The

occupational changes are also found among the Mahali. The change is obvious.They are working as unskilled labourers in agricultural and non-agricultural fields

and even the landless labourers have accepted it as their main occupation. Along

with occupational changes there are considerable changes in income and living

standards of the tribal people, particularly in the modes of dress, food habits and

recreational practices. Emergence of commercial attitude is directly related with this

occupational change and this can fully be understood in the production and selling

of potatoes and green vegetables by the tribal share-croppers and bargadars.

This changed situation is the product of money economy. The communities of

illiterates lack the access to formal economy, to the legal system of written documents

and individual rights. They do not reach the administrators and bureaucrats who are

in favour of the middlemen, the money-lenders, the merchants and overall the vested

interests. The individual-based formal economy is the cause of their impoverishment.Inequitable distribution of resources, scarcity of resources, and competition for

scarce resources among the tribal people themselves and the people tribal and non-

tribal population have deteriorated their conditions. Class formation within the tribal

society has struck at the very roots of the society. Their community, customs,

traditions, rituals and beliefs have broken down with the disappearance of informal

forest economy. Their religion is centered round nature with an abundance of spirits,

gods and ghosts who dwell in trees, plants, rocks, rivers, birds and animals, going

to be slackened with the introduction of formal economy, but not totally eliminated.

Seasonal festivals, birth and marriage ceremonies have taken a new dimension—they


8




are much more than social ethics and religious way of life. The Christian missionaries

having spreading the gospel of individual rights and commercial interests of people.With the greater interaction with Hinduism and its economy the tribals people have been socially and economically absorbed, but not totally into the religious beliefsand ceremonial practices of the non-tribals.

The tribal political associations include individuals and elders, families, villageor villages and clans. First, I have to explain this with reference to Santhals’ authoritystructure. ‘The communal life of the Santhal is well-organized, in which the authority

is shared, even joy and sorrow of one is the joy and sorrow of the whole

community.’(Biswas, 1956: 221). The Santhal society is patriarchal and encapsulated.With the more inclusive and incorporative process of cultural diffusion, the Santhal

society has not totally changed, but has become ‘partly independent’ and has been‘partly regulated’ by the surrounding cultural developments – sanskritization and modernization. They are increasingly incorporated with the non-Santhal society and into the perils of prosperity. They are in the intermediate position between the

‘primitives’ and peasants and disorganized. They are handicapped in the hands of the money-lenders and attracted to consumer culture. The landless Santhals weretreated by the non-Santhals as out-castes, forced into a subordinate status; but they

organized their ‘hool’ or rebellion to maintain their cultural traditions, which continued to control the headmanship and the appointment of the headman in accordance withthe rule of inheritance. The headman is partly independent and partly regulated by

the non-Santhal tradition, but he plays his traditional role in the inner world of traditional society. The Santhals have a strong sense of tradition and ethnic identity,

are carried out by the concepts of hor hopon, the true man in the society and hor disom, the Santhal community or country. To them the Santhals remain alike and aretrue men of the society. There is no discrimination and status distinction between

the clans. Every head of the family has the right to speak and the family heads before

the village council duly sanction headmanship though it is inherited in nature. The

village council exerts effective authority in the village where every family head is freeto exert through compromise and persuasion.

Santhal society is complete or self-sufficient, the most important socio-economicand political unit, governed by the superintendence of the village council or the panchayat headed by the headman. The Parganait is the head of all the inhabitantsof his own area. In all activities of the villages, panchayats have to consult with him,especially in marriage and justice activities. Ten to twelve communities constitute a

larger political unit, the Pargana, whose head, is the Parganait dealing with the inter-village settlement of disputes assisted by desh manjhi. He is elected from theheadmen of all constituent villages. The supreme authority resides in the Lo Bir or

the Hunt Council, which is formed by the people of a number of villages throughoutthe entire district. Punishment for the breaches of laws and settlement of disputesare generally performed by the manjhi or village headman and in exceptional cases,

especially in violation of clan exogamy and social excommunication Lo Bir and Parganait interfere with.

However, the role of the traditional panchayat is on the decline. ‘The tribalcouncils which used to be all powerful in directing the behaviour of its members are



now soon weakening, for the administration has abrogated the right of the tribal

council to sit in judgement on criminal cases. The ‘nyaya’ panchayats have taken

over the judgement of the ordinary civil cases in its hands. This has reduced the

dominance of tribal or clan councils.’ (Doshi, 1972: 469). The first crack in the

Mandali or headman system occurred when more rent was demanded from the

Mandals or the headmen. The headman, therefore, had to collect more rents from the

tribals land owners, which was not proportionate to the extension of agriculture.

Necessarily, the tribal people of the Jungle Mahals were indebted to the money-

lenders, and had to burst into discontents and developed a fissiparous state of mind.

The headman lost their traditional status. With the process of dispossession of the

headmanship, communal ownership of lands was transformed into individual

ownership. Therefore, the indigenous economic activities and social structure of thetribal community were shattered; identity of the tribes was distorted by the colonial

rule. Traditionally, they were allotted a single plot of land by the headman, who was

responsible for the collection of rents (Chatterjee) – this provided them to maintain

traditional heritage. ‘A Santhal’s land not only provides economic security, but is a

powerful link with his ancestors; and this applies to newly entered areas no less than

the old, for he will not take possession till the spirits approve. The land is part of

his spiritual as well as economic heritage….’ (Alpin, 1981). The collection of revenue,

policy of isolation or ‘leave them alone’ towards the tribes, establishment of central

police and judicial systems – all contributed to the decline of authority of the tribes.

Above all, the pre-independent land revenue system, the emergence of money-

lenders, stringent law and other arrangements coupled with repression, injustice and

complexity, policy of extreme isolation of the then colonial rule for protection of administration, agrarian and tibal political movements introduction of new panchayat

system and various community development programmes – all provided inputs to the

emergence of contemporary tribal political life. The tribes are being drawn into an

integrated economic programme through the Panchayati Raj system, which claims

equal distribution and wealth, an equal treatment and larger benefits. The old political

authority and social structure are being moulded with the new demands. New local

leaders have emerged with the introduction of competitive election, secret ballot,

statutory panchayat with financial and personal resources. These panchayats are

under the immediate supervision of Sub-divisional administration (Inamdar, 1970).

‘There appears to be an unanimity of opinion that these village Panchayats should

be, not merely the administrative unit, but also the medium for development activities.

This is in accordance with Article 40 of the Constitution which says that: A few

individuals with education, good economic background and landownership have

tried their best to get the leadership position as a threat to the traditional village

officials. Panchayats have now assumed the jural and legal rights to exercise control

over social and economic matters and behaviour of the villagers, which were formerly

exercised by the village councils. The majority representation principle, periodic

election, uninhibited political competition, coalition formation are against the Santhal

tradition of egalitarianism and homogeneous representation in village councils,

hereditary representation of representatives and officials, and strong preference for

consensus and adaptability in dealing with the concerns of political life. Introduction





of election based on adult franchise has led to the growth of factions and parties

in the villages (Sachchidananda, 1968) and open competition has replaced the spirit

of consensus (Danda, 1971). Traditionally, the headman acquired his ascribed role

by inheritance governed by patrilineal primogeniture principle and consensual principle

as opposed to the achieved status and coercion. To Linton, ‘Ascribed statuses are

those which are assigned to the individuals without reference to their innate differences

or abilities. They can be predicted from the moment of birth.’ (Linton, 1936: 115).

However, modern developments have influenced the villagers in demanding

statutory Panchayats, when the statutory Panchayats function as parallel to the

traditional village organizations. Though the statutory Panchayats have reduced the

status and authority of the tribal Panchayats, the tr ibal authority has some hold over

the daily life of the tribals in several matters, though the latter is sometimes directed by the former, the latter do not want to sacrifice their tradition and the former do not

make unwanted encroachment into the tribal tradition. Side by side, tribal panchayats

have also adopted certain changes to meet the challenges of modernization. In this

process the educational facilities, community development programmes and co-

operative societies as contributory factors have changed the mind of the tribals to

adapt to the new environment. Therefore, tribal leaders have emerged to meet the

diverse requirements, social, economic, cultural and developmental aspects of the

tribal life. Some of the traditional tribal leaders have tried to swim with the new

currents of development; make important links between the old the and new ideas

and values, traditional and modern institutions; and have established a new rapport

with tradition and modernity along the lines of their own genius. These leaders may

be called transitional leaders. An alert and efficient leader or headman clearly makesthe difference between the role and status of modern pradhan and his powers and

functions as traditional manjhi, and tries to establish a close rapport between the

two. He exercises his powers as pradhan or employs his ‘unqualified’ power without

manifesting latent reality of this power to the tribal people. Therefore, an efficient

leader makes a synthesis or compromise between the ‘consensual’ power of a manjhi

and ‘unqualified’ power of a pradhan at the transitory level. Further, this type of

elected leaders make alliance with the non-elected village headmen to function

smoothly without resistance from the tribal people. On the other, the non-elected

village headmen take part in the alliance formation to act independently of

administrative officers and pradhans without any opposition from the respective

power holders. Through this alliance formation both the traditional and modern

leaders can continue their leadership and authority. Therefore, the political life of thetribal is an admixture of people, traditional and modern elements. Political parties are

creating favourable atmosphere for leaders, the tribal in articulating and aggregating

their interests, socializing and recruiting the tribal, communicating the tribal interests

with the wider world, and in co-operating the tribal leader’s role, performance of

collective duties and commitment to Santhal tradition, containing deviance of tribal

rules and regulations. In the Panchayat bodies tribal members play, therefore, a

positive role, but not to the desired extent. The newly born tribal elites and tribal

members of the statutory Panchayat bodies still seek advice from the experienced

traditional tribal leaders in the decision-making affairs. The tribal societies are at



present intertwined with both the modern institutional developments and traditional

institutional arrangements. The compromise and co-operation between tradition and

modernity is the reality of the present day tribal societies.

The British policy of ‘leave them alone’ in order to maintain status quo and

create a deprivation of the tribes of benefits has been turned down by democratic

efforts made by our governments and by the institutionalization of Panchayats. The

tribal people are now interested in self-government system. They have realized that

their traditional system is not suitable in the present context in respect of economic

development and educational advancement. In fact, this statutory Panchayat is the

mechanism in developing power structure at the grass-roots level. Their traditional

Panchayat is important in their cultural spheres, i.e., marriage, festival, funeral and

religious ceremonies. Due to democratization and institutionalization of Panchayats,

the spirit of democracy has been ingrained into the institution of Manjhi in their

traditional Panchayat, which at present is not hereditary, but is democratic. The

traditional morol is elected for the term of five years. It is not hereditary as before.

The two systems – traditional and modern morol run parallel with each other.

But the modern party panchayat leader is more powerful than the traditional one

(Besra, 2000).

The Panchayats do not really represent the poor people properly. The Panchayat

records show that on an average 12.03 per cent Brahmans, 13.28 per cent Sodegopes,

9.16 per cent Kayasthas, 5.18 per cent Gopes, 5.10 per cent Ugrakshatriyas, 3.10 per

cent Telis and 4.01 per cent Mahishas totaling 51.88 per cent general caste are

represented at the Gram Panchayat level. On the other, 39.59 per cent Scheduled Castes and 8.53 per cent Scheduled Tribes are represented in these bodies. At the

Panchayat Samity level general caste represents 64.05 per cent on the average in

total, out of which Brahmans contribute 20.13 per cent, Kayasthas 27.85 per cent,

Sodegopes 11.15 per cent and Ugrakshatriyas 4.92 per cent on the one hand.

Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes represent only 31.37 per cent and 4.58 per

cent on the other. Representatives are mostly from young age group and middle to

lower middle class category, are basically cultivators and teachers. In terms of

education primary and secondary levels form the majority. In 1978, elections presented

a new political set-up marking a sharp break from the previous one, but also threw

up a group of people who were with the movements and generally from lower

peasantry or non-cultivating groups such as teachers and local traders into positions

of power at the grass-roots level. The predominance of party sympathisers among

small landowners and teachers accords with these criteria for selection. There is

predominance of Brahman, Sodegope and Kayasthas and dominance of teachers

instead of landless labourers and share-croppers due to lack of proper education and

political knowledge. But this dominance is different from the previous one as all the

leaders are from CPI (M), a well-organized party and have to follow party lines, rather

being guided by caste affiliation. The lower middle class origins of the leaders are

of consequence that the members do not oppose re-distributive programmes and do

make politicization possible feeling oneness with the poor and low castes. The

influential sections in the rural society are gaining the ground. It is a bad patch to





the empowerment of the lower classes and down-trodden. The similar trend in thedistrict becomes crystal clear from the following figures, which represent that only

19.68 per cent SCs and 7.33 per cent STs, 34.62 per cent SC women and 8.10 per cent

ST members out of 4460 total members and 1580 women members were represented

in Gram Panchayats.

The post-Independence India, with its agenda outlining “secular, democratic

goals”, could not afford to adopt an overtly exploitative remit. It can ill afford to

create the impression that its policies merely represented the class of interests of

landlords and big industrialists. Thus, policies of integration were justified as

representing ‘progress’ and encouraging the inevitable development of the productive

forces. In reality, however, these policies benefited only the large-scale private sector

industry, and did not involve any radical restructuring of the relations of production

into a more democratic or egalitarian system committed to improving the Adivasis’

position. Hence, the gap between the proclaimed postures of the exploiting class and

its real interest of accumulation and monopolization of Adivasi resources is obvious.

By legally obliging these interests, the ‘state’ has clearly tilted towards the dominant

class interests, whilst ignoring the Adivasis’ rightful claims. It is this process of

instrumentality of the state in promoting the dominant exploiting classes’ interest in

accumulation which makes the claims of the state to be ‘socialist’ unrealistic and

helps to explain its true bias.’ (Rao, 1998 : 424). All the development projects and

planning processes are not in due concern to the historico-cultural and cultural-

ecological complexities of the tribal stratus. Imposition of individualism, statist ideology

and reductionism has wrecked the survival of the tribes. The present-day development

practices are nothing but the outgrowth of capitalist and neo-colonialist development.The increasing economic destitution, state violence and institutionalized form of

exploitation have made a positional decline of the tribals people. The governmental

policies of understanding, accommodation and reconciliation have shown flexibility

of approach in meeting legitimate ethnic aspirations. Deforestation, drought, mutilation

of natural and environmental resources, alienation of lands and diversification of

fertile lands into industries, tribals’ displacement – all have forced the tribes to live

in an unknown milieu, as development and planning processes are not conducive

to the proportional developments in all spheres of economy, society and culture.

This forced migration from forests and hills to the plains has led them into an

unequal exploitative condition making them forcefully subjugated agricultural labourers

subservient to the local landed gentry and trader-money-lenders and producing an

army of cheap labour subservient to the needs of market-oriented entrepreneurs and urban-based trader-industrialists. The forest and irrigation policies, and industrialization

have produced no good to the tribal, added only deforestation, diversification and

submergence of tribal lands, displacement of the tribes without any compensation,

over-exploitation of forest resources in the processes of plunder, unequal investment-

profit ratio and retarded eco-system ( Sharma, 1977, Sinha, 1976 and Bandyopadhyaya,

1987). Fernandes comments that the post-colonial Government was expected to take

a pro-tribal policy, but has done the opposite. The first National Forest Policy of the

post-colonial period in 1952 changed certain rights and privileges into certain rights

and concessions. Because of industrial growth, the pace of deforestation got



intensified. At the time of British rule, the country had 40 per cent tree cover, which

came down to 22 per cent by 1952. In fact, ‘18 per cent of the tree cover vanished

in a century or at the rate of 0.14 per cent per year. About 12 per cent of the tree

cover further disappeared in the three decades at the rate of 0.4 per cent per year

thanks to the industrial expansion. It is estimated that the country is suffering a loss

of 1.5 million hectares of forest every year.’ (Fernandes, 1989: 43). In essence, the

net result is that the tribes have been dislodged from their traditional sources of

livelihood and places of habitation without any actual development. They accepted

whatever cash compensation was given to them not conversant with the details of

acquisition proceedings and became emigrants. With money in hand and many

attractions in nearby industrial townships, their funds were rapidly depleted and they

became without cash-in-hand and land-in-possession in course of time. Naturally,they have joined the ranks of the landless labourers without any training, equipment

or aptitude for any skilled and semi-skilled jobs (Government of India, 1963).

Apart from this, a new situation has emerged. Money has been poured for the

upliftment of the tribes more rather than establishing schools, ashrams and providing

medical and agricultural facilities in the pre-dominantly tribal-inhabited area. As a

result, few tribes have become affluent taking greater benefits than the other. That

is why Anna Hazare tried to establish a ‘civil society’, which would be responsible

to itself and to its environment, and responsive to its all members by and through

the three-stage functional formulation: generating self-awareness among its members,

closing down all liquor brewing and alcohol and narcotics, and creating systems to

improve the economy of the village based on self-reliance (Kashyap, 1998 and

Rajivlochan, 1994). And with the introduction of adult franchise, power tends toconcentrate into a few pockets among the tribal communities. There had with

emergence of a ‘dominant middle class’ from among the tribes ‘in place of the old

one based on caste’. ‘And under the exigencies of modern economic development,

this comparatively recent and almost purely economic middle class is being shifted

once more so that some sections might rise to the rank of the propertied rulers and

others be merged with the proletariat.’ (Bose, 1977).

The tribal people are now in an unequal national and global market instead of

being free players in the market economy. The tribal resistance and struggle essentially

centered round land, forest, resources, labour and wages, feudal cultural hegemony

and control of the economy through a subtle means of surplus accumulation within

the matrix of colonial and neo-colonial oppression. ‘The resistance offered by the

various revolutionary and other Adivasi forces made an impact on the state and thedominant classes. This has resulted in certain modifications of the position of

the former. The transfer and conversion of accumulated property to “safe arenas”

became the alternative for the exploiting class, while the state with all its repressive

machinery was compelled to adopt “transitory liberal strategies of falsification”.’

(Rao, 1998: 437).

The government has been trying to adopt development policies with a view that

more resources if allocated, the faster production capacity would grow (Mellor, 1976).

And with a faster growth in production, benefits will trickle down to the lowest level.





But growth remains too small to trickle down. The development practices have notyet made a sizeable solutions to the problems of eroding resource bases and dis-

placement of the tribals united, disruption of socio-cultural life and environment

created by and through development interventions, commercial interest and insensitive

legalism and relief packages (Planning Commission, 1990).

The tribal people, therefore, rose up to struggle against this marginalization and

subjugation, delegitimization of forest use (Haial, 1990 and Kothari, 1993), and cultural

domination of Hindi-Hindu culture (Vidyarthi, 1972). They are now evolving new

structures and relationships of their own, demanding a resurgence of their identity,

seeking a solidarity, expanding their socio-political spaces and control over resources

( Dhanagre, 1988; Roy Burman, 1979; Rao, 1979 and Sengupta, 1982 ). The Hindi-

Hindu culture is ‘ … a positive suppression of human talent. It deplores individual

and society of free choice’ (Pattanayak and Heredia, 1994: 2751). In the phase of

‘ethno development’, which means ‘control of the ethnie over its lands, resources,

social organization and culture, … the tribal ethnies have the right to freely negotiate

with the state the kind of relationship they individually wish to have.’ (Prabhu, 1998:

248), the state has to develop a well-defined development policy for the actual

integration of the tribes in the national mainstream. ‘Limiting the power of the state

and a genuine decentralisation and dispersion of the state in favour of the basic

socio-economic and ethnic collectivities on the principle of equity and efficiency is,

of course, the historical imperative.’ (Pathy, 1998: 227).

The tribal problem in India is characterized by the process of institutionalized

exploitation and socio-political marginalization, produced by the twin historical

processes of unequal incorporation and exclusion. The tribal problem results from

a tendency of the economically and politically dominant sections of the population

to impose their own codes of behaviour on the tribal people. The tribes have been

transformed from tribe to a jati and from a jati to a class. Earlier, when the tribes came

into contact with the Hindu culture, they had to assume the caste rank, willingly or

unwillingly. At present the tribes are directly interacting with the market system and

are influenced by commercial capitalist system without caste mediation. Now, they

are stratified in terms of control over resources.

Further, human resource development is the prime goal of Panchayati Raj

institutions. The Panchayats have to play the role of imparting training through

education and mobilization of the disadvantaged groups, Scheduled Castes and

Scheduled Tribes about the ins and outs of Panchayati Raj institutions, actual

development through its mechanisms and identification of their interests with the

development processes. In fact, the educative processes include their (the

disadvantaged groups, SCs and STs) awareness, identification of their interests with

Panchayati Raj institutions, acquaintance with the roles and functions of the

machineries and members of Panchayats, acquisition of skills of management of

public institutions. Apart from various development programmes and human resource

development under Annual Plan and Sub-plan, the Department of Panchayats and

Community Development is also associated with the implementation of Homeopathic

Dispensary Scheme in remote and backward rural areas. With regard to education,



employment, housing, socio-cultural development, reservation in Panchayati Rajinstitutions, special credit facility: mid-term and short-term loans, poverty alleviation

programmes and community development programmes, the role of panchayats in

tribal life is immense and inseparable. Special Central Assistance to Tribal Sub-Plan

and Special Component Plan for Scheduled Castes are additive dosages to the

budgetary provisions, mainly used for the implementation of various Family Oriented

Economic Schemes for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes by and through

Panchayati Raj administration. A multi-pronged approach had been taken to fight

against the poverty of the disadvantaged groups and their exploitation by the

advantaged, especially through Family Oriented Beneficiary Schemes and Community

Oriented Schemes ensuring supply of foodgrains and other consumer articles at

subsidized rate, short-term and mid-term loans and development of socio-economicinfrastructure for them. In his study of Makrampur Anchal-Gram-Panchayat of

Midnapore district Debnath tries to find out a correlation between statutory Panchayat

system, planning, upliftment of the down-trodden and backward classes, and

development of power structure at the grassroots level.

The Panchayats identify beneficiaries, suitable and economically viable projects;

concentrate on small projects and wait with the preparations for their implementation

till the funding. The district and block plans are duly prepared and approved by the

Zilla Parishad. The plans for a variety of schemes are financed either by the State

government or by the Central government, and finances are drawn up by the Zilla

Parishad after soliciting the proposals of the Panchayat Samity, which finalizes its

proposals on the basis of resource availability for the budget year and the draft

budgets submitted by the Gram Panchayats. Zilla Parishad has to prepare a number of projects on the basis of proposals put forward by the Gram Panchayats through

the Panchayat Samity. The proposals are integrated into a Block Plan; a plan which

is in itself a novel departure in the sense that through the lowest democratically

elected organs the requirements and needs for development will be formulated. The

financial releases by the Centre at different points of requirement are conditional

upon the utilization of resources available with the State. In the implementation of

development schemes and works in general, the human ecology and cultural ethos

are important factors as the availability of resources. In programmes of rural

development in general and tribal development in particular, Panchayats act as

catalysts of development and as a transmission belt between the financial institutions

and the poorest families. The Panchayats, in consonance with the laws of development

should collect the assets and resources to develop rural infrastructure, and to hireout the equipment and animals to the poorest beneficiaries on non-profit basis. In

Tribal Sub-Plan the Gram Panchayats have to identify the families below poverty line

and select the schemes like pumpsets, animal husbandry, fisheries and handlooms

etc. filling up an application form for each beneficiary. The application forms are

received at the block level, which are submitted to banks for loans. A particular bank

is fixed for each Gram Panchayat. In Kanksa block there are five banks: Oriental Bank

of India, United Bank of India, Central Bank of India, Bardhaman Gramin Bank and

Burdwan Central Co-operative Bank operating within the block with their one, one,

two, three and one branches respectively. Loans are disbursed on the viability of





projects and repayment of loan position. It is to be noted here that at first the

projects or schemes are approved by the Zilla Parishad. After final selection of

beneficiaries by the Gram Panchayats, a joint investigation of District Rural

Development Agency, the Block Development Officer, the Scheduled Castes and

Scheduled Tribes Inspector and the bank officials is made for giving the final

sanction. The beneficiaries apply for loans to the District Manager, SCs and STs

Development and Finance Corporation pointing out their name, age and address,

name of the proposed project, total project cost, subsidy, amount of bank loan,

individual investment if any, sources of income, family members and total family

income etc. While applying for the release of total project cost the applicant needs

certificate relating to his name, age and address, family members and total family

income, sources of income, land and forms of land under his possession and patternof land possession from President or Executive Officer of the Panchayat Samity or

Pradhan of the Gram Panchayat. He also needs a certificate from the same authority

saying that he has no loan liability to bank or any financial institution. Therefore,

Panchayats and tribal development are essentially correlated. Apart from these the

presently launched Swarna Joyanti Sawayojar Yojana (SJGSY) is a combination of

IRDP, TRYSEM, SITRA and DWCRA. The implementation procedures point out the

importance of Panchayats in tribal development or more clearly in rural development.

Further, the bank-linked schemes like Prime Minister’s Rojgar Yojana (PMRY), Khadi

and Village Industry (KVI) and National Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes

Finance and Development Corporation Linked Scheme (NSFDC) are directly and

indirectly related with Panchayati Raj so far the implementation procedures are

concerned. Besides, the non-bank schemes, which are important in rural development,may be cited as below and their implementation procedures do not need any further

mention.

Planning and rural development through Panchayats are essentially a twin-

approach to bridge-building and harmonization between people’s initiative and

resources on the one hand and Government’s initiative and co-operation on the

other. To ensure this objective first of all the needs are development of people’s

awareness, creation of a strong desire for change in life situation in minds of the

target groups concerned, improvement of their efficiency and initiative, proper

guidance and help. Development works in rural areas can be divided into four

categories—first, development exclusively by and through organized efforts of the

rural people; second, development through bank loans and loans from financial

institutions; third, development by means of Panchayat’s own resources; and fourth,development works in various Government projects. It is to be noted that tribal

development in particular and rural development in general need a co-ordination

between village-based planning and Gram Panchayat planning, between Gram

Panchayat planning and Panchayat Samity planning, between Panchayat Samity

planning and District planning. The need is four-stage village-based District planning,

i.e. village level, Gram Panchayat level, Block level and District level.

The Block has been taken as the unit for palnning. It has been taken after 1980.

For a variety of schemes the project plans are financed either by the State or the



Central government. With the institutionalization of Panchayats in West Bengal thedegree of leakage of non-target groups is lower than the other states in terms of

castes and gender. More or less the tribes target groups get the benefits of various

schemes. This can be attributed to the active participation of panchayat committee

and gram sabha in the process of selection of beneficiaries. Officials of the state

government and local party functionaries are keen enough to make the programme

work for development a success , an attitude that is reflected in the enthusiasm of

village-level workers.

In the socio-economic development projects, the pioneering work is in the field

of land reforms – a ‘radical change in the present land system’ and a new process

of recording the names of bargadars, i.e. ‘Operation Barga’. In comparison with the

District, Scheduled Tribe patta holders and bargadars are not negligible in this Block

area. The following statistics from the District Land and Land Reforms Office,

Burdwan upto December, 1998 give a clear picture to this end.

Kanksa Total General SC ST

Patta 9,304 2,898 4,294 2,112

Barga 5,848 2,393 2,033 1,422

DistrictPatta 1,89,664 70,642 79,282 39,74

Barga 1,29,470 68,566 43,949 16,985

Share-croppers are one of the target groups of the below poverty line population

and the other target group consists of the landless agricultural labourers. The

problem of poverty of the Kanksa is a severe one. The major programme for creatingadditional employment is Food-for-Work or National Rural Employment Programme.

Kanksa Panchayat Samity chalked out a programme which envisages distribution of

house sites free of cost to the landless agricultural labourers, artisans and

fishermen. The most important programme is IRDP, which is to provide the poor

families with income generating assets to enable them to earn income to cross the

poverty line. As per Memo No. PC/BC/ 11 – 2 (21)/ 85 dated Feb. 27, 1986 it is to

be noted here that the poverty line used in the Seventh Plan during 1985-90 is annual

household income of Rs. 6,400 in rural areas and Rs. 7,300 in urban areas. 75 per cent

of this income, i.e, Rs. 4,800 in rural areas and Rs. 5,500 in urban areas should be

No te : Compa red to the mos t other sta tes of India, the proportion of net agr icu ltur al land

distributed to the landless and poor peasants is significantly highest in West Bengal.

Compared to 6.712% of land distributed in West Bengal, the proportion was as low as1.24 per cent in rest of India upto 1993. The proportion now in September 2001 in West

Bengal is 7.72 per cent. This comes to 0.4 1 acre per beneficiary. Area covered by

registered share-cropper is 8.18 per cent of the net cultivated area. Corresponding shares

in the Burdwan district were 5 per cent for land distribution and 10 per cent of net

cultivated area for registration of share-croppers. These achievements will have to be

judged in the context of the fact tha t, as per 19 91 censu s, more tha n 58 per cent of

agricultural workers in rural Burdwan were completely landless without any claim over

even share cropping land. They must be tilling nearly 60 per cent of the land. So, if tillers

are to own land they till through land reform, then land reform in Burdwan so far achieved

only one-twelveth part or little more than 8 per cent of needed land distribution through

full land reform.





taken as income limit under the Poverty Alleviation Programmes for Scheduled

Castes and Scheduled Tribes. The families with an income level upto Rs. 3,500 are

the poorest of the poor and assisted first. The families or beneficiaries within the

income group of Rs. 3,500 to Rs. 4,800 in rural areas and Rs. 3500 to Rs. 5,500 in urban

areas will be taken up as beneficiary after all the families below Rs 3,500 are being

assisted by the respective authority ( Backward Classes Welfare Department ).

Furthermore, the programmes like mass literacy, immunization, construction of roads,

minor irrigation, fisheries, poultry farming, DWCRA etc. are important. With regard

to DWCRA we can mention, for example, the sanction of Rs. 99,658 for Tilakdanga

Adivasi Mahila Samity under Trilakchandrapur Gram Panchayat during 1998-99. This

Samity is functioning till now.

During field level data collection I have identified two types of scheme initially,

i.e., directly benefitting the tribes and schemes indirectly benefitting the tribes. I

have identified so far Special Component Plan ( SCP ), Tribal-Sub Paln ( TSP ),

Special Tribal Area Development ( STAD ), Communuty Development Scheme under

Integrated Tribal Development ( ITDP ) in the first category and Employment Assurance

Scheme ( EAS ), Jawhar Rojgar Yojana ( JRY ), Indira Abas Yojana ( IAY ), Individual

Beneficiary Scheme ( IBS ), Basic Minimum Service Scheme ( BMSS ), Integrated

Child Development Scheme ( ICDS ) etc. in the second category at the initial stage

of field level data collection.

Tribal development programmes in seven Gram Panchayats are basically the

works of development like repair and construction of roads, culverts, field channels,

anganwadi centres, shishushikha kendras, well and well platforms; sinking of tube-wells; digging of ponds; social forestry; distribution of house sites and housing

loans; distribution of various self-employment projects as paddy processing, chira

making, sal leaf plate making, goatery, piggery, milchcow, bullocks, bullocks and cart,

sheep rearing, grocery, readymade cloth, vegetable vending etc. Programmes are

wage and employment oriented. Wages in agriculture in seven Gram Panchayats

range between Rs. 40 to 45 and in non-agricultural fields they remain within Rs. 50

to 60. And this has raised consumption thirst among the tribal daily wage earners.

Self-employment projects are at the deadlock. This is due to their consumption thirst,

lack of cash in hands and lack of suitable infrastructural facilities suited for the

projects. Investment and profit maximization are absent in their society. Routine

development works like the above may cause innumerable losses to human and

natural resources. Monetary loss is in juxtaposed with other losses. This trend is notconducive to investment and profit maximization syndrome. The development

programmes under EAS, STAD, JRY, SJGSY, IAY, IRDP and TSP throughout seven

Gram Panchayats of this block are non-entrepreneurial, distributive and time-

consuming. Development efforts start with a single dose and end with no long-run

and trickle-down effects. A slight dosage of input might produce a deadlock

in development. The development efforts throughout seven Gram Panchayats within

this block may be presented in a diagram (Fig. 1). There is no feedback between input

and output. All the efforts are scattered and isolated. This is not a scientific

way, indeed.



Fig. 1

The need is comprehensive planning and programmes. Comprehensive

programmes make possible to improve the social and economic orientation of planning

and management, to take fuller account of the consequences of decisions, to improve

inter-sectoral links with due account of the requirements posed by the development

of society as a whole, to overcome restrictions stemming objectively from thesectoral and departmental planning and management, to use the reserves in order to

achieve priority goals and to ensure a correct balance between resources and use

them more effectively.

Road development becomes necessary for economic development and overall

investment process. The construction and repair works have generated employment

in the form of wages for the tribal people in this area. Economic benefits from a road

network may be reliable for larger economy. But these people have no such capital

to invest so that they can acquire benefits from this infrastructure development.

They remain mainly as unskilled wage labourers. The schemes like JRY, EAS, SJGSY

and STAD etc. have made them confined within consumption network, not investment

as mere wage labourers. Economic benefit other than wage labour to these people

is not noticeable due to lack of marketable surplus in their hands. The non-tribal

money-lenders, businessmen and landowners do get substantial benefits from this

development. Due to absence of total plan programme or integrated plan perspective

for the area, vested interests take advantage of the new facility or facilities while the

tribal community is hardly ready to meet this new challenge.

The development programmes are scattered in nature and content. Mere housing

loans of Rs. 16,000 – 20,000 under IAY, individual beneficiary scheme of Rs. 1000 –

12,000 under IRDP and TSP, and mere wage benefits under JRY, EAS and STAD etc.

would not improve their lot. Poverty alleviation is tantalizing, and it gets further

complicated as to the equation of living standard with the levels of income and


Wage increaseWage increase

capacity

Input

No tri ckle-down benefi ts

Self-emplolymentMoney not used for

investment

No tri ckle-down benefi ts

Money not used for

investment

Input

Output

Consu-

mption

Output

Dead-lock

in self-

employ-

ment




consumption. The development programmes are not flexible, not responding to the

new demands of the tribes – more resources in their hands, adjustment with local

market, active participation in the development process and entitlement of socio-

economic infrastructure to their needs and capabilities.

Surplus lands have been distributed among them. Economic condition of share-

croppers has been improved to a lesser extent. It has improved their consumption

needs, and not savings and investment. Irrigation facility for cultivation is not up

to the mark to enable them to make productive use of this resource. What is more

receptive to the tribal community is the institutional set-up for input delivery,

especially water, credit and output marketing on the one hand, and institutions

responsible for dissemination of productive techniques on the other. Most of them

are agricultural labourers. Most of the owner cultivators own less than three acresof land. Lands are fragmented and agricultural turnouts are very low. Risks like land

fragmentation, fragmentation of family, low irrigation facility, low technology adoption,

investment risks, low market facility in this development process may be avoided

through appropriate policy formulation. Pattadars are more impoverished than the

bargadars. There is the question of augmentation of the productive potentials,

harmonizing with the social processes and creative innovative impulses. The Operation

Barga in this area aims at a limited reform. The bargadar even after his registration

has not gained much in terms of income. It has provided some upward revision of

tenant’s share. He is opposed to receive 75 per cent share provided he bears all the

costs of cultivation. For the costs of cultivation he goes to the landowners and

money-lenders. The banking system to make credits available to them has failed due

to the non-repayment of days long credits from banks. Most of the institutionalcredits are enjoyed by the rich farmers, when non-institutional credits are offered to

the poorer sections of the society. Rural indebtedness of the poor peasants and

landless labourers to the private money-lenders are mostly for consumption and

ceremonies rather than for production and cultivation, which would divert their

production initiatives and incentives into consumption thirst and convert their income

to the repayment of cumulative indebtedness. Their income level has increased to

some extent, but this is not conducive to their actual development.

To generate their income DWCRA formation is a good example. In this area out

of 15 groups only nine are functioning. Out of nine few are under almost defuncts

due to lack of spontaneity, lack of like-mindedness, lack of technological know-how

or skill, lack of information and absence of marketable facilities of the articles

produced for malfunctioning of DWCRA groups in this area. The party nominatesgroup leaders. The total process is mechanical, dictated by the policies of distribution

rather than development and change without a substantial alteration. There is only

one tribal group leader, functioning till now. Majority of the tribal people can be

formal to be without access to property or gainful employment and living under

conditions of abject poverty. The strategy is to give something little more to

everybody. The most important schemes are IRDP and TSP, administered by the state

government and designed to help the rural poor to cross the poverty line. It is

assumed that the rural people are poor because they do not possess any productive

asset other than labour and they also as workers do not possess any special skill.



Thus, any development programme meant for the rural poor must aim at creating new productive assets for them. The core of IRDP and TSP is to provide the poor familieswith income generating assets to enable them to earn income to cross the povertyline. Both IRDP and TSP are intended to augment the assets base of the rural poor by facilitating the acquisition of income generating assets through a combination of

institutional loan and governmental subsidies. The implementation of the policies

and programmes undertaken at Kanksa in the Left Front regime during 1978-2000 areaimed at the penetration and politicization of the rural masses. Politicization of therural masses is important than development. Despite various development measuresunder Kanksa Panchayat Samity, actual development of the tribal people did not take place. Indebtedness has become the regular feature of their life process, resulted in

the culmination of four interrelated consequences : deterioration in resources;technological change without change in the quantum of total resources and theconsumption pattern; stagnation in production relations, but rapid changes intechnology and consumption pattern leading to progressive destitution of the tribals;

and stagnation in resource position, technology and productive relations, but rapid changes in the consumption pattern. In this area the tribal economy tends to bediversified. The tribes are dissociated from the control of the resources and from

decision-making in resource utilization pattern. They tend to migrate outside the areafor work. The programmes are intended to provide benefits to a specified few tribalfamilies economically, but not to develop the infrastructural base of the area i.e.

irrigation, land development, credit and marketing etc. Here, it is to be noted that planning for development means optimal utilization of limited resources with sizeable

investment, i.e. area and activity. The Tribal Welfare Department through the institution

of Panchayats has entered into the fields of agricultural extension and becomeexclusively responsible for all programmes involving subsidy to the tribal farmers.A network of drinking water facility to the tribal areas has also been established.However, the Department most unfortunately has not yet established a network of tribal co-operative societies. Besides, cultivation of fish on a co-operative basisunder Gopalpur Gram Panchayat is a good sign for tribal development. But, LAMPS

at Basudha under Bonkati Gram Panchayat has not made a good start due to lack of information, non-repayment of credits drawn, administrative lapses and lack of self-consciousness among the tribals. In this area, tribal development got circumscribed

to a weak sectoral programme, not a total developmental effort.

Tribal beneficiaries are less interested in the programme of ICDS and its

implementation. Their participation is negligible. Their consciousness about the

impact of ICDS programme is low. The need is to raise the level of consciousnessat least to a non-negligible extent. ICDS workers should take regular visit to the field,

reach the level of consciousness of the beneficiaries and motivate them to take active participation in the implementation of programmes. Workers should motivate themwith regard to immunization programme so that more positive participation could be

ensured. For proper implementation of programmes like immunization and nutritionthere should be good understanding and co-operation between ICDS office and primary health centre. Meetings with the beneficiaries should be regular and prospective. The programmes should be revitalized in accordance with the socio-economic characteristics of the beneficiaries.





Majority of the beneficiaries are females, married and above 20 years of age.

They are mostly illiterates and to some extent literate. With regard to occupation,

landholding and annual income they belong to the lower stratum of the society.

Majority of the beneficiary families are composed of 3-5 members. Those who use

all sources of income as single wage earners are below poverty line, living in

economic insecurity and hardships. Those who use all sources of income as double

income earners are above poverty line, have more or less economic security than the

former category. And those who use only one source of income as single income

earners are below poverty line having much more economic hardship. It is possible

to group these into three main categories: the structural poor, for whom poverty is

strongly linked with social identity; the more mobile poor who have more or less

economic security; and the destitute or chronic poor. Effective social protection policies are essential to prevent the first and third categories becoming further

impoverished, and for the second to avoid falling back further into poverty.

Economically they are poor and subjected to economic hardship. Due to economic

hardship they are socially deprived. They only brood over daily needs.

Due to this kind of economic hardship they are not too much worried about and

are unable to continue the education of their children. They think their children as

economic source. They need immediate return from this kind of investment. Rearing

of children is a kind of investment to them. To them, the values of children are like

first, domestic help, second, running family lineage, third, source of love, and fourth,

companionship. First and foremost they think that child rearing is their responsibility.

Secondly, it is a social obligation. For a huge and abject poverty syndrome they

continuously search for immediate requirements and their immediate fulfilment. Theyare subject to unfavourable conditions: seasonal unemployment; price rise in consumer

articles, chemicals and fertilizers; low remunerative price for agricultural produce, lack

of proper irrigation facility; and indebtedness to private money-lenders and

landowners. Therefore, their parents have nothing to do, but to neglect the immediate

requirements of pre-school education of the children. So, there is the need for

effective integration of social and economic inputs. In this block Continuing Education

Programme has become more meaningful in case of Scheduled Castes than that of

the Scheduled Tribes. The block has 51 Continuing Education Centres with 12 in

Bidbihar, 9 in Molandighi, 4 in Amlajora, 7 in Trilakchandrapur and Gopalpur, and 6

in Kanksa and Bonkati. Most of the centres are irregular in submitting their progress

report to the block office. The students go to the centres casually. They say, ‘What’s

the necessity? It will not improve our economy.’ So, there is the need for functional

literacy. Poor enrolment and participation of ST students in comparison with SC can

be presented here. I can say, it is the product of the culmination of structural and

functional inequalities.

To ensure greater functional literacy improvement of their economic performance

is the imperative need of our time. Kanksa Panchayat Samity has sanctioned various

projects like fishery, goatery, poultry, milchcow, bullocks and cart, carpentry, grocery,

sal leaf plate making, paddy processing etc. through individual beneficiary schemes

like IRDP and TSP to this end. The projects have failed at the mid-sea due to their

economic hardship, indebtedness, lack of adequate infrastructural facilities, half-



hearted attempt on the part of the project officials and allottees, lack of an integrated

development approach and seeing development as continuous and not sectoral.

Lack of power facility, absence of co-operative farming and lack of subsidiary

sources of income among the tribals, – all these have made them handicapped to run

the projects successfully. Essentially, non-performance syndrome creeps in. Fifty per

cent of the total project cost is disbursed at first and a lion’s share of it is eschewed

by the project allottees for consumption needs. They neglect investment needs

subsequently. During collection of field level data I have found that in IRDP and TSP

schemes the names and addresses of few beneficiaries have been mentioned, but the

names of projects and subsequent project costs have not been cited. I found this

maladroit nature and malignancy. Besides wage earning a prospective self-help

scheme for tribal women, i.e. improved sal leaf cup and plate making would improvetheir economic lot. The plates would be machine stitched in place of stick stitched

and moulded with a card board base to make them more market acceptable. It will

act as an alternative to plastic, paper, and steel and china clay plates used as buffet

plates. Through the operation of this scheme the beneficiary would get Rs. 1000 a

month. This drive would be taken up through the District Rural Development Agency

under the scheme Swarna Jayanti Swarojgar Yojana. Adequate infrastructural facilities

like paper supply, modern technology, market facility, reasonable pricing policy and

advertising would necessarily be provided. This would provide further opportunities

for making their economic conditions improved and social standing moderate and

meaningful. Agriculture remains the main source of income for the tribes people. Use

of modern technology and inputs in agriculture among the tribeal groups cannot be

considered as noteworthy phenomena, which have not been used to an appreciableextent. Low productivity in agriculture has reduced the opportunity for increase in

income, further income generation and savings. Agricultural improvement is the

urgent need of the hour, which especially incorporates improvement in the use of

modern technologies in agriculture, development of land and irrigation system.

Irrigation problem is a major problem in this area. Irrigation facilities should be

provided adequately to reduce the element of uncertainty in agricultural produce. To

this end, surface and ground water resources should properly be utilized. This

would be facilitated, if educated leadership is developed within the community and

if actual participation of the tribal people in the development process is essentially

encouraged and ensured. Reduction of exploitation and inequalitarian distribution

would help in generating confidence, savings and investment promotion among

them.

In the field survey and field level data collection I have also found the following

facts and realities. Firstly, land remains the main source of their income. Very few of

the tribes in this block are owner cultivators. Most of the pattadars are from SC

categories in this area.

Secondly, pattadars are mostly illiterate and below the poverty line. They have

limited source of income. On the average, patta plots are non-agricultural devoid of

irrigation facility (called as danga land or upland). It does not cross the limit of 22

– 33 shatak or something more in very few cases. Bastu lands have only given them

house sites, but not more than that. They are daily wage labourers. Daily wage


9




differs. In Banskopa it is Rs. 40, but in Khatpukur and Gopalpur it goes up to Rs.

45. Patta holders draw credits from mahajans at the rate of interest of Rs. 10 per

month. Agricultural patta holders sell all the crops to repay the credit to the mahajans.

Throughout the year they have nothing to do, but to work as daily labourers. Few

patta holders use the patta lands for agricultural purposes in lieu of 60:40 crop

divisions. Patta lands are not within their own hold, which as per law are not

transferable. Few patta holders work as share-croppers without recording their

names as bargadars giving the landowners 40 per cent of the total crops. A minuscule

of them has become able to buy some lands, but most of them have not been able

to rise above the poverty line and have to work as daily labourers. Crops produced

are double in volume and high yielding varieties. The patta holders are least benefitted

through the schemes like IRDP, IAY, Old Age Pension, JRY and MWS (Million WellScheme). With the introduction of high yielding varieties, fertilizers and pesticides

production has increased than that of the previous five years ago. In spite of that,

patta holders are below the poverty line due to rural indebtedness. Loans offered

by the Panchayats through IRDP have not been repaid and used for the development

of the downtrodden. The poor patta holders have almost consumed the loans

offered, and have not used it for their economic development.

Thirdly, few incidents have come to my notice that the patta holders of the year

of 1972 are not patta holders once more today. Party leaders have snatched the patta

lands and distributed these to the poor. During 1972 they had few lands. Now, they

have improved their economic conditions through business and service, and are

supporters of left opposition. Local party leaders, who were the managers or nayebs

of the zaminders or landowners then, have now bitter relations with those pattaholders. Now the local leaders have got a chance to take an action against those

patta holders of 1972 by distributing the lands to the poor. But, as the poor are below

the poverty line and in the grind wheel of money-lending, the real fruits of providing

patta lands have not yet been seen. Lands have been sliced and production hampered.

Fourthly, the conditions of the bargadars are much more improved than the

patta holders. Some bargadars own patta lands and they cultivate these lands. So

to say, they have improved the economic conditions. They do not need credits from

others. Few bargadars have a tendency to conceal their income and to show an

increasing rate of their monthly expenditure, which do not generally match to their

income. They thought that I was a government official, trying to know the actual

income. They surely had to think that if they could show low-income pattern for

them, and then I could persuade the government to help them so that they could make themselves financially healthy. They also told me that Sir; please do something

on behalf of the government. Few bargadars, who have their patta lands in paper,

do not hold it within their own control. They received their patta lands during the

year of 1972. They can produce papers. These cases are within the jurisdiction of

the High Court. Party and panchayat leaders did not try to do anything for these

patta holders. Some of them do not know that they have patta lands. They do not

know that they were given agricultural patta lands. These patta lands, which were

vested to the poor from the landowners, are now unknown to the patta holders. The

landowners, who previously formed important pockets of Congress party strong-



hold, are now left party leaders and CPI (M) - dominated panchayat members. They,

for their vested interests are trying to divert the attention of the poor patta holders

from these patta lands. Papers are in the hands of the patta holders, but they do

not use and cultivate these lands. The landowners, who previously formed important

pockets of Congress party stronghold and whose lands were vested and distributed

to the poor patta holders during the year of 1972 are now important left party leaders

or left party supporters, now trying to take revenge against these poor patta holders

with the help of party support and help.

Fifthly, the poor patta holders and bargadars are members of Krishak Sangsthan

and they attend meetings of the Gram Sansad . Most of the members say that we

only hear, comrades do everything. We follow our leaders.

Sixthly, distribution of patta lands is only the instrument to catch votes, but not

intended to improve the conditions of the poor patta holders.

Seventhly, administration is subservient to the interests of the party leaders and

the party dictates.

Eighthly, however, the incidence of landlessness is more pronounced among the

tribal people in this area. Programmes like land distribution among them, recording

the names of the bargadars, resettlement of landless agricultural labourers providing

house sites and housing loans, extension of employment, generation of self-

employment have made a very little impact on their pressing problems and urgent

needs. No individual programme from sectoral angle can heal the ulcer. An integrated

approach to it should be enunciated. Effective co-ordination between various

programmes is a necessary step. Electrification in tribal villages has to be stepped up carefully, would likely to provide congenial living conditions for them. Priority

should be given to electricity for irrigation and drinking water facilities. It has to be

oriented to the growth of small-scale industries like sal leaf plate and cup making,

paddy processing, medicines from herbs and tubers etc. This area is prospective

for development. Agriculture and forestry are pre-dominant sources of income.

Infrastructural development is going on gradually. Technology transformation is low.

Tribal people are being dissociated from the control over resources and from the

decision-making process. Their electoral turn-out is high, but political participation

in the decision-making is low. Resource utilization pattern is at a low level, and they

tend to migrate outside for work.

It is to be noted here that the sustainable development of the tribal population

depends upon a system of self-development based on their own creative force and corporate productive resources. The plan for tribal development must take forest and

land resources as the base. They should become co-sharers in the creation of wealth

and take active part in its management. To ensure man-nature-society, symbiotic

relationship without generating conflicts between them, emphasis should be laid on

maximization of creative participation and minimization of socio-economic disorder.

Tribal people are too weak to stand as equals against the non-tribals. They have to

be properly organized, and have to get only politicized imparting a sense of

participation among them in view of productive resources, productive relations,

manpower position and socio-economic orientation. In fact, development centres





round a high rate of economic growth with social justice, priority investment, political

decentralization and moulding of tradition with modernization. Popular participation

should be treated as the basic policy in national development and as a basic policy

measure active participation of all individuals in the development process is a sine

qua non for development. Participation provides the beneficiaries of development,

an opportunity for opinion building, helps the planners in setting goals and objectives,

formulating policies, implementing plans and programmes, organizing and evaluating

the target community, the less privileged few. The problems of the tribals, the rural

down-trodden are germinated from structural conditions and not functional in a real

sense. Participation makes the people aware of their problems relating to development

and empowerment and root causes behind it.

To find out the extent of participation I interviewed 175 tribal people fromBidbihar, Molandighi, Bonkati, Gopalpur, Amlajora, Trilakchandrapur and Kanksa

Gram Panchayat areas: Fuljuri, Kuldiha, Garkella, Telipara, Babnabera, Domra and

Amanidanga. Of them 38.75 per cent respondents said that they were regular in

attending Gram Sansad meetings, 42.00 per cent were regularly casual, 43 per cent

and 46 per cent were non-participatory when needed and occasionally. Only 1 per

cent was never non-participatory, 40 per cent respondents said that Gram Sansad

meetings were both regularly and occasionally participatory, 20 per cent said that it

was participatory when needed, and 47.50 per cent reported that it was occasionally

non-participatory. In the decision-making process the people participated less like

that of the block level officials and administrators. It is a noteworthy that party-

panchayat leaders, Gram Sangsad members and Pradhans combined a trio and

contributed at least 76.25 per cent in their control over the decision-making. Panchayats’demand for people’s participation in development programmes was more casual than

participatory, but more participatory than non-participatory. It is evident from

respondents’ answers that panchayats’ demand for people’s participation was in

most development programmes: casual (47.21%) > participatory (38.79%) > non-

participatory (14.00%), in few development programmes: casual (46.00%) > participatory

(42.00%) > non-participatory (12.00%), and in normal times: casual (45.00%) > non-

participatory (43.62%) > participatory (11.38%). Therefore, Panchayats’ demand for

people’s participation in development programmes is mostly casual.

It seems crystal clear that participation of the tribal in development programmes

was mainly through labour, moral support and benefit sharing. The respondents who

were mainly from the age group of 21-30 and 31-50 years with a socio-economic

background: mostly illiterate, agricultural labourers and share-croppers in the low tomedium category having a minimum (landless to with less than 1 acre) portion of land

in their ownership, except share-cropping reported that participation in the decision-

making was not their task. The leaders themselves made decisions, took the decisions

and justified the decisions. They only heard about decisions and participated in the

meetings to raise hands and voices in favour of the decisions, but did not say

anything that may counteract the decisions and muddle the decision-making processes.

The respondents having secondary education, business, lands more than three acres

and from higher economic category said that participation was satisfactory and in

the selection of beneficiaries they discussed the matter with all. It is to be noted here



that I have categorized the socio-economic status of the respondents into high,

medium and low on the basis of points scored by the respondents. I have ranked

them on the basis of living standard of the respondents, their daily food habits,

socio-economic outlook, creativity, and sources of information, recreational

implements, and their greater political access. Most of the respondents who were

from the lower to middle category didn’t know the objectives of various development

programmes. The factors like very low economy and education have made them weak

in perception and understanding. They are not aware about the guidelines of

development programmes like IRDP, TSP, JRY etc. 72 per cent of the respondents said

that they did not know the guidelines required for IRDP, TSP, JRY and the like. They

took money as governmental help for self-employment and poverty alleviation. Only

28 per cent of the respondents knew about the guidelines. They received thisinformation from gram panchayat offices and party-panchayat leaders of their locality.

In this task of providing information party-panchayat leaders made important

contributions to development efforts, but low level of information have retarded

those efforts and reduced confidence building among them.

Backdrop produced out of poverty and illiteracy has resulted ignorance among

them. I have found these facts in my study area. Ignorance has made them more

oriented to consumption pattern rather than investment. Among the respondents

only 12 per cent were interested in investment. 1.28 per cent said that banks should

be liberal in terms of loan. An environment of investment has not yet been created

among the tribals. They consume most of the amount of loan against food, repayment

of credit with interest to private money-lenders and other consumer durable. Non-

repayment of loans to banks has become a regular feature for them. At this pointthe role of Panchayats is negligible. Most of the respondents were not satisfied with

the selection of beneficiaries. They said that depressed and poor families were least

benefited. Selection through Beneficiary Committee and meetings convened for that

selection were procedurally defunct. It (selection of beneficiaries) was based more

on good understanding with party-panchayat leaders and members of the Committee

than on economic background. This does not mean that the beneficiaries are from

higher economic background. Their general feature is economic hardships. Therefore,

most of the beneficiaries were from the lower rung. They are at the margin of survival

and in struggle to achieve a level of consumption just enough to survive. They have

been absorbed in the national and local economy and techno-economic fold of

settled peasantry. Basically, they can be divided into two categories – who own,

work and hire-out themselves and who do not own, work and hire-out themselves.For them, class-consciousness signifies that they are organized forces struggling for

survival, and they are autonomous. The determinants of their consciousness about

the class position are like inequalities, trend in occupational diversification and

mobilization. The proletarianization of the tribal peasants is not different from the

proletarianization of the non-tribal peasants. They are differentiated in terms of

production relations, place in the society in relation to other classes, and forces of

production like land, irrigation, seeds and fertilizers. When the immediate problems

before the tribal labourers are adequate wage rates, food and clothing, the problems

before the share-croppers and those who own few plots of land are better prices for





agricultural produce, better credit and loan facilities and irrigation facility. Formationof class-consciousness among the former is at the rudimentary stage. The latter inalliance with its non-tribal counterparts have subdued their class- consciousness atthe low level. They are mobilized on tribal development and techno-economic pursuitsof development programmes. Politicization of the poor by the left parties is a legacy

of the past. The politicization among the tribes by the CPI(M) is a noteworthy

phenomenon in this area. The left parties have had capitalized tribals’ discontentduring the 60s and 70s and made it as their support base. CPI(M) - dominated Krishak Shaba had a number of followers in several villages of Jungle Mahal

experienced with restlessness among the landless labourers and share-croppers. In1969, the tribal and scheduled caste bargadars demanded 60 per cent crop-sharing

from the landowners, who resisted the move. The CPI (M) tried to ensure a bargainingand compromise formula to make a peaceful settlement to this. The restless share-croppers did not accept this move. Clashes between the landowners and bargadars

came into being in Rakshitpur and Hariki as a result of this. Finally, the CPI (M)

leaders could not effectively intervene in the disputes, and for that the area was leftopen to the influence of the extremists. Dissidents of the CPI (M)-dominated Krishak

Sabha in Chua, Rakshitpur and adjacent villages supported the extremists. Due to

police action and harassment the extremists favoured underground activities and thiscreated apathy in the minds of a large number of supporters. The extremists did notachieve much except expediting the registration of a handful of bargadars. The CPI(M) has had capitalized this situation. It has made strong organizational base in thisarea. The party has institutionalized discontent of the tribal through Panchayats. Few

tribals have been elected in the Panchayats to represent their interests. They also

represent in Gram Committees. In all five Panchayat elections all tribal members of Gram Panchayats and Panchayat Samity, except Tapan Soren of Gopalpur and Sannayasi Hansda of Molandighi were elected from the CPI (M). Sahasabhadhipatiof Burdwan Zilla Parishad, Kabilal Maddi during the interview said thatinstitutionalization of Panchayats have become a reality after the Left Government’saccession to power in 1977. Panchayats have taken various measures to improve the

economic conditions of the tribes. They have been benefitted through barga operationand distribution of patta lands. Their children are enjoying the educational facilities.They are more conscious about their own. Cultural improvement through drama,

sports, dances and songs have been worked out. Despite that, they should be givenmore facilities for intellectual improvements and economic benefits rather than meredistribution of lands. They should have their own cultural identity. Tribal culture

should go hand in hand with non-tribal culture, so that they can take part in thesocial mainstream. But the institutionalization of Panchayats with regard to tribal participation in Panchayats and various development programmes is not quitesatisfactory. Tribal people’s discontent has been institutionalized within the PanchayatiRaj institutions and various development programmes through it.

‘As tribal life situation today centres round the productive functions and relations of production concerning land, the science and technological developments

in tribal areas have to proceed along two axis. One axis is skill, knowledge and

resource base of the tribal communities; the other axis is the common pool of

technology and knowledge about the application of the same as available to mankind



at the global plane, for augmenting the quality of life and strengthening the forces

of peace and human unity.’ (Roy Burman, 1989: 53). Destruction of forest ecology

brought about sedentarization and changed the symbiotic economic relation with the

peasants to one of proletarianization. They have become marginalized; exploitation

of labour has been introduced into their society. The tribal and non-tribal societies

remained separate, but gradually have become intertwined with complex unequal

economic linkages. Through these unequal economic linkages the elite society

dominates the production process through its control over land and labour. The

government-sponsored development programmes have had very little effect on the

worsening immiserisation of the tribal people. They remain as a class of primary

producers, mainly as agricultural labourers and share-croppers. They are mostly

unskilled labourers working in agricultural and non-agricultural fields. Further, economicintegration between the two societies, tribal and non-tribal without transforming the

relations of production, i.e., the relations of exploitation into a more equitable one,

would aggravate the tribals’ problems more and more. The strategy of tribal

development has to combat these relations of exploitation at all levels so as to make

the quality of their life improved. Application of skill, knowledge and technology on

their resource base, i.e., land and forest are essential for their improvement in the

life situation. A type of stratification among the tribal people has emerged – on the

one hand, a small privileged, property-owning and educated section utilizing the

benefits bestowed upon them and on the other, vast chunk of under-privileged

labouring classes. They have been taking part in the national or regional economy.

The tribal people of this area are critically averse to the exploitative relations of

production. They are objects of capitalistic, semi-feudal exploitation. But their socio-cultural outlook is different from the hierarchically based Hindu caste society though

they have entered into the techno-economic fold of the settled peasantry. They

mainly produce for household consumption. Hunting and gathering technology in

the tribal society is a past story. They do not have their technological inputs, they

practise techno-economic features of a settled peasantry, which may not be termed

as tribal; but their economic motives in most cases as I found and socio-cultural

tendencies may be considered as tribal. They are more oriented towards the life at

present, and not what the future would be. In their society there is no role of

specialization according to sex, age and proficiency. Majority of the tribal people in

my study area are landless agricultural labourers. Few are owner-cultivators. Out of

175 people, 109 work as agricultural labourers in the lands of neighbouring caste

peasants, 59 earn their livelihood as share-croppers in the fields of non-tribal peasants

and remaining 7 in non-agricultural fields. Their economic outlook is pleasure seekingand not savings, investment and planning. They believe in the principle that

substantiates moral requirements, the theory, which yields pleasure or relief from

suffering and the evils as causing suffering. It is a variety of naturalism in ethics.

The economic condition of the tribal people is not so good. They depend on

land either as agricultural labourers or as share-croppers. Agricultural production

does not provide self-sufficiency to all. Production on land is meagre as to low

irrigation and habits of using traditional methods of cultivation. They are exploited

by landowners, money-lenders, traders and shopkeepers. Intensive utilization of land





and water resources would help to generate self-employment opportunities to them,

if these tasks are properly done. The attitude of the tribal villages in most cases had

not been changed from an asset for domestic work to investment in future. In few

cases (these families who have few resources) small family norm has been accepted.

Health, nutritional status and dressing pattern of women and children have also

improved. They are all conscious of their forest ecology. They do not know the green

house effect, but are environmentally alert. They feel and realize the problems like

poverty, malnutrition and environmental degradation, and the importance of wise use

of resources to solve these problems. It is encouraging that government has tried

to understand the tribal problems and taken a number of corrective measures.

Measures are not adequate and effective. This conventional development model is

exploitative and must be replaced by sustainable development conducive to their ecology. Sustainable development should go hand-in-hand with productivity, renewal

capacity and bio-diversity. Only people’s participation along with the integration of

various development programmes could change their life situation towards prosperity

and happiness. The Government should also provide facilities like soil testing,

fertilizers, seeds, pesticides and irrigation on time and under proper supervision to

make them more effective. Remunerative prices for agricultural products should be

paid. Tribes should be encouraged in afforestation programme to grow commercial

crops and to develop forestry-based cottage industries. They are resource-poor and

backward in terms of low level of literacy, low access to modern technology and

information, fatalism and hedonism. Therefore, they have little capacity to take risk.

The soil has low productive capacity. The poor families, who obtained ‘patta’ lands,

are also of low fertility status. These lands with low productive capacity and fertilitystatus may be used in farm forestry. People are not conscious about this farm

forestry technology, but people’s participation is essential for sustainable forestry

development. Consciousness and participation are essentially correlated. And I found

anomaly between the two during field survey. When I discussed the matter with them

they said that they did not know its utility, its mechanism. The respondents belonged

to the weaker section, are weak in terms of economy and education, and are not

conducive to the development of independent thinking among them. They believe

in the preservation of their eco-systems: sarna, a sacred grove in forest areas, where

teenage were initiated into adulthood, akhara, where young males and females

choose their life partners and sasan, the burial ground in forest. From adulthood to

death, forest is associated with them or with their life cycle. They do not believe in

the cutting of trees like sal and peepal. This mind set-up can be used to develop

farm forestry, to keep a balance between human needs and environmental imperatives.

Deforestation in Jungle Mahal area has impoverished the tribal people has produced

competition for scarce resources, and has created consequent class formation.

Availability of land, food and other minor forest produces has become inaccessible

to them. In this competition, a few families or a very few individuals have become

able to capture more, while the majority of them are impoverished. Previously, in their

mutually supporting community they shared things with others. This sharing culture

has disappeared and they have become pauperized and marginalized due to

deforestation. Due to this marginalization the loss of material base and the break up



of the community have taken place, and necessarily they have to deal with the

landowners and the private money-lenders. For greater and more profit the capitalist

owners, traders, contractors, landowners and middlemen force the tribes to depend

on the sale of minor forest produce and fuel-wood etc. to them and the tribal people

have nothing to do, but to sell these for their very survival. The traditional culture

of keeping a balance between human needs and environmental imperatives has

disappeared. This impoverishment has reduced their income and food habits, forced

them confined into the hands of the landowners and private money-lenders, who

appropriate their little income. They are pushed back to indebtedness and unequal

economic linkages, for they have lost their bargaining power.

The conventional methods of development strategies are not intended to make

self-reliant growth possible, to create a suitable atmosphere for greater participationof the people, i.e., active involvement in achieving consensus, in decision-making,

in planning and preparation of programmes, and in monitoring and evaluation.

Political institution like panchayats have to ensure village meetings regular on proper

deliberation and consultation with the villagers on the one hand and on the other,

marginal arrangements for planning, preparation of programmes, implementation of

that programmes, proper monitoring and actual benefit-sharing etc. in order to make

development programmes meaningful. To improve the life quality of the tribal people,

provide protection from destitution it is necessary to take into account the matters

like improvement in natural resources, improvement in land productivity scientifically,

improvement in household income and employment generation, development in the

utilization capacity of both natural and human resources and improvement in health

and social welfare as urgent. One of the ways to see the problem of non-participationis that people should prepare their own development programmes and the government

should participate in these programmes by way of financial, legal and technical

assistance. Participatory culture is absent in real sense. However, participation has

to be institutionalized to ensure involvement of people in all stages of development:

societal and extra-societal environment research, planning and programme design,

implementation and management of programmes. For sustainable development capital

formation and output raising capacity should have to be developed, and if growth

process were sustained, ‘trickle down effect’ would ensure better living standard for

the tribal. Sustainable resource utilization, appropriate technology intervention for

resource conservation and regeneration, gradual empowerment of the socially

disadvantaged group – all can be ensured through the participation of the people.

People would participate in the development process if the expected benefits exceed

the expected costs of participation, if they are empowered to do so, if they have the

ability to organize and motivate the co-villagers, if local leadership provides

opportunities to participate them in various development programmes, and if the

government provides sizeable amount of financial and technical assistance in

mobilizing people’s resources and developing appropriate infrastructural facilities.

Participation of the tribals people in community affairs is lower, but this is not

the case with political participation, where the tribal respondents score higher on the

political participation continuum. Tribals participation includes voting, canvassing,

discussing political matters, attending meetings, contributing to election fund etc.





Several factors contributed to this type of political behaviour, may be stated as decayof traditional panchayats, growing importance of statutory panchayats,

industrialization, growth of market economy and the community development programmes through various schemes etc. They have now imbibed new influences,

values, attitudes and beliefs and take part in politics and modern political processfor pursuing economic needs, for satisfying social needs and pursuing particular

values. Political participation and political awareness influence one another. It is the

fact that because of the lack of education and socio-economic and political backwardness tribal people are not fully politically aware. Their level of awareness

is low and voting behaviour is influenced by money, mobilization activities of the political parties, friends and neighbours. They are less interested in occupying

political offices. ‘Panchayati Raj, has introduced the politics of opportunity and participation into the Indian village and in this respect has opened the way for significant change’ (Madan, 1977: 62); but the tribal people have not made any

significant change. However, Panchayati Raj seems to have developed a sense of

popular participation and political education among the tribals. Continuous orientation

of Marxian ideas by the CPI (M) cadres and party workers has become deep seated

in the minds of the tribal people. Abresent, they are class conscious. They are

oriented to the campaign of the left parties, particularly the CPI (M) that Panchayats

would take over benami lands and its distribution, would enable middle and poor peasants to secure bank credit, would also administer the food-for-work programme.

(Sen Gupta, 1978).

The participatory orientation of the tribes in different elections is high. All the

respondents interviewed expressed their views that they cast their votes in almostall elections. The respondents expressed that they did not want to alienate themselves

from the mainstream politics. They have adapted themselves with regime values and norms. Their attitudes towards political order and attitudes towards mobilization do

not differ basically from the general mass of the population, though their culture of

participation is not participatory in real sense of the term. With regard to attitudestowards political order there appears to be an agreement ‘on what procedures shall

be considered legitimate for purposes of obtaining and exercising governmental power regularizes political conflict and supports political order by making violent

techniques exceptional rather than ordinary.’ (Willhoites, 1963: 303). And with regard

to attitudes towards mobilization there appears to be a commitment to action and means of translating this commitment into action. The tribal people are adaptive to

and compromising with the prevailing attitudes towards socio-political conditions.

They cast votes, discuss political matters with their leaders, friends and neighbours,and also attend political meetings. Though they are not aware of various politicalissues they participate in elections for expressive purposes. Though a significant

number of tribal voters turn-out to the polling booths, most of them do not know

the significance of voting, their rights and duties and their role in the political system.

More interest in attending meetings than taking part in political discussionthrows light on the psychodynamic character of those people in controlling the

decision-making process and the decision. Less interest in politics than in political

discussion means that people with this psychodynamic character are intended to



grasp benefits through the political process, but not to take keen interest in mobi-

lization. The political parties (54.86 per cent) and the electioneering agents (28 per

cent) have contributed a lion’s share in providing information to the respondents

though they listen to Radio and TV, contribute only 17.14 per cent. Though they are

politically conscious and know the number of political parties (72.57 per cent) and

party symbols (68.00 per cent), but most of them do not know or are acknowledged

with party programmes and manifestoes (94.86 per cent), the symbol of political

parties like Congress (I) and BJP, except the symbol of CPI (M) (32 per cent) and

the number of political parties at present (27.43 per cent). These people are too much

politicized by the left parties and do prefer the CPI (M) party candidates to elect.

Out of 175 respondents a number of 162 (92.57 per cent) prefers the CPI (M). It is,

in fact, the mobilization effect of the CPI (M). Wage increase (33.71 per cent), land distribution (10.28 pre cent), economic assistance in terms of loans and subsidy

(14.28 per cent) and regular contact with the party workers and activists (41.73 per

cent) do have them impact in this preference politics. Even though the voters turn-

out on a large scale to cast their votes, they are not conscious of the electoral

process. They are not aware of their power functions and roles. The local leaders

and power seekers meet the voters at the time of elections and influence and

motivate them by assuming them that their problems would by solved and they get

them job and job opportunities, higher wages, patta lands, and loans and subsidy.

They do not have direct contact with the prime and frontal leaders, where the local

leaders play a dominant role in influencing and motivating the voters. They are

politicized, but not politically socialized in real sense of the term. The respondents

take a keen interest particularly in respect with the casting of votes. Though theyare not satisfied with the functioning of the political system and the government,

they do not alienate themselves from the mainstream. Their interest in politics and

participation in it are not yet highly developed and well-knit. They take interest in

politics and participate in it as they are mobilized to do so, but do not know what

role they have to play in the differentiated role structures. Though they are conscious

about political happenings, they cast their votes, attend meetings, take part in

political discussion and take interest in political matters. Educational attainment

appears to have the most important demographic effect on political attitudes. Among

the demographic variables usually investigated… none compares with the educational

variable in the extent to which it seems to determine political attitudes. The uneducated

man or man with limited education is a different political actor from the man who has

achieved a higher level of education.’ (Almond and Verba, 1963: 379). From the

survey it seems clear that illiterates (52 per cent) take interest in politics, take part

in political discussion and cast their votes. Their difference from the people having

formal education is the difference in terms of attending meetings. Illiterates do attend

meetings less, and, therefore, have less control over policy-decisions and less

contact with party-panchayat leaders. Conscience, knowledge and wisdom; political

competence, interest and responsibility; self-confidence, dominance and articulateness

do not direct their political attitudes. The formally educated people are much more

likely to attend meetings than the ill educated or illiterates. With regard to occupation

the agricultural labourers (64 per cent) and share-croppers (35 per cent) do take much





interest in politics, in attending meetings and in casting their votes in spite of their low income below subsistence level, lack of education and lower stratum of thecommunity. The tribal people are less interested in attending meetings and taking part in the decision-making process. Talking politics is a matter of time pass business

to them in leisure time. Due to lack of education they are not fully exposed to wider political information through mass media, therefore, they lack political competence,wider information about political issues and analysis of issues etc. ‘Democraticcompetence is closely related to having valid information about political issues and processes, and to the ability to use information in the analysis of issues and thedevising of influence strategies’ (Almond and Verba, 1963: 95). They receive politicalinformation from their leaders and are politicized by party-panchayat leaders. The

introduction of Panchayati Raj has provided them a new opportunity for increased political activities and overall politicization. The tribal village like any other villageis embraced with national political system. The first tier of the Panchayats is linked

with the Zilla Parishad, the State and the Centre. They are integrated into the wider political system. They contest election, cast votes, attend meetings, take part in political discussion and lastly, take interest in politics. This is a clear indication of the spirit of politicization among the tribal propular. The need for income security and the fear of periodic unemployment etc. have played an important role in the politicization pattern towards the left political forces. The agricultural labourers suffer

from acute seasonal unemployment and in this circumstances development programmesof the Left Front Government are clearly a boon to these tribal people. It is also afact that left political currents have also affected tribal people and the left-oriented political wave has overshadowed their politicization pattern.

Due to poor economic condition they become unable to receive developmental

inputs. Diversification of occupational structure has resulted in ranks among thetribal agricultural labourers, poor cultivators, white-collar workers etc. They enter

into borrowing development assets lesser than that of fulfilling social obligations like

marriage and death and of drinking. Application of modern technology has becomeslow in tribal areas mostly due to lower irrigation facility, poor land holding pattern

and disinvestment motives among tribes. Mass education has to be regularized and developed. The proportionate changes in techno-scientific and socio-cultural fields

are the essential pre-conditions for tribal development. Literacy, education and

economy have a substantial bearing on the receptivity of change and the level of

participation in development activities. Though they cherish and do aspire for more

cash in their hands to improve their living standard, they are unmindful to develop-

ment programmes. Most of the respondents say that the development programmeshave not made better economic life for them. Low level of literacy among then hasalways been a matter of concern to policy makers and planners and it has become

a problematic issue to them. The fact is that the poor economic condition of the tribal

people prevents the children from attending schools. The struggle for life is veryhard and the children make a substantial contribution to the economic activities of

the household. If the child is taken away to school, the family is deprived of the littleincome earned by the child. This explains the apathy of the tribal people towards

sacrifice for better future, hence low level of literacy is found among them(Sachchidananda, 1967). They brood over present and not the future. However, an



improvement in school enrolment of tribal children is a positive sign, but its spread seems to be localized and minimum or not up to the mark (Rao, 1990).

Participation of the tribal page in community development activities is lower, but

this is not the case with political participation, where the tribal respondents’ rate of

answering the questions asked is higher on the political participation continuum.

Tribal participation includes voting, canvassing, discussing political matters, attending

meetings, and contributing to election fund etc. Panchayati Raj seems to have

developed a sense of popular participation and political education among the tribals.

They are mobilized along class political lines by the left parties.

Transformation of tribal life is taking place in different regions of India at

different places. The changes in tribal life are brought about as a natural process of evolution, due to contact with other communities and after Independence as the

effect of different welfare and non-tribal population development measures, with the

purpose of bringing them quickly to the level of common mass of India. But there

are problems in integrating the tribes with others. India follows the capitalist economic

path and the path of competitive polity, while the former develops differentiation on

class lines and latter seeks to widen support structure across the narrow kinship and

caste boundaries, on the one hand. On the other, political ideology and practice

ignore growing economic differentiation between and within tribes, and legitimize

tribe with distinct social and cultural identity. There is conflict between the two. They

should not be treated as undifferentiated group. The contradiction should have to

be resolved through the automatic integration of the tribal people in the mainstream

society. The tribal population remain at the back of the queue. The establishment of

industries ‘lends urgency to the extension of protective measures’ so that they

cannot be exploited anymore. There is no need of directed integration. ‘The manner

of the integration of the tribal into the wider Indian society will ultimately be

determined by political decisions, and these will be not the basis of moral evaluations’

(Haimendorf, 1994: 322). There is the need for cultural tolerance and appreciation of

cultural values. Tribes should not be separated, but assimilated within the broader

Indian society in spontaneously. There is the need for protection so that they cannot

be exploited by the non-tribals and then neo-elites among the tribes in an undue

manner. privilege. They can develop along their own lines. The pattern of integration

can be shown in figurative dimensions (Fig. 1 & 2).

In a developing society like that of West Bengal, several intermingling variables

like lack of proper use of tribal language in educational institutions causing lessinterest among them, lack of knowledge about market economy, social distance

between tribal and non-tribal, consumption of excessive alcoholic liquor among the

tribal people, their traditional beliefs in health and hygiene and ceremonial practices

pulling them from modernization. The patron-clientable relationship between

programme implementers and tribal beneficiaries, lack of participation in the decision-

making process pushing them to destitution and poverty – all these impede the

development measures. Addiction to drinking is a complex problem in tribal

development that needs to be avoided. The causal relationship can be presented in

this respect: liquor addiction needs use of cereals ® food grain borrowing at a high




interest rate ® no or minimum scope for marginal savings ® no or minimum savings

® no or minimum investment ® low production in agriculture ® repayment of debt

with interest ® no capital formation ® poverty syndrome ® addiction to liquor out

of frustration and societal norms (Ray, et. al., 1982).

Fig. 1 : What Should Be

Political Sphere (A)

Particles of

A.B.C.D in

interaction

Non-tribal

Society (B)

Automatic Assimilation

of Integration

Tribal

Society (D)

Non-tribal

Society (B)

Sphere of directed integration

Fig. 2 : What Is





T a b

l e 3 : F a c t o r s c o n t r i b u t i n g t o t

h e p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f t h

e t r i b e s

P a r a m e t e r s

A g e g r o u p

T o t a l n o . o

f

N u m b e r o f

N o . o f t i m e

P e r c e n t a g e

r e s p o n d e n

t s

r e s p o n d e n t s

c a s t v o t e s

1 . N o . o f t i m e v o t e s c a s t

2 1 - 3 0

6 5

5

2

7 . 6 9

7

3

1 0 . 7 7

1 3

4

2 0 . 0 0

1 4

1 0

2 1 . 5 4

2 6

1 1

4 0 . 0 0

3 1 - 5 0

7 2

1 8

1 2

2 5 . 0 0

2 5

1 3

3 4 . 7 2

2 9

1 6

4 0 . 2 8

5 1 - 6 0

3 8

8

1 7

2 1 . 0 5

2 0

1 8

5 2 . 6 3

7

1 9

1 8 . 4 2

3

2 0

7 . 9 0

2 . M o t i v a t i o n b e h i n d v o t i n g

A .

E l e c t i n g t h e c a n d i d

a t e

2 1 - 6 5

1 7 5

7 9

. . . .

4 5 . 1 4

B .

I f t h e c a n d i d a t e i s

e l e c t e d , h e w i l l p r o v i d e

h e l p t o u s

2 1 - 6 5

1 7 5

9 6

. . . . .

5 4 . 8 6

C o n t d . . . .




P a r a m e t e r s

A g e g r o u p

T o t a l n o . o

f

N u m b e r o f

N

o . o f t i m e

P e r c e n t a g e

r e s p o n d e n

t s


c a s t v o t e s

3 .

M o t i v a t i n g a g e n t s

A . S o c i o - e c o n o m i c

. . . .

1 7 5

. . . .

. . . .

b a c k g r o u n d o f t h e

c a n d i d a t e s

B . P o l i t i c a l l e a d e r s

. . . .

1 7 5

8 1

. . . .

4 6 . 2 8

C . F r i e n d s a n d r e l a t i v e s

. . . .

1 7 5

1 3

. . . .

7 . 4 4

D . A l l u r e m e n t s l i k e w

a g e

. . . .

1 7 5

8 1

. . . .

4 6 . 2 8

i n c r e a s e , p a t t a l a n d s

d i s t r i b u t i o n , o p e r a

t i o n

b a r g a

4 .

D i s c u s s i o n o f p o l i t i c a l

i s s u e s

A . C a s u a l l y

. . . .

1 7 5

9 3

. . . .

5 3 . 1 4

B . R e g u l a r l y

. . . .

1 7 5

6 5

. . . .

3 7 . 1 4

C . N e v e r

. . . .

1 7 5

1 7

. . . .

9 . 7 2

5 .

D i s c u s s i o n w i t h

A . P o l i t i c a l l e a d e r s

. . . .

1 7 5

1 4 1

. . . .

8 0 . 5 6

B . F r i e n d s a n d r e l a t i v e s

. . . .

1 7 5

1 3

. . . .

7 . 4 4

C . F a m i l y m e m b e r s

. . . .

1 7 5

2 1

. . . .

1 2 . 0 0

6 .

I n f o r m a t i o n g a t h e r e d

t h r o u g h

A . R a d i o / T V

. . . .

1 7 5

3 0

. . . .

1 7 . 1 4

B . P o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s a n

d t h e i r

1 7 5

9 6

. . . .

5 4 . 8 6

l e a d e r s

C . E l e c t i o n e e r i n g a g e n t

. . . .

1 7 5

4 9

. . . .

2 8 . 0 0

C o n t d . . . .




P a r a m e t e r s

A g e g r o u p

T o t a l n o . o

f

N u m b e r o f

N o . o f t i m e

P e r c e n t a g e

r e s p o n d e n

t s


c a s t v o t e s

7 .

P o l i t i c a l a w a r e n e s s

A . N o . o f p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s

Y e s

. . . .

1 7 5

1 2 7 *

. . . .

7 2 . 5 7

N o

. . . .

1 7 5

4 8

. . . .

2 7 . 4 3

B . S y m b o l o f p o l i t i c a

l p a r t i e s

Y e s

. . . .

1 7 5

1 1 9 * *

. . . .

6 8 . 0 0

N o

. . . .

1 7 5

5 6 * * *

. . . .

3 2 . 0 0

C . E l e c t i o n m a n i f e s t o e s a n d

p r o g r a m m e s o f p o l i t i c a l

p a r t i e s

Y e s

. . . .

1 7 5

9 * * * *

. . . .

5 . 1 4

N o

. . . .

1 7 5

1 6 6

. . . .

9 4 . 8 6

D . P a r t y p r e f e r n c e

C o n g r e s s ( I )

. . . .

1 7 5

. . . .

. . . .

2 . 8 6

C P I ( M )

. . . .

1 7 5

. . . .

. . . .

9 2 . 5 7

B J P

. . . .

1 7 5

. . . .

. . . .

4 . 5 7

8 .

R e a s o n s f o r p a r t y

p r e f e r e n c e

A . W a g e i n c r e a s e

. . . .

1 7 5

5 9

. . . .

3 3 . 7 1

B . L a n d d i s t r i b u t i o n

. . . .

1 7 5

1 8

. . . .

1 0 . 2 8

C . L o a n s a n d s u b s i d

y

. . . .

1 7 5

2 5

. . . .

1 4 . 2 8

D . R e g u l a r c o n t a c t

. . . .

1 7 5

7 3

. . . .

4 1 . 7 3

* T h e y o n l y r e p o r t e d t h e n a m e s

o f t h r e e m a i n p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s , C o n g r e s s ( I ) , C P I ( M ) a n d B J P

* * T h e y k n o w t h e s y m b o l s o f t h e t h r e e m a i n p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s .

* * * T h e y d o n o t k n o w t h e s y m b o l s o f a l l t h e m a i n p a r t i e s , e x c e p t t h e C P I ( M )

* * * * O n l y t h e s e r e s p o n d e n t s k n

o w t h e e l e c t i o n m a n i f e s t o a n d p r o g r a m m e s o f t h e C P I ( M ) . T h e y a r e p a r t y w o r k e r s .

S O U R C E : F i e l d

S u r v e y

10




T a b l e

4 : S o c i o - e c o n o m i c i n d i c a t o r s

a n d p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f t h e t r i b a l s

P a r a m e t e r s

T o t a l n o . o f

V o t e s c a s t

P o l i t i c a l

A t t e n d i n g

I n t e r e s t i n


d i s c u s s i o n

m e e t i n g s

p o l i t i c s

E C O :

N o

P e r c e n t a g e

N o

P e r c e n t a g e

N

o

P e r c e n t a g e

N o

P e r c e n t a g e

N o

P e r c e n t a g e

L o w

1 4 3

8 2 . 0 0

1 4 3

8 2 . 0 0

1

3 5

7 7 . 1 4

6 5

3 7 . 1 4

1 4 3

8 2 . 0 0

M e d i u m

3 0

1 6 . 8 9

3 0

1 6 . 8 9

2

2

1 2 . 5 7

1 6

9 . 1 4

2 4

1 3 . 7 1

H i g h

2

1 . 1

1

2

1 . 1 1

1

0 . 5 7

2

1 . 1 1

2

1 . 1 1

E D U :

I l l i t e r a t e

9 1

5 2 . 0 0

9 1

5 2 . 0 0

7

9

4 5 . 1 4

4 1

2 3 . 4 2

9 1

5 2 . 0 0

L i t e r a t e

6 8

3 9 . 0 0

6 8

3 9 . 0 0

6

1

3 4 . 8 6

3 3

1 8 . 8 6

6 5

3 7 . 1 4

C l a s s I - I V

8

4 . 1

1

8

4 . 1 1

8

4 . 1 1

3

1 . 7 1

5

2 . 8 9

C l a s s I V - X

5

2 . 8

9

5

2 . 8 9

5

2 . 8 9

5

2 . 8 9

4

2 . 2 9

C l a s s X - X I I

3

2 . 0

0

3

2 . 0 0

3

2 . 0 0

2

1 . 1 4

3

2 . 0 0

O C C U :

A g r i c u l t u r a l

1 1 2

6 4 . 0 0

1 1 2

6 4 . 0 0

9

8

5 9 . 4 3

7 1

4 0 . 5 7

1 1 2

6 4 . 0 0

l a b o u r e r

S h a r e -

6 1

3 5 . 0 0

6 1

3 5 . 0 0

5

5

3 1 . 4 3

2 5

1 4 . 2 8

5 9

3 3 . 7 1

c r o p p e r

B u s i n e s s

2

1 . 0

0

2

1 . 0 0

…

…

…

…

…

…

O t h e r s

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

S O U R C E : F i e l d

S u r v e y



References

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Alpin, Mc. 1981. Report on the Conditi ons of the San thals (Calcutta).

Bandyopadhyaya, J. 1987. ‘Political Ecology of Drought and Water Scarcity’, EPW (Vol. 22:

No. 50 : December 12 ).

Biswas, P.C. 1956. Santals of the Santal Parganas (Delhi: Bharatiya Admjati Sevak Sangh).

Bose, Nirmal. 1977. ‘India’s Eastern Tribes’ in Romesh Thapper(ed.), Tribe, Caste and

Religion in Ind ia ( Meerut : Macmillan ).

Burdwan District Committee (CPI-M). 1985. Political-Organizational Report ( Burdwan : 14 th

Conference ).

Danda, A.K. and D.G. Danda. 1971. Development and Change in Basudha (Hyderabad: NationalInstitute of Community Development).

Debnath, Debasis. 1992. ‘Role of Tribes in Modern Panchayat System’, Bulle tin of the Cultural

Research Inst itute ( Vol. XVIII : No. 2 ).

Desai, A.R. 1977. ‘Tribes in Transition’ in R. Thapper (Ed.) Tribe, Caste and Religion (Meerut:

Macmillan).

Dhanagre, D.N. 1988. ‘Action Groups and Social Transformation in India’, Lok ayan Bulletin

(Vol. 6: No. 5).

Doshi, S.L. 1972. ‘Tribals: An Assimilationist Society and National Integration’ in K.S. Singh

(ed.), Tribal Situation in India (Simla: Institute of Advanced Study).

Elwin, V. 1963. The Tribal World of Verrier Elwin (New Delhi: OUP).

Fernandes, W. 1989. ‘The Forest Policy and the Forest Conservation (Amendment) Act,

1989’, Lokayan Bul letin (Vol. 7: No. 1).

Field Survey.

Government of India. 1963. Report of the Commiss ion for Schedu led Cas tes and Scheduled

Tribes – 1962-63.

Haial, Kancha. 1990. ‘SCs and STs: Systemic Exploitation’, Economic and Political Weekly

(December 22, 1990).

Haimendorf, Christoph von Furer. 1994. Tribes of India: The Struggle for Survival (Delhi:

OUP).

Inamdar, N.R. 1970. Functioning of Village Panchayats (Bombay: Popular Prakashan).

Kashyap, Anand. 1998. ‘Parameters of Tribal Development: Some Key Conceptual Issues’ in

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Linton, Ralph. 1936. The Study of Man (New York: Appleton Century Company).Madan, T.N. 1977. ‘Indian Society: The Rural Context’ in S.C. Dube (Ed.) India since Independence

(New Delhi: Vikas).

Mellor, J.W. 1976. The New Economics of Growth (London: Cornell University Press).

Pathy, Jaganath. 1998. ‘Impact of Development Projects on Tribals’ Relationship’ in V.

Joshi (ed.), Tribal Situation in India (New Delhi: Rawat Publications).

Pattanayak, D.P. and R.C. Heredia. 1994. ‘Tribal Education Development’, EPW (Vol. 30:

No. 16).

Planning Commission. 1990. An App roach to Eighth Five Year Plan (New Delhi:

Government of India).




Prabhu, Pradeep. 1998. ‘Tribal Movements: Resistance to Resurgence’, Journal of Social

Work (Vol.59: No.1).

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Development’ in T.V. Sathyamurthy (ed.), Reg ion , Rel igio n, Caste, Gen der and

Culture in Contemporary India , Vol.3 (New Delhi: OUP).

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and Culture in Contemporary India , Vol. III (New Delhi: Oxford University Press).

Rao, G. Rama. 1990. ‘Growth and Disparity in School Enrolment of Scheduled Tribes in

Selected States’ in Ashish Bose, U.P. Sinha and R.P. Tyagi (eds.), Demography of

Tribal Development (New Delhi: B.R. Publishing Corporation).

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Political Quarterly (Vol. XXVI: June).




Pokhran Potters of Shilpagram

Pritish Chaudhuri*

About Shilpagram

The state of Rajasthan is broadly divided into two ecological zones— Mewar

and Marwar . Mewar is the green part and Marwar is the desert region. The city of Udaipur comes under the Mewar region consisting of vibrant festivals and multi

coloured traditions, customs and festivals throughout the year. Situated on an

altitude of 598 m above sea level, 24° 58 N, 73° 68 E This place is an ideal centre

of crafts and performing arts. In view of this, the fair is known as Shilpagram Utsav

which was set up at Shilpagram by the Government of Rajasthan with an idea to

encourage the cottage industry of the state. Rajasthan being a kaleidoscopic heritage

site which attracts tourists even from foreign countries but due to land terrain

character it is not highly fertile for high yielding agricultural product.

The word Shilpagram literally means the village of craftsmen. It is located 3 km

west from Udaipur near Hawala village. Shilpagram consists of 26 huts and those are

spread over an area of total 70 acres (130 bighas) of undulating terrains. The entire

area is beautiful and surrounded by the Aravalli hills.

Shilpagram is an ideal example of ethnographic museum showing enormous

varieties and diversities of crafts, arts and culture of various states of India and it

highlights the lifestyle and folk-traditions of the tribal people of the western zone.

One of the attractive features is that the huts and stalls of the member states are

built in their traditional architectural pattern. The huts are linked with one another.

Such a concept reveals the rich tradition of the state as well as hints to the mode

of unity of diversity and national integrity prevailing in this study area.

Government of Rajasthan intends to uplift the traditional art and culture of

Shilpagram at world level. Through this festival, the local and rural artists get the

chance to display their art in front of the national as well as international visitors.

Winter season is the best time to visit Udaipur. Ten day long festival is

organised during the month of December. During this period maximum number of

tourists visit Shilpagram. Shilpagram is an attractive destination for entertainment,

education and exploration.

This rural arts and crafts campus provides a common platform to both rural and

urban artists to perform their best and interact with each other. It offers an oppor-

*Junior Research Fellow, Anthropological Survey of India, Western Regional Centre, Pratapnagar,

Udaipur.

Brief Communication



tunity to the rural and the urban artists to share their experiences and exchange their

ideas and technologies. This enrich their skill in arts and crafts. Shilpagram has

paved the way to promote contemporary urban potters, designers, visual artists, to

work and produce their traditional art everyday and then put there for exhibition and

sell it to the visitors. If anybody is interested to learn the art and craft of Rajasthan,

he/she can join the workshops that are meant for the demonstration of methods.

Here one can understand the lifestyle of the weavers and local artists at a glimpse

over the portrayed pictures displayed in the stalls. This is actually done to make

people aware about the present condition and status of the artists. A visit to this

place would give one a view of the rural arts and crafts. Shilpadarshan is a program

organised by the Shilpagram authority in order to ascertain the skill of traditionally

performing artists and craftsmen in an open platform.

Another main motive of this fair is to generate awareness and knowledge of

rural lifestyle, tradition and culture among the younger generation. Special emphasis

is given on workshops for children to teach them art, craft, theatre and music.

In Shilpagram, there are five huts from Rajasthan in integrated pattern which

represents weaver’s community from Marwar zone. There are two huts named after

the two sand bound villages of Rama and Sam from the desert. From a village named

Dhol, 70 km west of Udaipur, there is a potter’s hut. There are two more huts of tribal

communities of southern Rajasthan. The tribal communities are the Bhil and the

Sahariya.

Thus each member state of the western zone has huts describing certain occu-

pations of the people of the area. It is interesting to highlight how Indian people

have fashioned and reshaped this basic element to suit their environment and needs.

Similarly, two member states of the west zone feature weaving, again as an affirmation

of how the ecological setup and needs of the people have led to achieving such a

variety of occupation. The varieties are heritage and culture.

A visit to rural arts and crafts complex becomes an educative and enriching

experience. The hut from Sam is planned for the organizational workshops and

seminars. The cluster of Banni and Bhujodi huts from Gujarat would have been built

for the guests such as master craftsmen, research scholars, etc. So we can say that

this place of knowledge and education has become an important landmark in Udaipur,

and Government of India has decided to replicate them in all the states of India.

Pokhran potters at Shilpagram

Making of objects with clay is an ageold tradition of India. In the early stages

of civilization, men first made the object for storage. Earthenware always played a

vital role in every civilization at different periods. Till now this ageold tradition is in

practice all over India. Different regions have their own distinct features depending

upon the climate, soil type etc. People made pottery for both household and ritual

purposes according to their use and utility. With the passage of time its typology,

technique, art forms purposes get changes. But still in rural India earthenware, are

used for the domestic purposes. Now-a-days, stress is being given on its marketing.

148 Pokhran Potters of Shilpagram



With this view in mind, the Government and various non government organizations

are organizing fairs, seminars and workshops for promotion of their products. This

was the initiative taken by the Rajasthan Government to settle the potters in Shilpagram

so that they can show their traditional skill and sell their products. Apart from

pottery, various terracotta articles also attract both domestic and foreign tourists.

Rajasthan is a land of wide varieties of pottery and terracotta art found at different

regions. For example, paper thin pottery of Alwar, blue pottery of Jaipur, brightly

coloured terracotta plaques of Molela, etc. are famous.

While watching the wide variety of traditional handicrafts at Shilpagram, I met

with Mishrilal (30 years) and his younger brother Bhojraj (17 years) at their stall busy

in bargaining with the customers. During conversation he gladly introduced himself and showed me his masterpieces. He took me inside his small workshop and re-

quested me to sit. After some conversation I came to know that he was staying at

Shilpagram for the last eight years. In the first hand interview he informed me about

his daily activities, lifestyle and economic condition. Mishrilal and Bhojraj demon-

strated me the way of manufacturing their products. This demonstration also pro-

vided some practical idea about their techniques and art patterns.

The word kumar or kumhar are used for the potters. A potter belongs to many

varieties of castes in India. This is a pan Indian community which is spread all over

India. But the potters of Pokhran call themselves as Prajapat, the son of Lord

Bramha. The concept is that Lord Bramha has created this earth with mud. Hence,

they also create objects and work with mud. Mishrilal is the trained son of his father

Lunaramji Prajapat who is also famous as an expert terracotta sculptor and potter.

His father has visited various workshops all over India. He is the actual resident of

Pokhran in Jaisalmer district of Rajasthan. Their families are associated with the same

profession generation after generation.

Mishrilal is provided with a type of permanent house at Shilpagram by the

Shilpagram authority. There, they are allowed to make their articles and demonstrate

the working procedure whenever asked by the visitors. In return the Shilpagram

authority charges Rs. 300.00 per month from such learners. I have come to know that

his income is irregular throughout the year and accordingly he his maintaining is

family. During winter season, as already been mentioned in the introductory part of

Shilpagram that a good number of customers visit the shop. That time he had good

number of customers. In the peak season, hardly he is getting any time to relax because, the demand of products is more. So, in order to maintain the balance in

between demand and supply he pays his labour as much as he can. Profit is also

not bad, but, doesnot meet their expectation. In the tourist season or in festive

occasions the income is around Rs. 10000.00 to Rs. 15000.00 per month. But, during

the ten days Shilpagram fair, the authority charges Rs. 2000.00 only for ten days as

rent, while previously they used to charge Rs. 500.00 only.

In off season, it is seen a different picture. The rest of the year is almost devoid

of tourists because of the harsh summer and scorching heat. During the interview

Pritish Chaudhuri 149



with Mishrilal, he moreover told me that he earns Rs.4000.00 or more per month by

selling his products during the lean period of the year.

One more interesting feature is that, the activities and workout of Mishrilal is

not confined within Shilpagram. Each year, he participates in various other trade fairs

all over India. But basically he visits four selective places, eg., Delhi, Gandhinagar

(Gujarat), Bhopal (Madhya Pradesh), Raipur (Chattishgarh) to demonstrate the easy

way of making arts and crafts to the interested learners and simultaneously selling

own products in the fair as taken from Shilpagram.

Conclusion

Pokhran potteries are distinctive in nature and consist of stylish forms with

inside decorative patterns. It reflects the traditional form. There are some potterytypes such as, the lotas with long spouts that are meant for pouring oil. The

spherical bottles with narrow mouth are used as oil container. Round spherical

bottles with narrow mouth, which can be closed by pottery plugs and can be hanged

around the shoulder by the camel riders are used while they travel through the long

desert. Apart from these main items, the potters of Shilpagram generally prefer to

make small clay articles which are meant for decorative purpose. These include magic

lamps, terracotta bell with chain, lantern, terracotta figurines of various gods and

goddesses, animals and other toys, small size plaques, etc. All these articles are

either painted black or red. The black colour is generally in the oil paint which is

easily available in the market, but the red paint is prepared by them though not

abundent. This is locally known as ‘Geru’. Apart from these decorative articles, they

also make some household earthenwares which are used for both decorative and domestic purposes. Such items include bowl with lid for keeping curd and cooling

jug.

References

Saraswati, Baidyanath and N. K. Behura 1966- Pottery Techniques in Peasant India. Anthro-

pological Survey of India, Govt . of India , Calcutta 13.

Saraswati, Baidyanath. Ed. 1978- Pottery Making Cultures and Indian Civilization. Shakti

Malik Abhinav Publications, New Delhi- 110016.

Ranjan, Aditi and M P Ranjan - nd - Crafts of India, Handmade in India. National Institute

of Design. Ahmedabad, Published by Council of Handicraft Development Corporations,

(COHANDS), New Delhi.

150 Pokhran Potters of Shilpagram



International Border Situation in North

East India and the Distant CommunitiesBibhash Dhar*

Ganesh Ch.Ojah*

The North East region of India is having international borders on all the

four directions. It is connected to the Indian mainland through a narrow corridor

known as the ‘Siliguri Neck’.

Under the XIth Plan project, the ‘Border Area Studies’ taken up by the

Anthropological Survey of India, three officials were deployed from the North East

Regional Centre of the Survey, located at Shillong. Till March 2011 the deployed

team under the said project covered four international borders, namely, the Indo-

Bhutan border in the Baksa district in Assam, Indo-Bangladesh border

near Dawki in the East Khasi Hills district of Meghalaya, Indo-Bangladesh border

in the Dhubri district of Assam and the Sino-Indian border in the Zemithang

Administrative Cirle, Tawang district, Arunachal Pradesh. Only border left to be

covered is the Indo-Myanmar border in Mizoram which will be covered in May-June

2011. During the Executive Committee meeting held at the Western Regional

Centre of the Survey at Udaipur in April 2011, it was decided that the same

research team would cover the Sino-Indian border in the North district of Sikkim.

The findings are different in each studied situation. It is obvious as

because the situations on the borders can never be uniform as each situation

would speak a different story and the human problems and situations also differ.

Following are the excerpts from the different border situations:

INDO-BHUTAN BORDER

Out of the four borders studied, first of all, the discussion is taken up on

the Indo-Bhutan border at Samdrupjongkar in the Baksa district of Assam. It is an

open border, and one can enter through the decorative gate at Samdrupjongkar in

Bhutan from 7 a.m. and should come out from Bhutan before 4 p.m. A formal entry

is made in a register and a person is free to enter, but, the entry is allowed only

upto the market at Samdrupjongkar. On the Indian side there is, however, no formal

gate and no register is maintained where the identity of Bhutanese citizens are

registered. For the purpose of the present study, the border villages of Darranga

Mela Bazar, Nanke Darranga and Sashipur are considered.

It has been found that there is no ‘no man’s land’ in between the two nations

and especially between Samdrupjongkar and Darranga Mela Bazar or

*Anthropological Survey of India. N.E.Regional Centre. Shillong

Brief Communication



152 International Border Situation in North East India & the Distant Communities

between Bhutan and Nanke Darranga and Sashipur. Further there is a high wall

along the border constructed by the Government of Bhutan for their own security

as the forest coverage in the study area was found to be a safe corridor for the

ULFA that are active in Assam and the neighbouring states in the North East India.

Surprisingly, the wall is hardly of a length of two hundred metres and such a

short wall might not be serving the purpose as the rest of the area is left quite

open. It has been observed that in a certain uninhabited land between Bhutan

and India which is supposed to be ‘no man’s land’ between Daranga Mela

Bazaar and Samdrupjongkar, a large contingent of families of doubtful citizenship

who were driven away from the Merapani area of Nagaland-Assam border, have

been settled here by the authority.

Indian citizens that have made this international open border their homehave been found to be dependent on Bhutan for their economic survival. There

are many who work at Samdrupjongkar in different capacities. There are

teachers, security personnels, shop assistants and a large contingent _of labour

force. They earn their livelihood from Bhutan and leave their respective houses in

India for their respective workplaces in Bhutan in the morning and come back on foot

to India through the gate at Samdrupjongkar before 4 p.m.

INDO-BANGLA BORDER (MEGHALAYA)

To take a stock of the situation of the lndo-Bangla, border in Meghalaya,

the village Pyrdiwah in the East Khasi Hills district and Muktapur, the border village

under the Jaintia Hills district of the state of Meghalaya were selected by the

research team on considering the fact that the villages are bordered with Bangladeshand have people from different communities. This is a criterion for the ‘Border Area

Studies’. Importantly, a few years back there was a confrontation between the two

countries due to disputed boundary in Pyrdiwah. Muktapur has no barbed wire

fencing and the families on the border are of easy prey to the miscreants from the

other side of the border.

It was found that the village, Pyrdiwah is populated by the Jaintia, quite a few

families belonging to the ex-tea garden labourers, originally from the

Chotanagpur plateau and a few Bengalee Hindu families. The village does not

have the barbed wire fencing over the actual Line of Control (LOC) as the LOC is

perhaps yet to be determined. One may be even afraid that if the barbed wire fencing

comes into reality, then almost the whole of Pyrdiwah may go out of the hands. May

be due to this confusion quite a big unit of the Border Security Force (BSF) isstationed in the village.

Further, the families of the ex-tea-garden workers that are found today in the

village are all migrants from the tea gardens of Bangladesh. Some Hindu families also

are immigrants. These families are found in the village but are passing the days in

uncertainity as they are under constant threat from the local inhabitants to leave the

village and go elsewhere. It may be mentioned here that the ex-tea-garden people

do not have any place to go as according to them, even if they go back to Jharkhand

or Bihar there would be nobody to recognize them or allot them land. Moreover, they



have no other way of survival other than agriculture and as such they really need

substantial volume of agricultural land while they are so poor that they are not in

a position to buy even inch of land from their savings. Today, most of the Hindu

and the ex-tea-garden family members earn their livelihood as daily wage earners in

the areca nut plantations owned by the Jaintias of Pyrdiwah.

It would be interesting to note that even today the people of Pyrdiwah and

those of Bangladesh have marital relations across the border, though less in

number.

The village, Muktapur is situated some 45 kilometres east of Pyrdiwah. The

hamlet where the non-tribals huts are left to the mercy of the almighty for their

survival. There is neither fencing, nor any border guard deployed there.The land is plain and opened to Bangladesh with some water bodies here and

there. It has been told that the people have incurred loss of good number of their

cattle stolen during the nights and robberies also often take place. People earn their

livelihood as daily wage earners in the areca-nut and other plantations owned by

the Jaintias. Situations have even forced some of their women to be sex workers as

they could not find any other means of earning bread.

INDO-BANGLADESH BORDER (ASSAM)

Indo-Bangladesh borders in Assam though officially closed are

considered to be one of the porous international borders that India shares with

any neighbouring country. To undertake the study, the research team thought to

work in one of the vulnerable borders that Assam shares with Bangladesh. With

this idea in mind one of the borders in the district of Dhubri was selected after holding meetings with the local administrative machinery in the district

headquarter town also known as Dhubri. The selected border with Bangladesh is

the Ramraikuthi border, located 42 kilometres from the district headquarter town

of Dhubri. Just about half a kilometer within the barbed wire fencing on the

Indian side is one of the famous moncisteries (Satra) founded by Srimanta

Sankardev, the legendary reformist of Assam of the yesteryears. This known as the

Satrasal Satra. Population is cosmopolitan, consisting of Bengali Hindus,

Assamese Hindus and Bengali speaking Muslims. The hutments of the Bengali-

speaking Muslims are located quite near the barbed wire fencing whereas of

the Assamese and Bengali Hindus are around the Satra. The legend is that

Srimanta Sankardev visited the present Satrasal area which was quite a marshy

land in the past and found the plot of land nearby the OuTenga (elephant apple)tree to be one of the most suitable site for setting up the Satra. Further, it is learnt

that the Maharaja of Cooch Behar, King Naranarayan donated the land long

back, in the early part of the 16th century, to be used for the construction of a Satra.

The donation was made in a copper plate.

One of the important observations in this border is that the barbed wire

fencing has been properly maintained by the Border Security Force (BSF)

personnel and they claim that in that particular stretch of about sixty kilometers,

there are no reports of any untoward incidents. A black topped road, locally

Bibhash Dhar, Ganesh Ch.Ojah 153



known as the BSF road passes by the barbed wire fencing that is used for BSF

patrolling. None is allowed to use the road after sunset and the BSF are very

strict on this point.

Another interesting observation is that there are three black steel gates

at certain intervals on the long stretch of barbed wire fencing. These gates are

opened on fixed timings to help those Indian peasants who claim to have

cultivable plots in between the zero line and the barbed wire fencing. As per norms,

the barbed wire fence, are constructed some 150 yards away from the zero line on

both sides. These peasants are thus allowed to take out their agricultural

implements near the zero line by entering through the gates manned by the BSF but,

if any mishap takes place near the zero line, the BSF would not be able to rescue

the victims as they have not entered through the gates at their own risk. Those

peasants who enter through the gates are supposed to come back latest by 4 p.m.

After that the gates would be locked by the BSF and there would be no chance for

those who are trapped inside to come out.

Another important information that could be collected from the study area is

that just on the other side of the border (in Bangladesh) there is an informal school

that teaches Assamese language. It is felt that such an attempt is made with some

intention and the idea behind is only to camouflage the identity of the infiltrators

inside Assam.

SINO-INDIAN BORDER (ARUNACHAL PRADESH)

For studying the Sino-Indian border; the research team thought of selecting the

Zemithang Administrative Circle of the Tawang district in the bordering highlands

in Arunachal Pradesh are uni-ethnic. Zemithang area was selected for the study

because it borders Bhutan to its west and China to its north. Hence, it was thought

that both the border situations could perhaps be assessed in this tri-junction amidst

the snowy mountains.

With this idea in mind, the team selected the village Lumpo, last Indian

village towards either China of Bhutan for the proposed study. The village Lumpo

is about 7000 feet above the mean sea level and overlooks the river Nyamjang-

chu the turbulent river that flows from China and washes the Zemithang Circle before

entering into Bhutan. The study village, Lumpo is populated by 40 families of

Pangchenpa tribesmen. The Pangchenpa since time immemorial were known in the

eastern Himalayas as caravan traders of indigenous items and also expert in moving

through the mountain passes. They are periodical mountain agriculturists. But, the

Pangchenpa never showed any interest in the mountain agriculture as the country

they occupy do not support agriculture due to rocky and unfertile soil condition. But

the rich vegetation of grass in the summer made them switch over the transhumant

activities and somehow they were not interested in indigenous trades through the

mountain passes.

Today, the situation is such that the people are not able to carry out their

transhumant activities as they used to do earlier primarily because many of the

mountain grasslands in the serene frontiers are under the occupation of




uniformed personnel of a different country. Nevertheless, the mountain pastures

towards Bhutan border is relatively safe. So, people at present generally venture

towards the Bhutan bordr. As the pastures were allocated to different families since

the traditional days, every herder therefore have access in the grasslands towards

the Bhutan border. Landscape near the Bhutan border is such that there are no

mountain passes that could facilitate human movements due to the presence of deep

gorges. The Bhutanese traders thus visit the Zemithang area through Dudunkhar

post near Lurnla, west of Zemithang. Secondly, the Pangchenpas are now required

to obtain pasture passes on payment from the administration that are to be duly

endorsed by the army officials as it is essential to identify a Pangchen pastoralist.

But, the people expressed displeasure over it and have largely lost interest in their

traditional economy of transhumance. As a result, there is a distinct fall in the production of milk and milk products, an item for which the Pangchenpa were known

in the mountains for a long time. Till the recent past it was a common scene to see

the Bhutanese traders from Bhutan to visit the Pangchen villages with horse, loads

of millet to be exchanged with the Pangchen butter and Churpi, a cheese-like

substance. But today, these people seldom visit the Pangchen villagers as the supply

of milk products have gone down substantially. As a result, the people procure their

food requirement from the markets, Zemithang proper which is only 17 kilometers

down from Lumpo. The people of Lumpo have also diversified their economy due

to the fall in their traditional transhumant activities and are now road labourers under

Broder Roads Organization (BRO) and army porters.

Surprisingly, it has been found that at present more than 40 per cent of the

population of Lumpo are in the age-group of 1-10 years. It shows that themortality rate is quite high. There is no health care facilities in Lumpo or for that

matter in the whole of the Circle of Zemithang. Similarly, the scenario of education

is also grim. Interestingly, many teen-age boys and girls in Lumpo have been found

to be undergoing Buddhist studies in Mysore. On enquiry it has been found that

the study is free of cost and the boys and girls have been assured by some people

of doubtful identity that once they complete the studies, they would be attached to

different Tibetan-Lamaist Buddhist monasteries in Taiwan and United States. Hence,

some people of doubtful identity are playing false with the innocence of the teens

of Lumpo and it perhaps would not be any exaggeration if so said that these may

be practised for the purpose of serving the vested interested out of cheating the

innocent teen agers. Incidentally till date no such boy or girl has been attached to

any Buddhist monastery outside India. Still the teens are showing interest in suchstudies with the hope to go out of the country.

CONCLUSION

From the above paragraphs that briefly described the human situations on

the four different international borders of the North East India that have been

studied till date, it has been found that all the communities are distantly located and

are faced with problems which are again of different types. The problems can be in

the forms of mental tension and even physical harassment caused by random

infiltration and occasional incidents of cattle thefts which affected the border




communities economically to a large extent. These were caused by the miscreants

from the other side of the international borderr,’especially in Meghalaya-Bangladesh

border in the Jaintia Hills and Khasi Hills districts in the study villages of Pyrdiwah

and Muktapur. Villagers of Pyrdiwah are suffering from mental agony as because the

village with its cluster of houses is quite beyond the border pillar No. 1271 that

demarcates the international border of the two Republics. Hence, the mental tension

and a feeling of uncertainity is prevailing there all along.

During the study, a situation has been found especially in the Indo-Bhutan

and to some extent in the lndo-Bangladesh border in Meghalaya and that is the

absence of ‘no man’s land’. Examples’ can be cited from the study villages

namely, Nanke Daranga, Darranga Mela Bazar and Sashipur in case of Indo-Bhutan border and Muktapur and Pyrdiwah in case of lndo-Bangladesh border in

Meghalaya. People have constructed their dwelling houses right on the

international border without spearing space from ‘no-man’s land’.

Further, a total number of 57 Indian villagers from the study villages of

Sashipur and Nanke Darranga on the Indo-Bhutan border have been found to be

economically dependent on Bhutan to earn their livelihood. They have been

found to be working in different capacities in the establishments of the

Government of Bhutan and also in the private enterprises as hotel managers,

vehicle mechanics, labourers in the commercial complex at Samdrupjongkar in

Bhutan. Even there is one person who is serving in the Bhutan army in the

study village of Nanke Darranga. It is thus found that these Indian citizens are

maintaining relation in between the two countries in their process of earning

livelihood. Thus, this group of people belonging to the different communities such

as the Assamese, Bengalee, Nepali, Bihari, ex-tea-garden labour community and the

Bodo are performing the functions of a bridge community in this border of India and

Bhutan.

Third situation is that of the India-Bangladesh international border in the

state of Assam as seen in the study village Ramraikuthi in the district of Dhubri

(Assam) somewhat varied. It has been found here that, though primarily it is the

habitat of two religious groups, still, till date there are ‘no records of any religious

or ethnic clash in the area. People of the study villages are of the opinion that mere

presence of the Satrasal Satra, the monastery of Srimanta Sankaradev is playing

a pivotal role in bridging the gap, if any, in between the two religious groups. Mostof the people of the study village are agriculturists. The international border between

India and Bangladesh is well fenced but it is only for 40 kilometres. But beyond

these 40 kilometres towards North Bengal, the border is not fenced and it is

alleged that there are mafia dons who are active in pushing the herds of cattle

that reach the area from different parts of northern India.

Another situation observed in the study area is that people who have

cultivable land inside the barbed wire fence but on the Indian side of the zero

line, that may as well be termed as ‘no man’s land’, are allowed by the Border




Security Force (BSF) personnel to till their land and work there from 8 a.m. to 4 p.m.

The problem is that, suppose a crisis takes place on these people after entering

through the gate into ‘no man’s land’ then there is none from India to help and

rescue them. It has been even reported that the Indian farmers often incur loss as

their crops are often cut, aken away or destroyed by the miscreants who have

access from the other side.

Importantly, it is even alleged that there is a formal school at Boholpur,

opposite the study village, where Assamese is taught to the people so that those

illegal immigrants would be able to keep themselves under camouflage and

perhaps be safe from the eyes of the Indian authorities.

Situation on the Sino-Indian border in Zemithang is again of a differenttype. Here the international border is an imaginary line and known as the

McMohan Line. The border is far away even from the last village of India where the

study was undertaken. The Pangchenpa, the tribesmen group who have made the

area as their habitat are primarily transhumant in their economy. Today, they have

been forced to bring a change in their economy as many of their mountain pastures

where they used to rear their stock of flocks and herds of yaks are under the

occupation of uniformed personnel of an alien nation. As a result, the people have

started to avoid those mountain pastures as they do not feel secure in those serene

physical surroundings as they feel that the aliens are keeping an evil eye on them.

The pastures towards the Bhutan border are relatively safe but the people have

given up exploring those pastures as all the herders should not form crowd on these

pastures that are traditionally allotted to certain families for their herding. It may bementioned that their forefathers since the remote past were allotted the pastures in

the name of different families and now due to some political developments the people

have started to avoid a large number of pastures which are under threat and thus

are facing crisis so far pastures are concerned. Introduction of ‘pasture pass’ is also

a point of displeasure for the Pangchenpa. All these contributed to the sudden fall

in the production of milk products in the Pangchen habitat. Till recent past they were

known in this part of the Himalayas as producers of best milk and milk products are

now forced to be casual agriculturists and road labourers. There is a cry in the

Pangchen habitat for health care and educatioal infrastructure. People suffer a lot due

to the absence of both essential and basic institutions that are a must for develop-

ment and survival. People located in the distant borders in the North East have

categorically expressed their displeasure that in this age of globalization the distant

communities are yet not able to communicate to people elsewhere in the country

through their cell phones in spite of so many mobile towers seen here and there.




A Short Note on Hybridization—Inter-Ethnic

Matings among the Tai Khamti of

Arunachal Pradesh

Saumitra Barua*1

Mithun Sikdar*2

The Khamti (sometimes written as the Khampti) or the Tai Khampti belongto the greater Tai race or ethnic groups. They are distributed mainly in the Lohit-district of Arunachal Pradesh and their adjoining districts and areas. The Taigroups belong to a branch of Mongoloid population of Asia distributed mainly inthe Shan State of Burma, Thailand, Laos and the Yunan State of the PeopleRepublic of China. The Tai Khamti or the Khampti entered North East India inthe 18th century A.D. when Alomphra (Alaungphaya—Burmese or Myanmarese pronounciation), the king of the then Burma caused the final dismemberment of theShan Empire of the Pong area of the present day Myanmar or Burma (Gogoi1971). The other Tai groups or populations who entered India in the 18th century

A.D. for the same reason stated above are the Tai Phakial and the Tai Khamiyang.The Tai Khamti resembles the other two Tai populations, viz, Tai Phakial and the TaiKhamiyang in the socio-cultural as well as the religion point of view. The TaiKhamiyang and Tai Phakial are considered to be the sister populations of theKhamti. The Ahom or the Tai Ahom who are widely distributed in North EastIndia particularly in the state of Assam also belong to the greater Tai race. TheKhamti differ from the Ahom socio-culturally and from the point of view of their religion. The Ahom entered the North East India as invaders, majority of whomwere the males, around 1228 A.D. just about the time when Kublai Khan wasestablishing his power in China ( Gogoi 1971).

The Khamti of North East India is divided into two partially endogamoussubgroups : the Khamti of Assam known as the Assam Khamti and the Khamti of Arunachal Pradesh known as the Arunachal Pradesh Khamti. The Assam Khamtiis a small transplanted population numbering around 450 individuals inhabitingthe Narayanpur and the Bihpuria area of Lakhimpur district of Assam. They werefragmented from the parental population, i.e., the Khamti of Arunachal Pradesh,in 1843 A.D. when they in a group of 500 individuals were deported to their present habitat by the British ruler. Since then they remained maritally isolated

from the parental population and formed a small subpopulation of the greater

*1Project Scientist, Anthropological Survey of India, Shillong

*2Asstt. Anthropologist (Physical), Anthropological Survey of India, Western Regional Centre,

Udaipur.

Brief Communication



Khamti population. In recent years, i.e., within two or three decades, there had beensome exchange of mates between the Assam Khamti and Arunachal PradeshKhamti (Barua, 1993). The present report is on the inter-ethnic matings or hybridization among the Tai Khamti of Arunachal Pradesh.

Material and Method

The present study is based on 118 unrelated Khamti individuals of

Arunachal Pradesh of which 13 individuals were married and rest were unmarried

from whom blood sample had been collected for the study of DNA polymorphism’

The studied individuals belonged to 14 years of age and above, of which 25

individuals were females and rest males. The ethnicity and the geographical

locations of birth places of both the parents, i.e., father and mother of theindividuals whose blood had been collected were noted carefully and thoroughly.

Besides, the ethnicity and the birth places of 13 married individuals and their

spouses were also noted down. Thus the study is based on 131 couples, i.e.,

(118+13) couples or mating pairs. The data had been collected from the Primary

Health Centre, Community Health Centre, Covernment and Private Higher Secondary

residential and non residential schools and some NGO units situated within and

around Chowkham and Namsai administrative centre, Lohit district, Arunachal

Pradesh.

Results and Discussion

Of the total number of 118 unrelated Khamti individuals from whom 5 ml. of

blood had been collected for a study in DNA polymorphisms, it was found that 9individuals have one of the parents particularly the mothers belonging to the non

Khamti populations or groups. Thus, 7.63 percent are found to be the product of

inter group matings. Of the 9 individuals, 6 individuals have mothers who actually

belong to the non Tai groups and the remaining 3 individuals have mothers who

actually belong to the greater Tai ethnicity. Thus 5.08 percent of the studied

individuals are hybrids in true sense of term (Table 1). Besides these

parents, of the 118 tested individuals, the ethnicity and the geographical locations

of the spouses of the studied married individuals—the wives and the husbands, i.e.,

the Khamti husbands are considered in this paper. Thus the total number of couples

and the mating pairs which include both the parents of the studied individuals are

found to be 131. Of the total 131 couples or mating pairs, 10 union or pairs are

actually inter group or inter tribal union giving the rate as 7.63 percent. Of the 10inter group union, 3 union or mating pairs -are actually the union or mating with

the different Tai groups, i.e., 2 cases are the union with the Tai Khamiyang and one

case is with the Tai Phakial. Not even a single case of union with the Tai Ahom has

been reported in the present study. Thus giving the rate of true inter-ethnic union

or matings to be 5.34 percent (Table 2). Of the 7 cases of true inter-ethnic

union, one case of union in each is found to be with the Singpho, Minyong Adi,

Miju Mishmi, Idu Mishmi and the Digaru Mishmi of Arunachal Pradesh and 2 cases

of union are found to be with the Limbu and Tamang Nepali. Since the Khamti is

a patriarchal, partrilocal and patrilineal community, the admixed union are with the

Saumitra Barua, Mithun Sikdar 159

11



females belonging to the outside groups, i.e., non Khamti. Hence, mitochondrial

DNA polymorphic traits likely to enter the Tai Khamti gene pool from the outside

or non Khamti populations. But in true sense of the term if we consider all the Tai

groups as a single ethnic entity then the exact inflow of non Tai mitochondrial DNA

traits will be able to be shown.

Barua (1993) reported that the Khamti of North East India are broadly divided

into two partially endogamous subgroups based on geographical locations, viz. the

Assam Khamti and the Arunachal Pradesh Khamti (introduction). The union (the

mating or marriage) between two Khamti individuals where

one of the partner belonged to the Khamti of different geographical location or

group, i.e., Assam Khamti has been shown in Table 3. The table suggests that 6.87 per cent of the matings or the marriages are with the Assam Khamti and 85.50 per

cent of the matings or the marriages are within themselves, i.e., within Arunachal

Pradesh Khamti. The present study therefore agrees with the study undertaken by

Barna (1993) among the Assam Khamti, that is, there is some exchange of mates

between the two subgroups of the Khamti.

Table 1. Hybrid individuals among the total Khamti individuals being studied.

Total no of individuals

studied

118

No. of individuals whose

one of their parents be-

long to different ethnic

group, i.e., belong to thenon Tai group*

6 (5.08)

No. of individuals whose

one of their parents are

Non Khamti but belong

to the greater Tai group

3 (2.54)

Figure in the parenthesis are percentages.

* include one individual whose one of the parent actually belonged to the Singpho tribe of

Arunachal Pradesh. The Singpho are the offshoot of the Kachin of Myanmar, thus the Singpho

belong to the Kachin - Lolo grou p.

Table 2. Interethnic union/mating among the Tai Khamti

Total number of couples/ pairs which include both

the parents of the studied

individuals

One of the partner of thecouple or the parents

who belong to the non-

Tai group

No. %

One of the couple or the parents who belong to

the Non Khampti popu-

lation but belong to the

greater Tai group

No. %

131 7 5.34 3 2.29

160 A Short Note on Hybridization, Inter-Ethnic Matings among the Tai Khamti of Arunachal Pradesh.



Table 3. Interethnic union/mating among the Tai Khamti

Total number of couples/

pairs which include both

the parents of the stud-

ied individuals

131

One of the partner of the

couple or the parents

who belong to the non-

Tai group

112 (85.50)

One of the couple or the

parents who belong to

the Non Khamti popula-

tion but belong to the

greater Tai group

9(6.87)

Saumitra Barua, Mithun Sikdar 161

ReferencesBarua, S. 1993 Mating structure of the Khamti of Assam : A small transplanted population.

J. Ind ian Anthrop. Soc . 28:133-138.

Gogoi, L-1971 Tai Khamtis, Nabajiban Press, Calcutta.



Research Output in the Form of PublicationsAll time record outcome of the survey out of publishing 18 new publications

and discharging of 24 popular reprints authored by suvey’s scholars during the year

2010-2011 which are categorically placed hereunder :—

Recent Publication

Indigenous Knowledge (Popular Series I)

Publications during 2010-11

1. NSIP : Central Region – ed. by K.Bhattacharya

2. NSIP : Western Region – ed. by K.Bhattacharya

3. Women Poverty and Rural development – ed. by K.Chakraborty

4. Health situation of S.C. in Bolpur, Sriniketan – S.K.Nandy

5. The Baul songs In quest of universal Humanism – Mousumi Majumder

6. Janajatio Ebong Gair Janajatio Kissoron Ko Sonbegatamak Samashyon Ko

Monobaignyanik Adhyan (Hindi) – A P Jha

7. Jharkhand Ki Janajatiome Swadeshi Chikitasa Padhwati (Hindi) – B Toppo

8. Women work and empowerment in rural India – K.Chakraborty.

9. Santali: A linguistic study – Sakuntala De.

10 . A study of ethnic tolerance and cultural interaction – case from Sikkim and West

Bengal – M.Banerjee

11 . Showcasing the heritage: Chittorgarh – A tourist spot in cultural milieu – Ratna

Dhar et al.

12 . Indian Board Game Survey – Ed. by R.K.Bhattacharjee et al.

13 . Scio Cultural Aspect of Adi Karnataka Community of Karnataka – K. Ravi

14 . Impact of Induced Technological Change on Agrarian Situation in Tribal Villages of

Andhra Pradesh – K. Ravi

15. Mortuary Practices of the HOs – An Anthropological Study—B.K.Mohanty.

16 . The folk music of Manganiyars: An anthropological appraisal – Ratna Dhar et al.

17. Cry for Mother-Tounge—language maintenance and shift – A.K.Das et al.

18 . Cultural dimension of tourism: A study of Aurangabad, Aganta-Elora tourism regionMaharastra – S. Paul et al.

Reprints

1. M 13 : PottSery techniques in Peasant India – B.N.Saraswati et al.

2. M 14 : Ethnic Groups, Villages and Towns of Pargana Barabhum : A Report of Survey

– S.Sinha et al.

3. M 16 : The Dhurwa of Bastar – K.N.Thusu

4. M 24 : Ethnographic Study of the Kuvi-Khanda – S.Banerjee.

5. M 27 : Ollar Gadba of Koraput – K.N.Thusu



6. M 29 : Nomads in the Mysore City – P.K.Misra

7. M 31 : The Lalung Society – N.K.Shyamchowdhury

8. M 32 : The Chero of Palamau – B.Mukherjee

9. M 39 : The Pengo Porajas of Koraput – K.N.Thusu

10. M 41 : The Nomadic Gadulia Lohar of Eastern Rejasthan – P.K.Misra

11 . M 45 : The Soliga of Bilgiri Rangana Hills. – S.G.Morab

12. M 51 : Hakkipikki: The Trapper and Seller– R.S.Mann

13. M 75 : Beggars of Kalighat, Calcutta – S.Choudhuri

1 4. O 4 : Chhattisgarh: An area Stu dy – A.K.D anda

15 . O 5 : Tr iba l Si tuation in N.E.Surguja – A.K.Danda

16. O 10 : Cultural Profile of Mysore City – P.K.Misra

17. O 11 : The Brahmans of Bengal – T.C.Roychowdhury et al.

18. O 12 : Nomads in India – Ed. P.K.Misra

19 . O 14 : Aspects of Society and Culture in Calcutta – Ed. M.K.A.Siddique

20 . O 32 : Linguistic Studies in Juang, Kharia, Thar, Lodha, Mal-Pahariya, Ghatoali Paharia

– D.Dasgupta

21. M 59 : The Hill Kharia of Purulia – D.Sinha

22. M 71 : Folk Music and Folk Dances of Benaras – O.Prasad

23. M 78 : Middle Class Working Women of Calcutta – B.Devi

24. O 20 : Marriage in India – Ed. B. B.Goswami.

Forthcoming Publications

1. Genetics structure, health profile and phylogeny of some tribal groups of southern

Karnataka – Satish Kumar

2. Dalit movement in Karnataka - S.G.Morab

3. The Kokna and the Malhar Koli of the Tharu District: A case study in the larger socio

cultural context – J.V.Ferreira et al.

4. Endogamous groups in South India and their cultural correlates—S.Patil

5. Health status among the three tribes of Madhya Pradesh: A socio-cultural perspective

– Nilanjan Khatua

6. Health and Health Care Issues in India

7. Cultural Dimentions and Tourism in Meghalaya

8. Element of Tourism and Contentment in Andaman

9. Bagela of Border Bengal – The Cattle-herding Community in search of identity

10. NSIP : Southern Region

Expected to be considered for publication1. Management of Environment and Natural Resources: Study of Traditional Wisdom –

ed. by H.K.Mondal, Amitabha Sarkar.

2. Intangible Cultural Heritage: Continuity and Change – Amitabha Sarkar and A. V.

Arokeri

3. Reprinting of six tribal monographs of Andaman and Nicobar Islands.

4. Reprinting of seven POI volumes of North Eastern Region.

5. Achanakmar – Amarkantak Biosphere Reserve.

6. Simlipal Biosphere Reserve.

7. Kanchanjangha Biosphere Reserve.

Research output in the from of publications 163



Special exhibit during the period

Manasa Chali




Nishi Housetype




Origins o lie according to geo-chronology




DNA Double Helix Structure



Photographs from Archives

15th August 1947, Anthropological Society o India Ofce at Benaras

Celebrating Independence Day




Collection o Human Skeletal remainsrom Rupkund, Garhwal during 1956




Dhodia woman o Gujarat with traditional attire

Epidemology of Handigodu Disease

Documents

Transcript of Epidemology of Handigodu Disease