El-Hajji (AR)_andalusian Diplomatic Relations With the Franks_umayyad Period

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ANDALUSIAN DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WITHTHE FRANKS DURING THE UMAYYAD PERIOD*

A B D U R R A H M A N A . E L - H A J J I

I N T R O D U C T I O N

What is understood by the word "Franks" varies considerably

in the usage of the Muslim historians between a particular and

specific meaning, and a broad and cmnprehensive one. The com-

prehensive meaning is, on the whole, used in the later period, when

it refers to different peoples of Europe other than those of

Andalusia (Muslim Spain). I t is sometimes used for the inhabitants

of Christian Spain,' and sometimes even for Byzantium and

C~nstantinople.~t was also used for the Germans3 and for the

Franks4 who were under the rule of the Merovingian andCarolingian states which ruled over present-day France together

with large parts of northern Spain, such as Catalonia, northern

Italy, part of Germany, and other parts of Europe. I t appears that

when it was used as a general designation by the later historians,

it covered many of the peoples of Europe, including everything

within the meaning last given; its use was sometimes extended

and sometimes restricted. Possibly one of the reasons for this was

the fluctuation of the borders of Frankish rule.

The early chroniclers, contrary to what one might expect, are

more precise in their usage than the later historians. According

to them, the word means those peoples who were under the rule

of the two dynasties. Merovingian and Carolingian, which is also

the restricted meaning of the later historians.5 It is used in this

meaning by Ibn ' I & ~ r i , ~ho died about 69511295, and by al-Bakri,?

(d. 48711094) who was influenced to a considerable extent byal-Mas'ildi. who had defined this' precisely8 and spoke of many of

the peoples of Europe, distinguishing between them. Among those

who defined its meaning even more precisely were Ahmad al-Rgzi

(d. 324/936)9 and Ibn Haypiin (d. 469/1076)1°, who considered that

the country of the Franks began at the natural border of the

Iberian peninsula. beyond the Pyrenees.

Islamic Studies (Islamabad) 6:1 (1967)



22 ABDURRAHMAN A. EL-HAJJI

In either case, those parts which came under the rule of the

two families, Merovingian and Carolingian, were included in theexpression "Brliid al-Firani", and modern France-the heart of

the Frankish Empire-represented a large part of it.ll I shall usethe Empire of the "Franks" to mean those regions which were

under the rule of the two families, the southern boundary of which

was usually the Pyrenees, and which (or the greater part ofwhich) is sometimes called by the Muslims, "the Vast Land", Al-

Ard al-Kabl~ah.l2

A Short Survey of the Frankish Rulers

The Empire of the Franks was ruled by the Merovingiandynasty, who established the post of maire du palais (Mayor of the

Palace) t o organize the affairs of the court. With the passage of

time the importance of the holder of this post grew, until he

assumed many of the duties of the king and wielded effective

power. especially after the authority of the crown was weakened.13

The Carolingian family appropriated this position until theg

rivalled the Merovingian royal family, which fell after a civil war

between Austrasia and Neustria. This ended in Aquitaine. and

certain German provinces becoming independent.14 Pepin of

Heristal was of this family and held the post of maire du palais.

He died in %/71415 and was succeeded by his son, Charles Martel,

who led the fighting against the Muslims in the battle of Tours, in

Sha'bgn 11410ctober 732.l6 When Charles Martel died in 1241741,

he was sxceeded by his son. Pepin the Short, who during his

lifetime strengthened the power and unity of the Franks until theybegan to take the initiative in attacking Muslim Spain, reversing

the former posjtion.17 With the help of the Papal authority he was

able to depose the last of the Merovingian kings. Cbildbert, and to

proclaim himself king in 1351752. In his reign a l- D~kb ilcame to

Andalusia in 1381755. After this the kingship passed definitely to

the Carolingians.18 When Pepin died in 1511768 the kingdom was

divided according to the prevalent custom between his two sons ;

Charlemagne took Austrasia and part of Aquitaine. while Carloman

got Neustria and the rest of Aquitaine.lg Fighting broke out

between the brothers, which ended with the death of Carloman in

1551771. The kingdom was thus united under the rule of Charle-

magne, who was one of the strongest characters and most astute

minds among the Frankish kings. His activities were noticeable



A N D A L U S I A N D I P LO M A T I C R E L A T IO N S W I T H T H E F R AN K S

in both friendly and hostile relations with Muslim Spain, and he

also exchanged embassies and gifts with the 'Abb~sids. H e

displayed much activity in attaching other territories to his state,

such as that of the Lombards in northern Italy and some parts ofnorthern Spain. In 1841800 he was crowned Emperor by Pope

Leo IIL20 and took as his capital Aix-la-Chapelle. After his death

in 1991814, he was succeeded by his son Louis I, the Pious, whom

he crowned King of the Romans in his own lifetime, and who was

again crowned by Pope Stephen IVin 201/816.21Louis did not possess

his father's administrative ability. political shrewdness or military

and when he died in 2261840, the kingdom was divided

between his three sons. Charles 11, the Bald, reigned in Neustria,

Aquitaine and the North Spanish Province. the regions in which

Romance language, derived from Latin, prevailed. Louis 11, the

German, reigned over the territories east of the Rhine comprising

Austrasia, Bavaria, Swabia and Saxony, where the German language

was used. Lothar ruled over the intervening territories, which

comprised Friesland in the Low Countries, the rest of Austrasia

to the west of the Rhine, Burgundy, Provence and Inall these regions both the Romance and German languages were

used. Lothar died in 2411855 and his kingdom was divided into

three parts among his sons. W ar broke ou t between the various

members of the Carolingian family, and by 2711884 the eligible

claimants were Charles the Simple in France and Charles the Fat

in Germany. The latter was able to unite Germany. Italy, and

France, a t least nominally, for three years. He was deposed in2741887 and died the following year.24 A t this juncture Charles

the Simple was eight years of age and efTective power was in the

hands of Odo (Eudes), Count of Paris. There was a dispute after

which Charles the Simple was elected. H e ruled from 280,'893to

3111923. The last years of his reign were full of troubles, caused

by Robert, Count of Paris. the brother and heir of Odo. Eventually

Robert was crowned king in 3101922, but was killed the following

year. leaving his young son Hugh to succeed him. Charles theSimple was succeeded by his son Louis IV (325-3431936-959). He

was a great general and an astute p~ li ti ci an .' ~He married the

sister of Ot to the Great. Emperor of Germany, to link the two

families. Nevertheless, he found it wise t o maintain peaceful

relations with Hugh, on account of his power. Hugh the Great,

and his son after him, succeeded in gaining control of the



24 A B D U R R A H M A N A. E L H A J J I

greater part of France before the death of Lothar. son of Louis

IV. in 3761986. The la tter was succeeded by his brother, Louis V. -who died the following year, leaving no son to follow him. With

him the Carolingian dynasty came to an end. Hugh Capet was

crowned king of France the same year as that in which Louis V

died. At this point begins the history of the Capetians as rulers of

France.a

D I PL O M A T I C A C T I V IT Y B E T W E E N T H E T W O S ID ES

Relations between the Franks and Andalusia were mostly

hostile, particularly in the early part of the Umayyad rule, whenSpain was repeatedly attacked by the Umayyads. Later they

changed this policy when they realized the power of Spain and the

impossibility of conquering it as easily as they had imagined.

However, the Andalusian policy, in general, was to hasten to

respond to any calls for friendship. Al-D~khil, or example, never

took the initiative in any attack on the Franks. He followed a

policy of defence. not only in relation to Frankish attacks. butalso towards the governors of the north, since he was engaged in

strengthening the foundations of his rule and in suppressing

rebellions.Z7 When Charlemagne besieged Zaragoza. a l - D ~ b i l

went to repel him, but Charlemagne had already retreated with his

aim unattained.28 Al-Dahil did not pursue him but attacked him

while he was crossing the Pass of Roncesvalles. In this skirmishthe rearguard of Charlernagne's army was routed. and a number of

his best commanders, including Roland, were lost. As a result ofthis military defeat the policy of the Franks towards Andalusia

began to change. Even though they continued to attack Andalusia

whenever they found an opportunity t o do so, yet periods ensuedwhen peaceful relations prevailed. and embassies were exchanged.29

Among the first periods of peace between the Franks and

Andalusia, is the one which prevailed in the last days of the reignof 'Abd al-Rahmgn I, al-D&il. Referring to this period al-

Maqqari writes :'Abd al-Rahmiin corresponded with Qiirloh (Charlemagne),

king of the Franks, who was one of the tyrants (tug@) of the

Franks. After testing his ['Abd al-Rahm8n's ?] strength for a

period, he had found him steadfast and full of courage. Thus

he [Charlemagne ?I was inclined to placate him, and invited



AN DA LU SIAN DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WITH THE FRANKS 25

him to intermarriage and peace. He ['Abd al-Rahmin ?I accepted

the peace, but no marriage took place.30

There are differing views on this statement :Aschbach doubted

its authenticity and considered it a legend,3l and Murphy wasdoubtful as to who initiated the proposal. H e thinks it more

likely that it was al-D&&il who did so.32 Some say that on the

contrary it was Charlemagne who started it, but al-Dg&il turned

down the proposal.33 So the problems to be solved are :-Who it was that tested the other and tried him in battle ?Who started suing for peace ?Who was the first to offer peace and a marriage alliance ?In fact the expression is not entirely clear, nor do the preceding

and the following statements offer any help. Both interpretations

are possible : either that al -D~khi l equested peace and a marriage

alliance from Charlemagne, or the opposite. I t may be that we can

solve this problem in the light of the historical events connected

with this matter and of contemporary internal happenings in each

of the two countries.

It appears that al-Maqqari reproduced this text from the

reliable historian, Ibn H a y y ~ n , ~ ~specially since he also copied the

preceding and the following sections from the same auth0r.~5Thus

its authenticity is beyond doubt and the preceding and following

historical events tend to confirm it. Charlemagne undertock no

further attack on Andalusia after his raid on i t in 1611778until the

end of the reign of al-D~khil--not, in fact, until the occupation of

Barcelona by the Franks in1851801.

according to LCvi-Pro~en~al.36The Franks' attack on Andalusia took place between the death of

al-D~&il in 1721787 and the latter date.3' However, i t was not as

serious as that of 1611778. On the other hand. events were taking

place in the Frankish Empire which deterred them from following

an aggressive forward policy. For instance. the Saxons whom

Charlemagne had only recently suppressed,38 had again revolted.3a

Charlemagne's failure in attacking Andalusia caused him to think

of changing his policy towards that country and to prefer friend-ship with it, so that he might turn to regulating the affairs of his

own country and to putting an end to his local troubles. At the

same time, the disaster suffered by his army while crossing the Pass

of Roncesvalles, showed him the fruitlessness of such adventurous

attempts, especially as the strength of Andalusia and the firmness

of its ruler had become apparent t o him. Thus a town like




Zaragoza stood against a powerful army collected from all parts of

the Frankish Empire, and put up a stubborn defence.40 Al-Dahil

left for Zaragoza at the head of an army to encounter Charle-

magne, who was retreating with his aim ~nachieved.~IThough at

first he supposed the occupation of Andalusia and the destruction

of its government to be easy, ultimately he came to realize its

absolute impossibility. In this light we may understand better the

statement of al-Maqqari : "after testing his strength for a period,

he had found him steadfast and full of courage". That is to say,

Charlemagne tested al-Dakhil and found in him those qualities ; i t

is not that al-Diihil tested Charlemagne, since the strength and

victories of Charlemagne were well-known to al-D~l&il and others.No testing was necessary to discover them. Moreover, al-Maqqari

on the following page again describes the manhood of al-Dakhil on

a similar occasion.42 Al-Dabil, after Charlemagne's attack on

Andalusia, suppressed firmly those rebels who had sought help

from Charlemagne43-another proof of his strength and power.

Nevertheless, al-Dghil preferred to establish amicable relations

with Charlemagne. especially as he knew of the good relations

prevailing between Charlemagne and the 'Abb~sidsand wanted to

frustrate the realization of any aims they might have had in this

friendship. He also needed to devote his e5orts to the solution of

his own internal problems. In the circumstances. we presume that

al-DShil initiated the move for peace which was most eagerly

welcomed by Charlemagne for the reasons described above and he

proposed a treaty of peace and friendship to al-Dahil . The two

desires coincided, and the treaty was concluded.* In order tostrengthen the links between the two monarchs, Charlemagne

seems to have offered his daughter in marriage to al-D~kJ~i1.~~

However, al-Dahil presumably refused, giving as a reason. possibly

out of politeness, his ill-health or age.46

After the death of al-Dakhil on 24th Rabi' I, 17212nd October,

787. the Franks returned to their previous aggressive policy towards

Andalusia, even though in not such a serious manner as previously.

They constantly incited the inhabitants of the north against

Andalusia. Hi&m I sent an army against the Franks which

sustained a number of severe blows in 1771793. In 1851801 the

Franks occupied Barcelona and in 1921808 under the command of

Louis, the son of Charlemagne. they attacked the Upper Maiches

and besieged Tortosa, but were repelled to their own territories by



ANDALUSIAN DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WITH THE FRANKS 27

the army of al-Hakam I, commanded by his son 'Abd al-Rahm2n.4'

However. Louis returned the following year, and the Muslims again

k fought him. A number of battles ensued, ending in the defeat of

the FranksPB Engagements also took place at sea49. When bothsides were tired of fighting each other they preferred to conclude

peace. First, a truce was concluded in 195/810,5" but shortly after-

wards was broken when al-Hakam sent an army to attack

Barcelona and other Frankish regions5'. I t was renewed in 1971812,

and an Andalusian embassy arrived at Aix-la-Chapelle to negotiate

with Charlemagne.s2 The ambassador was successful in his task

and a treaty was concluded for three years. However, it was

broken as a result of the Muslim attack in 198/813 on Corsica and

other Frankish regions near the Pyrenees, under the leadership of

'Abd al-Rahmh. son of the Amir al-yakam L53

The desire of the Muslims for peace. despite the victories they

had attained. was increased by al-Hakam's fear of the growing

power of Idris b. Idris in the Maghrib.64 In 2011816 'Abd al-

Rahmsin I1 sent his ambassadors to conclude a truce with the

3 Emperor Louis I, the Pious. They arrived at Compiegne, thenproceeded to Aix-la-Chapelle, where the truce. which was not to

last long, was c0ncluded.5~ In 2091824 the Franks were routed at

the Pass of Roncesvalles before the united army of the Basques

and the Muslims. In about 2111826 Louis called a meeting in

Aix-la-Chapelle attended by his son, Pepin, king of Aquitaine, and

the counts of the provinces bordering on Spain. The Emperor

announced at this meeting his intention of attacking Andalusia and

avenging himself. But Aizon. the fugitive leader of the Goths,

fled secretly t o Catalonia and Aragon, inciting those provinces

against the Frankish Emperor. He was able to gain possession of

the town of Ausona. H e asked 'Abd al-Rahmm for help, and then

went in person to Cordoba in order to secure it more quickly and

be able to resist the advancing Frankish army.56 Certain other

clashes followed. Ibn HayyBn mentions5' that in 2321846 a i l y a m

b. B u r b ~ tb. C&ilyiim (William, Count of Toulouse, grandson ofWilliam), with a group of his companions, came to the court of

'Abd al-Rahmzn 11, seeking the assistance of the Amir againstbt Charles the Bald. The Amir granted his request, and William

gained his victory. He was also able to besiege Barcelona and to

attack Gerona (Gerunda). H e sent a letter of gratitude to the

Amir, who in his turn wrote to 'Abd Allzh b. Yahyl, Governor of



28 ABDURRAHMAN A. EL-HAJJITortosa and 'Abd Allah b. KuIayb, Governor of Zaragoza, telling

them to assist and support William. After two years William

came to the court of the Amir 'Abd aI-Rahman.S8 We have

another source corroborating this story, to the effect that a war

between the young Pepin and his uncle, Charles the Bald, took

place, and that Pepin requested the help of the Muslims against

his uncle. It was for this reason that he sent William to

Cordoba.S9 'Abd al-RahmHn's support for Pepin against his uncle

may have been caused by the attacks that the latter mounted

against the Muslims. The two sides were thus in a state of war,

which did not, however, last long, being terminated by the conclu-

sion of a peace treaty between Charles the Bald and 'Abd al-Rahman.60 Possibly this is the treaty mentioned by LCvi-

Proven~al.61 Ibn al-Qiitiyah has a short, obscure passage on "a

man known as al-Qusbi, whom 'Abd al-Rahmsn I1 used to send on

embassies to Qtirloh-Charlernagne or Charles-king of Al-Ifraniah

-the Franks, and to the king of al-Riim".62 I have not been able

to discover the full name of the envoy, nor has any specific

embassy, connected with a date or event. been recorded.83 Ibn

Ijayyan tells us that Charles the Bald enjoyed good relations with

the Amir Muhammad, exchanging presents with him and persisting

in his efforts for peace.64 Possibly weariness on both sides led t o a

strengthening of this peace and the exchange of embassies ; thus in

2521866 the Amir Muhammad sought an understanding with

Charles the Bald so as to settle the mutual differences. Charles

agreed to it as he was eager to be rid of the danger of a renewed

attack by the Muslims on Septimania, in order to turn his attentionto the internal condition of his c0untry.~5 He sent his envoys to

Cordoba. Agreement was reached, and the ambassadors returned

to their country laden with gifts.66

In the reign of al-N~sir,whose court was filled with ambas-

sadors from every quarter,e7 there arrived in Cordoba the mes-

sengers of Louis IV for the conclusion of a treaty of peace and

friendship. I t was concluded and their requests granted.@ I t

appears that it was this embassy t o which Ibn Bald tin referred. It

might be placed in about 3421953, by a comparison with the dates

of events previous to this ernbassy.69 The expression used by Ibn

Khaldiin is not clear. He says :

There arrived at the court of al-NIsir a messenger from

the king of the Franks in the farthermost part of the East,




who was at that time Kildoh?O

The word 'Kildoh' may be a distortion of Qiirloh (Charles). If

this were the name given by Ibn aa ld i tn , and the previous reason-

ing connected with this embassy and its dates is correct, then

Q~irloh, ccording to Ibn a a l d a n , is Charles the Simple who died

in 3171929 before the date of this embassy. I t follows from this

that Ibn Qaldiin thought that he was still the ruler up to the date

of the embassy. But in fact, the king of the Franks in the eastern

part of the empire, at the time of this embassy, was Louis IV, son

of Charles thz Simple.71 This is the name mentioned by al-Mas'iidi.

who called him L&riq b. Qar20h .~~ o doubt he means Louis

IV, son of Charles the Simple. It is clear too from the Frenchtranslation of the text a t the lower half of the page previously

mentioned.

Ibn Khaldiin also mentions that in c. 3421953:

An ambassador from the king of the Franks named Afwah.

from the west beyond the Pyrenees [i.e., on the other side

of the Pyrenees and to the west of northern Spain]. came to

Cordoba.73

I t appears that he meant by the name Afwah, Hugh the Great,

who was ruling the western part of the Frankish dominions

(939-956).74 Thus it is possible that the western and eastern parts

were competing in obtaining the friendship of Cordoba.

In the reign of al-N@ir and his son, al-yakam 11, relations

between the Muslims and the Franks were generally good. One of

the signs of this is that nineteen of the columns used in building

al-Zahr~'were brought from the land of the Franks?= (

Al-Mas'adi also76 relates that in 3361947, in al-Fustgt, Egypt,

he came across a copy of a b0ok.7~presented in 3281939 by 'Urmiir,

Bishop of Jarbadah, to al-Hakam, al-NSsir's son (who at that time

was the heir of the Caliph) which contained a summary of the

history of the kings of the Franks.

It is necessary to examine the person of this Bishop and the

manner of presentation of the book. The name of the Bishop and

the town where he resided have occurred in different forms in

different editions of al-Mas'iidi's bo0k.78 Reinaud calls him Godmar.

Bishop of Cironne (Gerona) in C a t a l ~ n i a , ~ ~hich at that time was

subject to the Franks. But we see in ,the old Egyptian edition of

al-Mas'6dis0 that this name is referred to as Ghudmar, Bishop of

Zahrah, a Frankish town, distinct from Gerona. One can be inclined



30 A B D U R R A H M A N A . E L -H A J JI

to accept this version, for the Bishop's name corresponds with the

Latin sources and al-Mas'odi describes the town as 'one of the

Frankish towns'. Al-Mas'iidi, when he mentions the word lfranjah

usually means the land ruled by the Merovingian and Carolingian

dynasties, particularly the land beyond the P ~ r e n e e s . ~ ~or

example, we find that when he speaks about this book and mentions

'Frankish Kings', he gives us a list of the kings of these two

dynasties. Perhaps, also, i t is more reasonable that the Frankish

King (Louis IV) should have sent one of his own people rather

than an embassy from other territories which he ruled by force.

Accordingly the town of which Godmar was Bishop must be

situated beyond the Pyrenees. This conclusion is supported byArs l~n .8~ho was certain that the name of the Bishop was Ghudmar,

and that he was originally from Gironne and was Bishop of Ceret,

in the province of Roussill0n.8~ I t appears that Zahrah is a

distortion of Ceret. Reinaud asserts8* that this bishop was sent to

al -N~siron an ambassadorial mission. While in Cordoba, al-

Hakam requested from him a book on the history of Frankish

kings. This appears acceptable and corresponds with other facts.

I t does not contradict al-Mas'iidi who says that the book was

given to al-Hakam by the Bishop, without specifying the manner

in which the gift was made. I t is probable that the Bishop offered

the book to al-Hakam, following a request made to him while he

was on his diplomatic mission to Cordoba in 3281939. W e know no

further details about this mission, which, as al-Mas'fidi informs us,

finished in the year of the presentation of the book, 3281939.

Abo Bakr Muhyi al-Din b. 'Arabi (560-63811164-1240) givesus an imaginative account of a Frankish embassy that came to the

court of a l - N i i ~ i r . ~ ~

Impressive preparations had been made : he three-mile

road from Cordoba t o al-Zahrii', was spread with mats, and

lined with soldiers whose scimitars formed an arch over the

envoys' heads. At the palace gate they were met by dignitaries

dressed in silk brocades, whom they saluted respectfully,

thinking the Caliph was among them, but were waved on.

From the gate to the court appointed for their audience, their

path was covered with brocades, and a t various points richly-

attired ofKcers were posted. Every time the envoys saw one of

them, they prostrated themselves, imagining he was the Caliph.

but they said, 'Get up ; his is only a slave among his slaves.'



A N D A L U S I A N D I P LO M A T I C R E L A TI O N S W I T H T H E F R A N K S 31

At last they found him in the middle of a sanded courtyard,

dressed in simple clothing befitting his ascetic mode of life.

He was in short and cheap clothes, and all that he wore was

worth four dirhems. He was seated on the ground with bowedhead : before him were placed a Qur'gn, a sabre and a brazier.

'There is the King', the ambassadors were told, and they

prostrated themselves before him. He raised his head towards

them, and before they had time to speak, he said, "Allah has

commanded us to bid you to conform to this (pointing to the

Qur'an) ; f you will not, we will constrain you by this (the

sabre), and if we kill you, this is the fire that awaits you." He

then dismissed them and they signed peace, accepting all his

conditions.86

It is not entirely clear from the text what is meant by the

word aLI f r an j . Does it mean the inhabitants of Catalonia, as

LCvi-Proven~al~' nd following him, Hole say ?88 When did the

embassy arrive, and by whom was it sent ? I have been unable to

find any embassy8Scorresponding or approximating to this descrip-

tion. Nevertheless, I see no reason to reject this account totally.The only doubtful matters are the presentation of the embassy,

the manner of their meeting with the Caliph. his position when

receiving them, and the conditions he imposed on the delegation.

A!-NBsir's speaking in such a harsh manner and the imposition of

conditions never imposed upon ambassadors is improbable. W e

have never heard of the Caliphs compelling anyone to accept Islam,

let alone an ambassador representing a government. Such behaviour

contradicts the traditions followed by the rulers of Andalusia in

receiving and honouring ambassadors. I t is still more unlikely in

the reign of al-Nasir when the rules of diplomatic ceremony

reached a new level and 'the protocol of reception became

increasingly elaborate."w Thus we conclude that Ibn 'Arabi's

account is inaccurate in its details. but, perhaps, deals with an

unspecified mission which in fact took place.

Good relations with the Franks sometimes transcended thediplomatic sphere, in particular during the period when Andalusia

attained the peak of its power and became the destination, not

only of ambassadors but also of seekers after knowledge and

science.a1 Reinaud informs us that

In about3491x0Gerbert, the monk of Auvergne. who later

became Pope with the title of Sylvester I1 (390-3941999-1003).



32 A B D U R R A H M A N A. E L - H A J J I

went to Spain in order to study physical and mathematical

sciences, and he was so successful in obtaining information

and digesting it that he was regarded as a sorcerer by his own

co~ntr~men.92

Another piece of information which I have been unable to find in

any other source is that

In the romances of chivalry it is stated that when Charle-

magne was still in his infancy, he was sent t o Muslim Spain

for his education and general culture.93

In the reign of al-Hakam 11, peace appears to have prevailed

between the Franks and Andalusia. Evidence of fully documented

embassies is not forthcoming. But Ibn Hayysn mentions that anembassy or two came to Cordoba, to al-I-jakam's court from Hiitii,

king of al-Ifranj, in 360-63/971-74.94This requires detailed dis-

cussion, which follows.

I11

T H E R E L A T IO N S O F A N D A L U S I A N R EB EL S W I T H T H E F R A N K S

The policy of the Franks towards Muslim Spain, especially in

the first part of the period under discussion, was one of fear and

hostility. There was fear lest the sphere of Islamic rule should be

widened, which appeared imminent due to the repeated attempts

by the Muslims to extend their dominion beyond the Pyrenees

which culminated in the battle of Tours in 1141732. With the

arrival of 'Abd al -Rahm~n al-Dsbil. who was able t o unite all

Andalusia, their fears were confirmed. I t led them to seize every

opportunity of striking a t or destroying the Andalusian power.This also made them consider it importlnt t o occupy some districts

of Northern Spain. The hostility took other forms as well, such as

support for every rebellion of the local Muslim potentate against

the Andalusian authorityg5 and a policy of expansion a t the

expense of Muslim territory. So Charlemagne sought an occasion

t o raid Andalusia, and saw in the invitation of some of the Muslim

rebels to come t o their help against Cordoba the golden oppor-

tunity he desired.

In 1571774 Sulaym~n. Y aq@n al-Kalbi al-A'rsbi, Governor of

Barcelona and Ger0na.~6 and al-Husayn b. Yahyg al-Anassri,

Governor of Zaragoza (a descendant of the Companion, Sa'd b.

'Ub~dah)allied themselves in a coalition against al-Dsbil and

possibly they were joined by others. This rebellion against




Cordoba lasted for some years and took a critical course. Among

the factors encouraging the rebels to persist were the preoccupation

of al-D%&il with certain revolts in the south of Andalusia, the

forbidding nature of the mountainsg7 where the rebel headquarterswere situated, the distance between them and Cordoba and their

proximity to the frontier, from across which they could seek help.

In 1581775 al-Dal&d sent an army against these rebels, under

the command of na ' labah b. 'Ubayd al-Judh~mi,but al-A'rIbi

was able to defeat him and take him prisoner. In spite of this

victory which strengthened the rebels, they feared 'Abd al-

Rah m~n, s they knew his d e t e r m i n a ti ~ n . ~~hey decided to ask

help from Charlemagne and invite him to Andalusia to oppose the

power of C o r d ~ b a . ~ ~n 1601777 al -A'r~bi, a t the head of a

delegation of his confederates. went to meet CharlemagnelOO and

to negotiate this matter with him. At that time Charlemagne was

holding his court a t Paderborn, in Saxony (a province of West-

phalia in the north-west of present-day Germany) where the great

Diet was held, after completing the suppression of Saxony.1of

They proposed to him an alliance against al-Diikhil. The planwas for Charlemagne to lead a campaign in the north of Andalusia,

with the help of the rebels, then to move south, attack Cordoba

and break its power. The rebels agreed to owe allegiance to

Charlemagne and to recognize his sovereignty.lo2 As proof of

good faith they surrendered to him their prisoner na' labah, who

was al-D~khil'scommander.

Here we will pause to discuss the composition of the delegation

which accompanied al-A'rgbi, about which opinions differ. I t is

said that they included Muhammad Abii 'I-A~wad,'~~on of Yiisuf

al-Fihri (the last governor of Andalusia) and 'Abd al-Rahm~n .

Habib, known as al-Saqlabi (a relation of Yiisuf al-Fihri by marriage

according to our secondary sources).l04 He was known as al-

Saqlabi, "The Slav", although he was not in fact a Slav, on account

of his height, fair complexion and blue eyes.lO5 He is not to be

confused with his namesake 'Abd al-RahmHn b. Habib, governorof Ifriqiyyah-modern Tunisia1-who was assassinated in 1381755.

Later historians merely say that these people rebelled, allied them-

selves with al-A'rsbi and together with him invited Charlemagne

to Andalusia?o7

However, when these events took place, Abii'l-Aswad was a

prisoner in Cordoba. He had been imprisoned for the second time



ABDURRAHMAN A. EL-HAJJI

in 142/759108 and his captivity was not ended until 160/784,1°9

when he escaped from the prison. How, then, could he have taken

part in the alliance or accompanied al-A'rfbi to meet Charlemagne ?Concerning al-Saqlabi, we have not come across any original

source which says that he was related by marriage to Yasuf al-Fihri.

Even if we presume that he was a relative of hisllO, it does not

necessarily link him up with al-A'rHbi in political alliance, which is

another presumption unsupported by our sources.

In 1611778 al-Saqlabi crossed from the Mag4rib to Andalusia,

disembarking at Tudmir (Murcia)lll as an agent for the 'Ab b~sid

Caliph al-Mahdi b. Abi Ja'far al-Mansar.l12 He communicated

with al-A'r~bi, suggesting that they should join forces againsta l - D ~ a i l . Perhaps Dozy based his belief in their alliance on this.

Al-A'riibi refused al-Saqlabi's request ; the latter marched against

him, but was defeated. The matter ended in al-Saqlabi's assassi-

nation in 1621779.

If the date of al-A'r~bi 's departure t o meet Charlemagne and

the date of al-Saqlabi's arrival in Andalusia are accepted as we

have established above, al-Saqlabi did not arrive until a t least

some months after al-A'riibi had left for Paderborn. Moreover.

al-Saqlabi may not have corresponded with him until after al-A'rsbi

had returned from th e Franks, that is, after the battle of Ronces-

valles and after al-A'rfbi was released by Charlemagne.l13

These facts indicate that al-Saqlabi could not have been one

of those who went with al-A'riibi t o Charlemagne, nor could he be

one of the members of the alliance against the Cordoban govern-

ment. The same applies to Abil 'I-Aswad.

Briefly, it may be agreed that al-A'riibi was allied with a

number of ' Andalusian rebels, the most dangerous of whom was

al-Husayn b. Y a h y ~ l-An~zr i, governor of Zaragoza.l14 It is

generally accepted th at al -A'r~bi, a t the time of his mission to

Charlemagne, was accompanied by one or more of these rebels.

precisely whom we do not know. Levi-Proven~al, elying on Latin

sources and State records, says that among al-A'riibi's company

was Abo n a w r . ruler of Huesca:115 Others say that the latter

met Charlemagne on his arrival a t Pamplona and handed over to

him certain hostages.116 It is likely that Abn n a w r was concerned

in both matters ;but I would go back to the first probability, because

i t is known that al-A'rabi did not go alone, and Aba n a w r may

have been his companion.



ANDALUSIAN DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WI TH THE FRANKS 35

The pact between the rebels and Charlemagne was concluded

and hostages given as a pledge of good faith, Ga'labah, al-D~hil's

leader, being among them."' The delegation returned to Andalusia

to make the necessary preparations. Then Charlemagne prepareda very large army, chosen from all the inhabitants of the regions

of the Frankish Empire at that time. This large army marched

under his command as far as Aquitaine in the beginning of the

spring of 1611778. He directed this army towards Spain, crossing

the Pyrenees, after dividing his forces into two parts. One

crossed the eastern Pyrenees, while the second, under the leader-

ship of Charlemagne himself, crossed the western side by theRoman Road through St. Jean-Pied-de-Port and the Pass of

Ron~ernal les l~~n order to meet the other part of his army over

the river Duero, in front of Zaragoza. After crossing the Pyre-

nees, Charlemagne went to the Basque Country and besieged

Pamplona, their capital, and captured it. Al-A'rBbi met him after

leaving Pamplona, perhaps with some other rebels. Together they

marched towards Zaragoza, where they met the other part of the

Frankish force, which had arrived through Gerona and Barcelona.

Charlemagne thought that he was going to capture Zaragoza

easily, with the assistance of his Muslim allies. but events took

another and unexpected course. He found that al-Husayn b. Yahyg

al-Ansiri had hastened to Zaragoza and fortified the city to be

ready to defend it against these combined forces.ll@ One might

explain al-Ansiri's behaviour by supposing that he changed his

mind before Charlemagne's arrival, with enough time to prepareagainst this huge army. He feared the effects of his involvement

in an alliance with the Franks and its results. Al-A'r~bi ailed

to convince him to join forces with Charlemagne and the

rebels. Charlemagne failed to capture Zaragoza, which repelled

all the attacks in spite of their severity.120 Al-A'r~bi was unable

to help Charlemagne capturing any other place, which left Charle-

magne in doubt about his intentions and he was taken prisoner.ln

The Saxons revolted while Charlemagne was in Spain.lZ2

Charlemagne had to return home as soon as possible. He had not

achieved a single objective of his campaign, because he had faced

such unexpected difficulties. H e retraced his steps in a a w w d

161/July 778.

The Basques were well prepared to take revenge on him, since

they expected that he would pass through their country on his way




home. His failure to capture Zaragoza had given them more

encouragement t o attack him. Some Muslims who were neighbours

of the Basques, together with some rebel officers. joined forces

with the Basques to repel the Franks, their common eneu1~.12~ t

is likely that Charlemagne had learned of this gathering, for he

severely attacked the Basque capital, took possession of it and

destroyed it. He continued marching home the same way he had

come. While his forces were crossing the Pass of Roncesvalles,

on the Spanish western side of the Pyrenees, 30 km. north-east of

Pamplona, the disaster took place. The combined forces of the

Basques and the Muslims attacked the Frankish rearguard by

surprise. Since the combined forces had prepared an ambush forthem in the Pass. they werk able t o separate the rearguard from

the main body. The narrow sloped trails of the Pass were of

great help. All the possessions, booty and hostages were in the

rearguard, which the attackers could take possession. Al-A'r~bi,

with others, was among the h0stages.12~

Because of the geographical circumstances of the battle and

the surprise, the Frankish army could not reorganize to protect its

rearguard, which was completely destroyed. Many high officers

and the best knights were among the rearguard-such as Eggihard.

the Seneschal, Anselm, the Mayor of the Palace, Roland (Hruot-

land). the Warden of the Breton Marches,lw and others. The last

named was considered, after his death, a great hero. and his epic,

La Chanson de RoIand,126 which has a legendary character, became

a source for much of the poetry of chivalry in the Middle Ages.

This disaster had very great effect through the whole ofEurope. The graves of Eggihard and Roland are standing on the

battle-field to this day, and written on them is the date of the

battle (15 August, 778).127 The defeat also changed Charlemagne's

policy towards Andalusia. One might say that i t was the most

direct and important motive which led to the concluding of

the peace treaty between Charlemagne and al-Dakhil, as well as to

the marriage invitation of the former to the latter, as has been

discussed above. I t appear's that releasing of Da'labah, aI-

DI&ills leader, was one of the practical results of this treaty.128

Yet there is still a point which needs more discussion :how was

the co-operation between the Basques and the M~slims ffected?Ibn al-A&ir says129 that 'Ay&am and Metriib. sons of al-

A' r~bi , ttacked the Franks with a group of their followers, in order



ANDALUSIAN D1,PLOMATIC RELATIONS WITH THE FRANKS 37

t o rescue their father. T he y might have been reconciled with

al-Ansiir i in ord er t o help them in this ta s k ; i t is qu ite possible

th at he supplied the m with a military force.130 Som e E uro pe an

accounts say th a t the Basques at tacked Charlemagnel31 by ambush-ing him while h e was crossing th e Pass of R oncesvalles and sweeping

down upon th e rearguard of his forces, in revenge fo r th e inflictions

t o which he had twice subjected them an d thei r country. Among

th e Muslims, th e sons of al-A'rsbi with the ir followers, pursued

Cha rle rn ag ne t o re sc ue t h e ir f a th e r a n d o t h e r h 0 ~ t a g e s . l ~ ~h e ywere helped by th e M uslims who were neighb ours of t h e Basques.133

In short. all these part ies agreed t o make a common fro nt against

th e Franks. la4 In fact , th e plan was carried o u t and th e Frankish

reargu ard was wiped out. T his success, in such a manner, consider-

ably strengthen s th e the ory of the ir co-o peration , which helps us

t o reconcile th e Muslim and th e European accounts .

T h e Muslims were superior in mil itary planning, but lacked th e

knowledge of that difficult terrain, which the Basques knew very

well. O n the oth er hand, th e Basques needed th e mil itary skil l and

expe rience of th e M uslims. By joining th e tw o abilities, th eycould successfully attack the rearguard of the Frankish army.135

According to this explanation, the re is no contradict ion between

th e tw o accounts , for each one of the m concentrates on cer ta in

points, the auth ors being interested in th e eve nts tha t happened in

the ir own countries.136 Although th e M uslim acco unt is less

detailed, i t appe ars m ore im po rtan t and accurate.13'

As for the most prominent rebels. most of them were killed.138

Yet th e sto ry of Muslim rebel officers entering in to alliance w ith

th e Christian rulers against Cordoba did not come t o an end w ith

them. H ow eve r, henceforth i t was on a smaller scale. In 1741790

Abii n n w r , Gov ernor of Huesca, sen t envoys to Toulouse , capi ta l

of Aqu itaine, t o con clude an alliance with its king, L ouis, son of

Charlemagne.139 W e d o no t have enough detai ls to say if i t was

concluded, nor what was the result of this embassy. It may be

th at the Franks did no t gr ant his request because they had al readyconcluded a peace tre at y with Co rdob a afte r th e ba ttle of Ronces-

valles. I t appears th at th e Franks did not gra nt th e request of

Aba n a w r and a f te rwards he r e tu rned to Cordoba o ffering h is

allegiance. o r a t least preferring peaceful relations with Co rdob a.

But in 1811797 he turne d in revolt against Cordo ba, imm ediately

af te r th e dea th of H ib a rn and th e coming t o power of a l-Hakam I.



38 ABDURRAHMAN A . EL-HA JJI

A t the same time Bahlal b. Marwsn, who was known as Abh

'1-Hajj~j, evolted against Cordoba in the Upper Marches, and took

possession of Zaragoza in the same year. About this time Sulayman

and 'Abd Allah al-Balansi, sons of al-Dd&l and paternal unclesof al-Hakam I, crossed over to Andalusia from al-Ma&rib, in 'order to group their supporters against al-Hakam. They directedthemselves towards the Upper Marches, joining forces with Abij

'1-Hajjaj. They agreed, together with Aba a a w r , to conclude an

alliance against C o r d ~ b a , ' ~ ~nd decided to seek help from the

Franks. Arabic chronicles tell us that al-Balansi went to the

Frankish country to ask their supp0rt.1~~nd requested the help of

Charlemagne against al-Hakam. He might have been accompaniedby some of his allied friends, perhaps Aba a a ~ r , I 4 ~ut we haveno contemporary evidence for such a surmise.

Al-Balansi met Charlemagne at Aix-la-Chapelle, where he was

holding his court. He received al-Balansi hospitably and accepted

his offer of help. Charlemagne sent an army under the leadership

of his son, Louis, king of Aquitaine, who captured Gerona on his

way, and arrived at the Upper Marches with some rebels.143Because some rebels had accompanied Louis, i t may indicate that

they had agreed to invite the Franks to Andalusia against

Cordoba. These actions might be similar t o those of al-A'r~bi 's

and of his friends, although on a smaller scale.

In any case al-Hakam repelled this attack, and the Frankish

army had t o turn back, fearing that the rebels would not fulfil

their agreement and there would be a repetition of the disaster of

Roncesvalles. The rebels then returned their allegiance t o Cordoba,

and Zaragoza submitted to the Andalusian central power.

Some annals say that the two brothers, 'Abd al-Malik and 'Abd

al-Karim, sons of 'Abd al-Wghid b. Mughi&, supported al-Balansi

in his revolt, but later turned in obedience to Cordoba, and al-

Hakam welcomed them?*

In 394/809 'Amras, Governor of Zaragoza, renounced hisI

allegiance to Cordoba and took possession of all the areas whichwere under the rule of Aurelo, the Frankish leader in Aragon. When

the Franks demanded these areas back from him, he replied that

he was going to submit them t o Charlemagne, who sent envoys and

troops to negotiate with him, but he refused to fulfil his promise.

Nothing resulted because the circumstances were changed, 'Amras



ANDALUSIAN DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WIT H THE FRANKS 39

had turne d his allegiance t o Cordoba and was la ter called there .

T h e Frankish troo ps retreated.1459 In 2121828 M ahm ad b. 'Abd al-Jab bs r b. Rahilah rev olte d in.

M erida, against Cordoba. Louis of A qu itaine enc ouraged andhelped him.148

In 2351850, a t th e end of th e rule of 'Abd al-Rahmiin 11, M a a

b. M asa b. Qasi , G overn or of th e U pp er M arches w ho was strong

and was often in revolt against Co rdob a, crossed th e Pyrenees,

through Urge1 and Rivagorsa. t o raid Septimania. C harle s th e

Bald preferred t o maintain good relat ions an d concluded a peacetre at y w ith him, sending him many gifts.14' T he se good relation s

between th e Franks an d Masa may indicate th at th e la t te r himselfat tacked th e Frankish cou ntry wi th out consult ing Cordoba.

Perhaps Cordo ba would n o t agree t o do so, f o r this year M as2 was

in revolt against Cordoba.14* T his migh t be th e reason why th e

Frankish auth oritie s desired t o establish good relations with Miisz.

Some Frankish troops. w ho were in th e Frankish area bordering

Chr is ti an Spain, suppor ted G h ~ l i b ,b. H af y in , who had al l ied

himself w ith Sancho Garcia of N av arre a nd O rd on o I1 in his revo ltagainst al-Nzsir, w ho had demolished th e fed eratio n quickly.149

W e have noticed ear li e r th a t th i s k ind of re la tionship be tween

th e Franks and th e Andalusian rebels was o n a wide scale during

th e rule of a l -D su i l . Th en i t s t a r ted to become more and more

circumscribed for many reasons an d finally i t ceased. I n th eearly days of th e Um ayyad period, th e Frankish Em pire un der

Charlemagne was very strong and well-united. A t th e same

time we find t h e northe rn Spanish states beginning t o establish

themselves and , therefore , they did no t have th e power t o encourage

th e Muslim rebels t o ask them f o r help. T h e Andalusian si tuat ionwas sti ll unse t t led, but in t ime all th a t was reversed, for i t began

t o get se tt led day by day. O n the oth er hand, th e Frankish

position, af ter th e de ath of Charlemagne, was disturbed fo r many

reasons, such as th e struggle fo r power among th e members of th e

ruling family an d th e dividing of th e Frank ish Em pire among itsheirs. M oreover, t h e sta te s of Ch rist ian Spain became strong

enough to inci te th e Muslim rebels to seek help, p art icularly

because Christ ian Spain was nearer t o them th an th e Frankish

Empire. Th is made i t easier and speedier fo r th e Muslim rebels t o

get help. So the Muslim rebels ceased t o request the help of th e

Franks, preferring th e help of C hristia n Spain.



4 0 ABDURRAHMAN A. EL-HAJJI

This kind of relationship finally came to an end when the

Andalusian authority reached the stage of strength and stability.

NOTES

The author acknowledges his deep gratitude t o Dr. J. F. P. Hopkins, of the

University o f Cambridge and Miss J. Thompson for their kind assistance.

1. Ibn aa l d i i n . al-'lbar. Beirut. 1958. IVji i : 52. 337. 356.395 ; bn a l -aaeib .

A'miil al-d'li im. ed. LCvi-Proven~al. Beirut. 1956. 114-15 & al-lbii!ah ft

AbbOr Barniitah. ed. M. A. ' I n k Cairo. 1955. 1: 142 : al-Qalqashandi.

Sub!, al-d'shii. Cairo. 1915. V :272 ; Ibn Fad1 Allah al-'Umari. Masiilik al-

a[-db#r. MS No. 559. DZr a1 Kutub. Cairo. ll li ii :566 ; bn al-A&ir. AI-&-mil f i al-Ta9ri&, ed. C. J . Tornberg. Leiden, 1865-71, VI :91, VII :58 ;

YBqiit. Mu'jam al-Buldiin. Cairo. 1906, VIII : 2.

2. Ibn Ualdan , op. cit., 275 ;H. Mu'nis. 'Moslems and the Mediterranean',

Bulletin of the Egyptian Society for Historical Studies. Cairo, 1951, 1V :138.

3. Ibn a l - a at i b . A'miil. op. cit.. 219.

4. Ibn Qa ld ti n, op. cit.. 256,276, 396 ; bn al--;ib, A'miil, op , tit.. 12. 23 ;

Ibn al-Athir. op. cit.. VI :92. 102-3. 129 & VII : 58 (he calls France

"Fransiyyah") ;al-Qazwini. A&ir al-BiRd, Beirut. 1960, 576..-

5. Al-Raaid Ibn al-Zubayr. K. /-)ha&d'ir wa '1-Tubaf. ed. M. Hamid Allah.Kuwayt. 1957, 173.

6. Ibn ' I a s r i . al-Bayiin al-Mughrib. ed. Livi-Provencal. Leiden. 1951. 11: 72,

97.108.

7. Abii 'Ubayd al-Bakri. al-Masdlik wa 'I-Mamiilik. MS No. 390180 L.. JBmi'

al-Qarawiyin Library. FCs, fol . 123a.

8. Al-Mas'iidi. MurPj al -mahub. ed. C. Barbier de Meynard. Paris, 1864-77.

111: 66-75.

9. H. Mu'nis. 'AI-Ju&rBfiyyah wa '1-Jughrafiyyun fi 1'-Andalus', Revista del-

Instituto de Estudios lslamicos en Madrid (RIEIM), 1959-60. Vol. VII-VIII.

p. 260 ; Pascual d e Gayangos, memori ria sobre la auten ticidad de la cronica

denominada del Moro Rosis'. Memorias de la Real Academia de la Historia.

Madrid. 1852, tom0 VIII . No. 44. p. 61 :Ahmad al-'U&ri. N i z am al-Marjiin.

ed. A. al-Ahwani. Madrid. 119: (in the ~ r e s s ) . I should like to thank Dr. co 1-Ahwani and Dr. Mu'nis, the Director of Inst ituto de Estudios Isl&micos.

Madrid. for their help and kind offer of the fasicules of Niziim al-Marjrin) ;

J. Reinaud. Muslim Colonies in France. Northern Italy and Switzerland (Eng.

trans , with commentary by H. K. Sherwani). Lahore. 1964, 85. (I am gratefulfo Professor Sherwani for supplying me with a copy of this book).

10. Ibn HayyBn. quoted by al-Maqqari. Naf h al-Tib . ed. M. M. 'Abd al-Hamid.

Cairo. 1949. I : 310. 343. W e find some other Muslim chroniclers use

al- lfranj . e.g, al-Mas'iidi, op. ci t . , IX :149 (also the index under "Francs") ;

Ahmad al-'UdJri, op. cit.. 25 and 28 ;Abii 'Ubagd al-Bakri, al-Masiilik.. MS

No. 3034. NFr 'Uchmaniyah Library. Istanbol, fol. 199b. The la tt er gives

even the name of their capital Paris as BEwayrah or Barlzah. See T. Kow al s~ i.



ANDALUSIAN DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WI TH T HE FRANKS 41

'Relacja Ibrahima Ibn Ja'kiiba'. Pomniki Dziejowe Polski. Cracow, seria 11, om

I, Nr. 184,1946, p. 127.

11. Muslim chroniclers know th e word "France" ; ossibly they use i t for a large

par t of Frankish territory, not all of it. Ibn al-A&ir, op. c i t , . V I : 03 ; bn

al-l(hacib, A'mi i l , op. c i t . . 74.12. Pascual de Gayangos. 'Moro Rasis', op. cit . . 19. quoted by al-Maqqari, op. t i t . .

I :126. 128 : . Reinaud. op. c i t . . 24. This term was sometimes extended to

cover al l th e area between the Pyrenees and Constantinople . 'Abd al-WPhid

al-Marr8ku&i, a l - M u ' j i b . ed. M. S. al-'AryHn. Cairo. 1963. 129.

13. M. A. 'Inan, Th e Moorish Empire in Sp ain , Cairo, 1960.1:78.

14. Ibid. . 78-9.

15. The Cambridge Medieval History. 11: 126.536.

16. Ibid. . 128-29.

17. J. Reinaud. op. cit.. 83.18. S . A. 'Ahiir, AwruppZ : l - 'u!zr a l -Wus t i i , Cairo, 1961. I :190.

19. Ibid.. 191.

20. The Cambridge Medieval Histo ry. I1 :128-29.

21. S. A. 'Afitir, o p c i t . , 205.

22. Ibid. . 206.

23. Ibid. . 206-8.

24. Ibid. . 208.

25. Ibid.. 245.

26. Ibid. . 246.

27. M. A. 'Inan, op. cit., I 1 : 23.

28. S. A. Salim. Tal r i& PI -Mus l imin wa a&iru hum f i ' I -Andalus, Beirut, 1962.

204.

29. J. Reinaud op. c i t . , 4.

30. Al-Maqqari, ov . c i t . . I :310. See also : E. Lkvi-Provencal. Espaiia

Muslumana, (temo I V of Histm ia de Espai ia, ed. R. M. Pidal). Madrid. 1957.

79 ;Pascual de Gayangos. The History of the Mohammedan Dynast ies in Spain,

London. 1843.11:85-86 :E. Rosentbal. 'Der Plan cines-Biindnisses zwischen

Karl dem Grossen und 'Abdurrahman in derarabischen Uberlieferung', NeuesArchiv, Berlin. 193U. Band XLVIII, No. 3, pp. 441-45 .Ishould like to than k

Professor Rosenthal for his kind he lp and for sending me a copy of his valu-

able article.

J. Reinaud. (op . c i t .. 91) says that an Arab chronicler [Al-Maqqari]

meant 'Abd al-RahmHn I1 and Charles the Bald. However, no one has

mentioned this, and al-Maqqari in fac t uses this phrase when dealing with

'Abd al-Rabman I. 'Inan (op . c i t. . I : 85, n. 2) mentions that Charlemagne's

oldest daughter was ready for marriage.

31. J. Aschbach. Geschichte der Oma jaden in Spa nien. Frankfue, a.M., 1829.I : 31.

32. J. C. Murphy, Histo ry of the Mahometan Empire in Spain. London. 1816.84.

33. S. P. Scott. H isto ry of the Moorish Em pire in Europe, Philadelphia, 1904. I :

409 ;E. Uvi-Provencal, op. cit .. 79.

34. E. LBvi-Provencal ( i b i d . ) , affirms th at al-Maqqari quoted th is passage from

Ibn Hay yh . Possibly he altered it indoing so.

35. Al-Maqqari, op. c i t . . I :309-10.



ABDURRAHMAN A. EL-HAJJI

E. Lkvi-Provenqal. o p . c i t . . 79.

Ibn al-A&ir. op. c i t . . VI : 08 ; Ibn 'Id&ri, op. c i t . . I1 : 69: M. A. ' Inan.

o p . c i t . . I : 28.

M. A. 'Inen. D c ci si ve M o m e n t s i n t h e H i s t o r y o f I s la m . Cairo. 1962.73.

R. Menkndez Pidal. L a C h a n so u d e R o l a n d. Madrid. 1959. 189.

A & b ~ i r M a j m i i' a h , unknown author. ed. E. Lafuente y Alcantara, Madrid,1867.113.

S. A. Salim, o p . c i t . . 204.

Al-Maqqari. o p . c i t . . I : 11.

A u b i i r . op. c i t . . 114.

Although it is notk nown when this treaty took place, c. 780 is a possible

date.

Cf. Rosenthal, o p . c i t . . 444-45.

S. P.Scott,op. c i t . . I : 409.

Ibn -Qaldiin, op. c i t . . IVIii :276: Ibn Sa'id, a l - M u & r i b , ed, Sh. Dayf, Cairo.

1953. I:40: Cbn 'I&iii. o p . c i t . . 11 :72 places it in 1931809. Al l these

historians name Louis, son of Charlemagne. L u dh r i q or R u dh r i q . son of Qar loh .

'Inan. M oo r i s h E mp i r e , op . c i t . . I :237.

IbnQaldi in . o p . c i t . , IV/ii: 276.

J . Reinaud. op . c i t . , 107-8.

F. J . PBrez de Urbel, E s pa r ia C r i s t i a n a , (tomo VI of Hi s t o r i a de E s pai za , ed.

R. M. Pidal). Madrid, 1956, 439.

I b i d .

J. Reinaud. o p . c i t . . 110. H e calls th o ambassador "Admiral Yahy2 b.

Hakam", and says th at t he Arab historians describe him "as a spirited

person". But 1 have no t been able to find a name for him in the available

Arabic sources. Possibly th e breach of this treaty by the Muslims followed

th e Frankish attack on the Upper March. Ibn a a l d i i n ( o p . c i t . . IV/ii : 276)

says the Frankish ravages in the marches increased, and al-Yakammoved

against them in 196/811.

M. A. 'InHn. M o o r i s h E m p i r e , o p . c i t . , I :238.

J. Reinaud, o p . c i t . . I11 : .

J. Reinaud ( i b i d . . 114) says perhaps Aizon allied himself with th e Muslims

and was se nt by them to Aix-la-Chapelle in order t o report to them th e

correct st at e of affairs there.

M. A. 'Inln. M oo r i s h E m pi r e , op . c i t . . 2 6 2 .

Ibn Hayyan, a l - M u q t a b w , MS. Unnumbered, Jami' al-Qarawiyin. Fes, fol.

189a.

J. Reinaud, o p . c i t ., 119-20.

M. A. 'Inan, M o o r i s h E m p i r e , o p . c i t . , 262.

E . LBvi-Provencal, E sp ar ia M u s u l m a n a , o p . c i t . , 141 and 178, n. 24. H e placesi t in 2331847. See also : n n a l e s B e r t i n i a n i , ed. G. Wai tz . Hounorer. 1883.

Year 847. p. 34.

Ibnal-Q'iifiyyah. T a ' r i k h I f ti t ii h a l - A n d a l u s , ed. A. A. al-Tabba', Beirut.

1957.92.

E. LCvi-Provencal. E s p a l h M u s u lm a n a , o p . c i t . , 178, n. 21.

Ibn Ha~sBn, l - M u q t a b i s . op. c i t , , fol. 221b. H e calls Charles the Bald



ANDALUSIAN DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WI TH TH E FRANKS 43

Firdhiland b. Rud in, bu t the qualities by which he describes him fit Charles

th e Bald. He ca l ls him king of th e Franks. describes him as pious. and

informs us approximately as t o the length of his reign. This information he

supplies. while dealing generally with th e Ami r Muhammad, does no t

specify any par ticu lar embassy. Ibn 'I&sri ( o p . c it .. I1 : 108) gives roughly

the same information. while calling him Qarulush. a closer version of th e

name, as did Ibn al-IQatib ( A 6 m i i l ,op. c i t . , 23). See also E. Levi-Provencal,

Espni ia Mu su lman a . op . c i t . . 184 and 252, n. 10 :Al-Mas'iidi. op. c i t . . I11 : 1 :

' Inln. Moor i sh Empire , op . c i t . . I: 286-309.

Th is was what impelled him t o establ ish good relations with BanE Qasi. th e

governors of the Up pe r March who were threatening his country. In 2361

850. Miisa b. Miisii b. Qasi had at tacked Septimania. See 'InHn. Moor i sh

Empire , op. c i t . . I1 : 24.

J. Reinaud, op. c i t . , 126. It appears th at the envoys of Char les the Bald

themselves took gifts to th e Amir ; his corresponds with the information

already given by Ibn Hayyzn.

Ibn Ijayy ln, quoted by al-Maqqari. op. cit . . I : 43 : S. Lane-Poole, T h r

Moors in S pa in , London. 1897 (The Story of the Nations. No. 6). 127.

J. C. Murphy, op . c i t . , 101 ; I n ~ n , oorish Emp ire , op . c i t . , I1 : 415.

Ibn a a l d n n , op . c i t . . IV/ii :309-10.

Ibn a a l d i i n , ib id . . 310. Cf. Gayangos, Mohamme dan D y nas t i e s , op . c i t . , 11:

139-464.

3. M. Imamuddin. A P o l i t i c a l H i s t o r y o f M u s l i m S p a i n . Dacca (Pakistan),

1961. 100. considers Ki ldoh Charl es the Simple sen t th e embassy. H e says

that it took place after 3361947. But Charles t he Simple died in 929.

Al-Mas'Odi, op. c i t . . 111: 2.

Ib n a a l d i i n . op. c i t . . IV/ii :310. It appears from th is expression t ha t the

embassy came a t the same time as the previous one, or a t some time close to

it. See Imamuddin, o p . c i t . : Murphy, op . c i t . . 101.

'A&ar, op. c i t . . 244 ; Encyc lopaedia Bri tannica, 1952, XI : 64. Cf.LBvi Provencal. Histor ia de Espaf ia . I V : 352, 368.

I b n B a l i b . F a r h a t a l - A n f u s , ed. 'Abd al-Badi', M a j a l l a t M a ' h a d a l -

Mak&i&it (A ra b League). Cairo. 1955. I : asc 2. 300-01.

A1-Mas'Bdi. op. c i t . I11 : 9-72 ;B. Lewis. 'The Muslim discovery of Europes.

Bulletin of the School of Orienta l an d A fr ic an S tudies. London. 1957, XX : 10;

idem. 'Mas'iidi on the Kings of the Franks'. A l - M a s ' 3 d i M i l l e n a r y C o m -

memorat ion Volume, ed. S. M. Ahmad and A. Rahman. Calcutta, 1960. 7-10.

It appears th at th e book found by al-Mas'iidi was a sh or t work dealing with

the history of th e Frankish kings. for he does not mention the rest of it scontents. It is probable th a t if the contents had been more than what he

summarized, he would have mentioned i t parenthetical ly.

Lewie. 'Mas'lidi on th e Kings of th e Franks', op . c i t . . 8.

Reinaud. M us l im Colonies , op . c i t . , 4.

Al-Mas'iidi. Muri i j . Cairo edition, I :197.

Zbid.. Paris edition, I X :149 ; ndex under "Francs".

Shakib Arslan. T a ' r i u a a z a w i i t a l- ' A m b . Cairo. 1352 A.H.. 20. It is not

clear whether thi s is ArslHn's own conclusion, or he is relying on some




unspecified sources. One cannot be certain that Ceret is the same place

which is called by some chroniclers : 'Haykal al -Zahrah' . Port-Vendres.

See Ibn 'Abd al-Mun'im al-Himyari, al-Raw& al-Mi'!&, ed. Lbvi-Proven~al,

Cairo. 1939. 2. 42 ; l -Marr lkuhi , a l - M u ' j i b . op. ci t . . 29.

83. Al-Maqqari, op. c i t . . I :324. mentions a town called 'Jarandah' and places it

beyond the Pyrenees.

84. Reinaud. Muslim Colonies. op. cit.. 4 . To an extent he relies on al-Mas'Edi.

85. Ibn al-'Arabi. Mu@&ar?it al-Ah& wa Musi imari i t al-A&yhr. Cairo. 1282

A.H., I1 :342.

86. E. Hole. Andalus : pain under the Mu sl im s, London. 1958, 90-91.

87. Gvi-Provenpal. L'Espagne Musulmane au Xeme Sidcle. Paris. 1932. 48.n. 2.

88. Hole, op. c i t . . 93, laces i t "a year or two before al-Nasir's death."

89- Lkvi-Proven~al see Note 87, bove) doubts it s authenticity and says tha t

the word I f r a n j generally means, in the works of Arab historians of Spain.

th e inhabitants of Catalonia. In fact i t did mean Catalonia, but usual b it

meant other regions as well, as has already been discussed above (PP. 21-22).

Thus. the embassy may have been from Catalonia but more probably from

the lands of the Franks beyond the Pyrenees.

90. Hole, op. cit .. 90 ;Reinaud, Mu slim Colonies, op. c i t . . 152.

91. This was no t restricted to the Franks, but applied to o ther countries as well

Academic relations are not under discussion here, but th e facts mentioned

above have a political import.

92. Reinaud. Muslim Colonies. op. ci t , . 224. ArslHn ( T a ' r i a s a z a w h t , op. c i t . .

236, n. 1) says th at some monks who later reached Papal dignity, studied a t

the University of Montellier, south France. under Arab teachers, see :

1. M. M. Vallicrosa. 'El quehacer astron6mico de la Espaiia Arabe'. R I E I M .

1957.V :57.

93. Reinaud, op. ci t . . 238.

94. Ibn Hayyln. m. i t . . fols. 23b. 101a.

95. Reinaud. op. ci t . . 83. 85.

96. Zbid.. 85.

97. 'InHn, Moorish Empire, op . cit .. I ;166.

98. Zbid.. 167.

99. Some say th at Alfonso 11. King of Le6n. invited Charlemagne t o raid

Andalusia, see 'Inln. Moorish Empire, op. c i t . . 167 :Lane-Poole. op. ci t . . 29 ;

C.Oman. The Dark Ag es , London, 1903. 352 ; M. Deanesly. A His tory of

Ea rly Medieval Eurcpe. London, 1960. 351 ; bn al-Athir, op, c i t . . V I : 43.

100. 'Inan, Moorish Empire. op. c i t . . 166-67 Pidal, op. ci t . . 179. I t appears that

th is was no t the fi rs t time that al-A'rabi had sought help from Charlemagne.

H e had done this before, although on a smaller scale ; Inan, np. c i t . . 168 ;

Reinaud, op. cit . . 85.

101. Pidal, op. cit .. 179.

102. ' Inln. M w r i s h E m pi re , 170.

103. R. Dozy. Spanish Islam. Eng. tr. F . G. Stores. London. 1913. 204 ;

Imamuddin, op. ci t . , 41 ;H. W. Carless Davis, Charlemagne :Charles the

Great , London, 1900. 110.



ANDALUSIAN DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS W IT H THE FRAXKS 45

104. C. Brockelmann. History of the Is lamic Peoples . Eng. tr. J . Carmichael M.

Perlmann. London. 1959. 181 ; P. K. Hitti. H i s t o r y o f the A r a b s . London.

1961. 507 ; Dozy, op. c i t . . 204 ; mamuddin, op . c i t . . 41.

105.Ibn 'I&~ ri, op. cit. . I1

:

55;

Lkvi-Provencal. H is tor ia d e Espaf ia . op. c i t . . IV :79.

106. Ldvi-Provencal, ib id . ; 'Inan. Moorish Empire . 128.107. Dozy. ib id . . (n. 103, above): E. Saavedra. 'Abderrahrnan 1'. Revista de

Archivos .... Madrid. 1910, XIV : 83 : A. Gonzales Palencia 'El Califato

Occidental'. Revista de Archivos. 1922. XXVI : 180 ; Idem, H is tor ia de la

Espaaa Musulmana. Barcelona. 1932, 23.

108. 'Inan. Mcorish Empire. 157; bn 'I&lri, op. c i t . . 50.

109. Ibn aa ld i i n . al- 'Zbar. op. c i t . . IV/ii : 69 : bn 'I&arT, op. c i t . . 57 ; Ibn al-

A&ir, op. c i t . . VI :52.110. 'Inan, Moorish Empire. 183.

111. Ibn 'Ic&+iri. op . c i t . , 55; Ibn a a l d i i n . op. c i t . . 268 ;AM bi i r Majm iS 'ah , op. c i t . .

110 :Pidal. op . c i t . . 180: Ibn al-A&ir, op. i t . . VI :36 ; Saavedra, o p . c i t . , (n.

107. above).

112. Gvi-Provenqal. H is tor ia de Espai ia . IV : 9.

113. 'Inan. Moorish Empire , 183 : al-'U&ri ( o p . c i t . , 11) says that al-Saqlabi

arrived in Andalusia in 1631780.

114. Ibn al-A@r. op. ci t . . V1 : 43 ;A ~ b i i r a jm Z'ah . op. c i t . . 112-113.

115. LCvi-Provencal, Histor ia , op. c i t . 81 ; Reinaud. op . c i t . . 88 : F. Codera. 'LaDominaci6n arbbiga en la Frontera Superior'. Estudios cri t icos de Historia

arabe espniiola. segunda serie. Coleccidn de Estudios a rabes. tom0 VIII. Madrid.

1917. 140.

116. Pidal. op. c i t . . 187 : Inan. Moorish Empire , 172.

117. Lkvi-Provenqal. Histor ia . op. c i t . , 83-84 ;A r s l ~ n .Ta't.i& @aza wi i t . op . c i t .

120. Perhaps Baa labah . was handed over to Charlemagne in Paderborn o r

on his arrival a t Pamplona or during his campaign in Andalusia. The fi rst

appears more likely. because when Charlemagne was attacked on his return

home, al-A'rabi was rescued from him. But we do no t find any hint of

Ba al ab ah 's participation in these events. If he was surrendered to

Charlemagne on his arrival . he would have been with the hostages in the

rearguard and rescued. It is, however. well-known that he was released after

ne pt ia ti on s had been held between Charlemagne and the Andolusian

authorities after Charlemagne's return home.

It could be said th at n a ' l a b a h was with the hostages. bu t al-A'rabi's

sons did not try t o rescue him. This would confirm th e idea th at if he had

been wi th Charlemagne, al-A'riiEi's sons would have been anxious to take

him in order t o use him as a weapon against Cordoba which was very eager

to rescue him.

118. 'Inan. Moorish Empire. I : 71. See also Carless Davis, o p . c i t . . 112. The

Roncesvalles Pass is known in Arabic as Bab al -h azr2 . Al-Idrisi gives us

a valuable description of th e Pyrenees. which he cal ls 'al-Bartilt'. H e

mentions its passes including th e Roncesvalles. which he calls .'Bart

a i z r u . I t was one of th e Pyrenean Passes used by the Muslims in crossing

over t o France. See al-Idrisi, N u z h a t a l - M u d t d q , Rome, 1592, 252-53.

El-Hajji (AR)_andalusian Diplomatic Relations With the Franks_umayyad Period

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