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ACAH 2010

The Asian Conference on Arts & Humanities 2010, Osaka, Japan

Keynote Address, June 18 2010

Lord Charles Bruce

I am delighted to be here today and feel honoured that you should have asked me to give an address at the start of such an important conference. I am grateful to Stuart Picken for his warm words of introduction. Scotland today – like many other countries – has seen a falling away of Christian belief. Many Scots are unlikely to be addressed by a minister of the Church of Scotland on more than three occasions – baptism, betrothal, burial. I though, would feel blessed if I embarked on my final journey in a service conducted by such a figure as Stuart! Despite falling congregations it must be remembered that Scotland has many reasons to be thankful for its clergy. They have left an indelible mark not only on our national story but also more widely on the history of other countries throughout the world. It always strikes me as paradoxical, even perverse that a race such as the Scots should have been as diligent in building up the British Empire as they were in providing the impetus that led to its destruction. You will find that they served with distinction as both soldiers and schoolteachers. As St. Just suggests, the former created the very order that the work of the latter would ultimately disrupt and undo. The legacy of this dual purpose of colonialism is not straightforward. Occasionally I have played with the thought that there might be a pedagogical justification for imposing the values of one civilisation upon another. But as you are well aware the counter arguments to such a thought are very strong. The truth is that the pattern of osmosis and absorption of ideas and cultural values follow many strands – and it is a study of this process which is so fascinating. I am reminded of the story of the senior United Nations official who visited Sierra Leone to inspect the UNAMSIL mission and found himself in conversation with two very bulky British non-commissioned officers, both wearing the distinctive red hackle of the Black Watch Regiment. He was puzzled that neither were native Scots. Both had been recruited from the South Pacific. They explained that they had visited Scotland with the Samoan rugby team - and instead of returning home after the end of the tournament, decided to extend their visas and join a famous Scottish regiment. They had been welcomed into the Black Watch. “But how can you serve in such an illustrious military unit without having the heritage of birth and upbringing”, asked the official – “I mean you obviously don’t have a drop of Scottish blood in your veins!” In reply the senior Samoan sergeant pulled himself up, towering over the UN official “You forget that in the nineteenth century the Church of Scotland sent missionaries to Samoa. And we ate them all”. When the American colonies revolted in 1776, it was Charles James Fox, a radical British politician, who remarked laconically that it was “a pity that Cousin America should have eloped with a Scotch clergyman”. He was of course referring to the Rev

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John Witherspoon, sixth President of Princeton College who fed successive classes of future American patriots passing through his lecture hall on a diet of Scottish enlightenment studies. Sixty year later, Rev Alexander Duff, led the first Church of Scotland mission to India, but in doing so inadvertently helped to light the flame of the Indian independence movement. He established a school for Bengali children in Calcutta in 1835 - the Scottish Church College - a school which would become celebrated as the alma mater of the early National Congress Party and successively of many leading nationalists who hastened the end of British Rule and founded the Indian State. And turning to China, it was the Scottish missionary James Legge, one of the finest sinologists of his generation, who prepared for a lifetime translating Confucian texts by reading divinity at Aberdeen University. His protégé Wang Tao who accompanied Legge from Hong Kong to Scotland in 1867 is recognised as one of the most influential Chinese journalists of his generation, publishing the first Chinese language newspaper, the Universal Circulating Herald, in 1874, and ultimately assisting Sun Yat Sen in codifying his revolutionary ideals. Both India and China were deeply affected by the experience of colonialism, but the story of Japan’s absorption of Western influence in the second half of the nineteenth century offers a very different perspective on the transmission of ideas and values. Although Japan found itself responding rapidly to economic and social changes driven by external forces, its right to exist as a nation state was largely respected by the colonial powers. It is a revealing exercise to read the impressions recorded by European and American visitors to Japan in the 1850’s. In the climacteric year of 1858, diplomatic missions were sent to Japan from the United States, Russia, France and the Netherlands; each signing a treaty of amity and commerce. The British mission was led by my great-great grandfather, James Bruce, the 8th Earl of Elgin, and as a result of this family connection, in October last year I was invited to attend the celebrations marking the 150th anniversary of the foundation of Yokohama as one of the five ports which came into existence as a result of the 1858 Treaty. My hosts asked me to tell the story of this early encounter between East and West - which I was able to do, making use both of my ancestor’s private correspondence and a set of original watercolours painted by an artist attached to his staff. Although the mission lasted barely three weeks, the evidence which it collected gave a startling insight into a society that had been effectively closed to foreigners for 230 years. There is no doubt that the arrival of Western missions marked a sudden and profound moment of change for Japan. In the ensuing fifty years, there developed a remarkable convergence between Britain and Japan, as the former sought to influence the economic development of its new trading partner. I thought it might provide a useful datum point for this conference, to trace the evolution of this relationship from its very source. It was after he concluded the Treaty of Tienstin with the Chinese government in July 1858 Elgin took the opportunity to lead a diplomatic mission to Japan and negotiate a comprehensive treaty there. He was unusually well qualified to undertake the mission having already served as Governor of Jamaica and significantly as Governor General of Canada. In that country he witnessed and participated in some of the most tumultuous political events in its history. Surviving two assassination attempts, he played a hugely

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important role in setting Canada on the road to democratic government. During his term of office he successfully intervened to snuff out an annexation campaign which would have subsumed Canada into the United States. He introduced responsible government and enabled Canada to become the first self-governing colony in the British Empire, a vital precursor to Confederation in 1867 and ultimate nationhood. In 1854 he had negotiated a free trade treaty in Washington which my Canadian friends tell me has never been bettered. Having led two allied expeditions to China in 1857 and 1860 he eventually ended his career as Viceroy of India. He lies buried where he died in 1863 in the Himalayas at Dharmasala. In the spring of 1857 Elgin had been dispatched to China to negotiate a treaty which would allow British traders privileged access to Chinese markets. He sailed with 1700 troops and planned to rendezvous with a French expeditionary force. While replenishing en route at Singapore he heard of a serious uprising in India that threatened the security of the British Raj. With no time to confer with London, he took a decision to divert his entire task force to Calcutta instead of Canton and delay his Chinese mission indefinitely. Thus by the time he arrived at Nagasaki in August 1858 he had been credited with preventing the loss of the British Empire’s most important possession, India, and by securing a treaty with the Chinese, vastly extending the sphere of British influence in the Far East. Elgin’s role as a diplomat in the age of gunboat diplomacy conceals a complex man. He was profoundly troubled by the opium trade that underpinned British commercial expansion in the Far East. In Singapore he was shown an opium den and was appalled at the evidence of addiction that he discovered. A man of deep Christian conscience he had great difficulty reconciling the remorseless advance of imperialism with his own privately-held values. Often he found himself disgusted with the behaviour of British traders whom he had been instructed to protect and support: “since I have found them in the East among populations too timid to resist and too ignorant to complain….I have an instinct within me which loves righteousness and hates iniquity, and all this keeps me in a perpetual boil”. Though it was more in sorrow than anger on his homeward voyage in 1858 that wrote of, “…this abominable East; abominable, not so much in itself, as because it is strewed all over with the evidence of our violence and fraud and disregard of right.” In negotiating Britain’s first treaty in Japan, Elgin’s instructions from the British foreign minister Lord Clarendon were very clear and certainly rested more easily on his conscience: “It is not the intention of Her Majesty’s Government to impose a new treaty on Japan by forcible means, wrote Clarendon. “We wish to conciliate the goodwill of the Government and people of Japan; but we have no cause of quarrel….to justify our having recourse to coercive measures…and least of all in order to compel them to conclude a treaty the provisions of which might be repugnant to their wills or interests”. In keeping with the spirit of his instructions therefore, Elgin set out with a modest fleet of only three naval ships, together with a steam yacht destined as a gift for the Emperor of Japan. The relatively small size of his force has much to do with his gamble that the news of his success in Canton and Tientsin would reach Japan ahead of him. And it was also possible of course that he intended to offer a clear contrast to the size of the American naval force commanded by Commodore Perry. The British mission set sail from Shanghai on 31st July and arrived in Nagasaki Bay on August 3rd. Here the mission disembarked and Elgin recorded his first impression of

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Japan. He though that Nagasaki was “wonderfully clean after China. Not a beggar to be seen. The people clean too; for one of the commonest sights is to see a lady in front of her house or in the front room wide open to the street sitting in a tub washing herself…” Although the British party only stayed in Nagasaki for two days, they were able to observe the development of a new naval dockyard. In the workshops operated by Dutch contractors they found Japanese apprentices learning technical and drafting skills. Here Elgin made an extraordinarily prescient observation: “The Japanese are competent to manage their own steam engines and to navigate their own ships….they are extremely sensitive at being suggested incapable of acquiring any branch of knowledge which is possessed by others and have a high estimate of their powers in this respect”.

The British left Nagasaki on 5th August and sailed for Shimoda. It was here that Elgin met Townsend Harris, the US Consul General. He had recently arrived from Yedo where the American and Dutch treaties had only just been concluded. Harris explained that news of the Chinese capitulation at Canton and Tientsin had arrived like a lightning bolt in Japan. Elgin realised that his instinct of arriving lightly armed was correct and concluded that “Harris had contrived to make a pretty good treaty with Japan evidently under the influence of the contrecoup of our proceedings in China.” However the enormity of the task that lay ahead now dawned on Elgin. Essentially he was faced by three difficulties: “How to make a treaty without TIME (for I cannot stay here above a few days)” he wrote “or INTERPRETER or CREDENTIALS…prestige is everything in the East and I should not like to be prevented from seeing the Emperor now that the American has been received.”

The British left Shimoda on 12th August having formed a good working relationship with Harris who lent them the services of his interpreter, a Dutchman, Henry Heusken. Although they now had access to a reliable interpreter they would find that all their official and informal dialogue would be conducted through the Dutch language thus complicating and slowing down communication with the Japanese. The next day at midday, the British force arrived in Edo Bay off Kanagawa where a Russian fleet lay at anchor. The Russian mission had arrived a fortnight before and was still engaged in making arrangements for a proper reception in the capital. “Lord Elgin, however, instead of stopping at Kanagawa”, wrote his private secretary, Lawrence Oliphant, “determined to adopt the unprecedented course of sailing straight up to the capital, believing that it would not only save valuable time, but that the presence of our ships would produce a salutary effect upon the Government” On August 13th Japanese officials came alongside and requested a meeting with Elgin. In his diary he refers to them as princes but it is more likely that they were ministers sent by authority of the Shogun….who was gravely ill and not expected to live much. Elgin was impressed by their courtesy and professionalism. “There is no appearance of oppression or fear anywhere,” he wrote, “It seems to be a matter of course that every man should fill the place and perform the function which custom and law prescribe…I am afraid they are not much disposed to do things in a hurry …I must discover some means of hastening them if I am to get my treaty…” The British were entirely unaware of the controversy which their visit had created but they had caused consternation in Kyoto and Yedo. The Emperor had been unable to form a consensus among the Daimyo nobility on the appropriate response to Western diplomacy. The Shogunate

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was following its own advice and had sensed the practical course must involve concession. Either way, the arrival of the British warships in the heart of the empire was entirely unexpected and yet the Japanese behaved with an extraordinary sense of composure and outward calm. During the previous year, the US Consul, Townsend Harris had received some very wise advice from the chief Japanese interpreter Moriyama who had now attached himself to the treaty negotiations with the British. Moriyama told Harris; “of every ten men in authority three would favour opening the ports at once and two opening them after some delay; three would be prepared to yield without resistance to a threat of force, but two would fight to the last.”

On August 17th, the British landed at Yeddo. The naval detachment provided a marine band which played Rule Britannia. Following a procession though the city, the British Mission was taken to the Tozenzi Temple complex. Oliphant described the reaction of the onlookers: “The crowd was wild with excitement”, he wrote, “the inhabitants poured out to see us pass... Not that the people were the least disorderly, they laughed and stared and ran parallel with us until stopped by a barrier, for the Japanese are perfect in the management of crowds”. On 19th August, Elgin together with his colleagues visited the foreign ministers in the citadel. Following their guides deep into the Shogunate, Oliphant described the initial formal meeting: “Ascending some steps we passed through a series of ante-chambers with walls of paper screens until we were finally ushered into an oblong apartment at the further end of which on the left-hand side stood the two Ministers behind two low square tables and six wax candles on single stands.” By now Elgin realised that there would be a mixed reaction to the treaty terms which he hoped to agree swiftly, although probably he was not fully aware of the hostility and division that existed among the ruling cliques. On 15th August, four days before his first official meeting with the appointed ministers, the Shogun, Iesada had died and had been succeeded by a 12 year old boy. This important news was carefully concealed from the British who were not to find out for another two months when the French mission returned to Shanghai. During the remainder of their visit, the authority of the Shogun had been vested in the Tairo or regent minister: Ii Naosuke Kamon no Karni, daimyo or hereditary prince of Hikone.

The next day, with no time to lose Elgin requested the commissioners appointed by the foreign ministers should call on the British residence and formally exchange their credentials in preparation for negotiating the terms of the treaty. Oliphant took up the story: “..the six commissioners appeared…[and proceeded] to work”, he wrote. “Our guests sat down with great readiness to luncheon and made formidable inroads upon the ham, the dish…which they most highly appreciate. They also indulged freely in champagne; indeed so conscious were they of entering upon business that Higo expressed a hope that the treaty would not taste of ham and champagne”. Now that we had settled down to work everybody lighted a pipe or cigar…and a great deal of business was accomplished”. The Japanese insisted that the commissioners should be watched by Government minders and Lord Elgin objected. Oliphant explains: “Lord Elgin remarked that there were already six Japanese commissioners to one English minister, and that any further accession would be quite unfair. On which the commissioners replied that it did indeed

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take six Japanese heads to cope with such an English head as they saw before them and in fact they felt unequal to the task.” The following day Lord Elgin and his party returned from a ride in the country to find the commissioners arriving unannounced at lunchtime. The commissioners protested that they were not in the least hungry but “ it would seem so very much that they had come for ham and champagne”, observed Oliphant wryly. “Lord Elgin answered that unless the proper amount of ham and champagne had been consumed it would be impossible to proceed with the treaty. This arrangement seemed at once to decide them; they had evidently fasted carefully. After luncheon we had difficulty getting through 15 articles”.

Over the course of the next week, the British and Japanese negotiating teams completed all 24 articles of the treaty. Although Elgin had been instructed by his government to base the treaty terms on the Treaty of Tientsin which he had signed with the Chinese, he adopted the more conciliatory approach of Townsend Harris which had proved acceptable to the Japanese. Briefly the treaty permitted the opening of five international Treaty Ports and three naval bases; the opening of Japanese markets to UK exporters without any intervention from Japanese authorities ; and controversially, it recognised that foreigners would be immune from prosecution under Japanese Law. The insertion of a foreign coinage clause and a most favoured nation clause were to prove damaging also to Japanese interests. Elgin expressed concern about the circumstances which forced the Japanese to acquiesce to the treaty terms. Afterwards Lawrence Oliphant reflected on his experience of dealing with the Japanese: “The cordiality of our reception at Yedo was in certain quarters the mask which a somewhat shallow diplomacy led them to assume in order to avert a danger they deemed imminent and which they dared not meet” he wrote. He went on to warn British trading interests, “unless our diplomacy is conducted upon principles to make us respected as a nation at the outset” he wrote, “it will be impossible for us in the long-run to maintain satisfactory relations…With so quick-sighted and intelligent a people, moral influence may be made to operate more effectively than physical force…it is no less vital that our merchants set an example of rigid adherence to treaty obligations.” Elgin made the case for high ethical standards but this may say more about him than about British imperialism in the East. There is much evidence of exploitation and subjugation in South East Asia during the colonial period. However the opportunity granted by the development of Japan in the half-century following the treaties, stimulated a fascinating response from many Europeans and Americans, individuals whose curiosity and enterprise contributed greatly to the country’s emergence as a world power by 1905. In seeking a destination to this historical journey which we have taken today, I wanted to focus finally on the contribution made by my own countrymen, Scots whose participation in the discovery, transformation and interpretation of Japan reflected their various roles as entrepreneurs, teachers, engineers, writers and artists. Their common experience converged in the emergence of a deep respect for Japan, its culture and its people, a result which would have undoubtedly pleased Lord Elgin. Within a year of the 1858 treaty being ratified, a young Scottish businessman, Thomas Blake Glover, sailed from Hong-Kong to Nagasaki to trade in tea, on the instructions of his employers, Jardine, Matheson and Co. Over the next decade he helped to transform the Japanese economy and played a major part in launching the coal mining, shipbuilding and

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armaments industries. In 1865, he imported the first steam locomotive to Japan. In 1867, his provided the first western-built ships to the Japanese navy. The modern origins of Mitsubishi date from the acquisition of his dockyard and mining interests. He is still revered in Japan, as the founder of the Kirin brewery. In many regards, Glover epitomised the concept of the nineteenth wandering Scot – well educated, highly entrepreneurial - a representative of one of the best educated societies in Europe and organised effectively as among the worlds most successful networks of entrepreneurs. In the United States, emigrant Scots such as Andrew Carnegie or Andrew Mellon built industrial and financial empires that eclipsed the record of other immigrant groups. It was a similar experience in Australia, Canada and India. But in Japan, very few Scots established themselves and their descendents as an immigrant community. Rather, as teachers, engineers or entrepreneurs such as Glover they extended their influence as transnationals. As artists and writers they absorbed important cultural influences and brought these home to brighten their native forms.

Among the many contributions to the evolution of Japan as a modern state, with which Thomas Glover can be credited, it was his personal involvement in the training and equipping of an entire generation of political leaders which is the most remarkable. The story of the Choshu Five, the spiriting away of the brightest youths of the Choshu clan, and their perilous journey to Britain in 1863 perhaps more than any other symbolises the synaptic encounter between east and west.

On arriving in London, the Five were looked after by Hugh Mackay Matheson, a founding partner of Jardine Matheson, Thomas Glover’s erstwhile boss who enrolled them in University College London. Matheson, who was an astute Highlander, must have realised the potential of the students entrusted to him. Each evening Matheson shared his dining room in Hampstead with the future Finance Minister, the future Director of Railways, the future Director of the Osaka Mint, and the future Minister of Works and founder of the Imperial College of Engineering. Matheson’s most gifted student, Ito Hirobumi, would later become the Meji emperor’s first prime minister, serving on four occasions between 1886 and 1901.

In 1872, after the restoration of the Emperor, the Iwakura Mission was dispatched to Europe and the US to gather intelligence on Western technology and culture. Accompanying the mission as vice-ambassador, Hirobumi retraced the friendships forged from his student days 10 years before, and travelled to Glasgow University to seek the advice of the professor of civil engineering, McQuorn Rankine on the necessary steps to establish a Japanese armaments industry. Rankine’s advice was simple. Japan would need a steel mill, but before that it would need well-trained engineers. Before the Mission left the UK, it appointed Henry Dyer a 23 year old Scottish engineering lecturer, as the first Professor of Engineering and Principal of the Imperial College of Engineering in Tokyo. Dyer left for Japan in April 1873 together with a faculty of 13 teaching staff, seven of whom had graduated from Scottish Universities. So rushed was his appointment, Dyer used the outward voyage to write an outline for a six year engineering course which included mathematics, natural philosophy, telegraphy, chemistry, physics, civil engineering, geology and English literature.

Dyer’s reign at the Imperial College lasted for nine years and ensured that an entire generation of Japanese leaders would benefit from being taught a broadly based Scottish syllabus. To further his students’ practical application of engineering courses he

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established the Akabane Engineering workshops, the first such teaching facility in Japan. For many years after his return to Scotland in 1881, Dyer continued to place Japanese students in British universities. With his prompting, Glasgow became the first European university to permit Japanese as an entry language.

If you have time to walk down to the port during your stay in Osaka you will find a lighthouse built in 1872 at Tenpozan, one of the 26 designed and constructed around the Japanese coastline by Henry Brunton, a Scottish engineer who had trained with the Stevenson brothers, a family famous for building lighthouses. The Stevensons were identified by the Iwakura Mission as a suitable firm to apprentice young Japanese engineers and they left in their care a seventeen-year-old boy, Kouichiro Sughi. He attended Edinburgh University to learn drawing and survey work and it was here that he befriended Robert Louis Stevenson, the youngest son of the head of the firm, who later became an acclaimed writer of historical fiction.

Robert Louis Stevenson never visited Japan but through Sughi and other Japanese contacts he developed a fascination for the country and its history. He was among the first western writers to identify a Japanese folk hero as the epitome of national character in the biographical tradition of Macaulay and Carlyle. Stevenson included a sketch of the life of a great Japanese patriot Yoshida Torajiro which appeared in his collection of short biographies published in 1882 as Familiar Stories of Men and Books. Stevenson confidently placed Yoshida in the company of such figures as Robert Burns, Walt Whitman, Henry Thoreau and Samuel Pepys, he saw him as an important transitional figure embedded in an ancient culture, trying to come to terms with the challenge brought about by rapid globalisation.

Yoshida represented a samurai class whose purpose had been extinguished by the advent of a professional bureaucracy and who were finding it increasingly difficult to preserve the purity of an island culture. Stevenson empathised with his predicament and encouraged his readers to assimilate the uniqueness of Japan before it is lost forever. The use of heroic figures such as Yoshida as a literary device to embody distinctive aspects of national character appears again and again in the work of both Stevenson and Walter Scott as they observed the transition of Scotland from the hopelessness of a failed state to become an equal partner with England in the creation of the British Empire and its eventual domination of a global trading system.

While Stevenson’s family profited from building lighthouses to ease navigation and begin the practical task of opening Japan to overseas trade, he saw his role as more of an archaeologist salvaging Japan’s history and heritage before it was swallowed up by the relentless tide of westernisation. He appointed himself as the keeper of Japan’s distinctive national identity, finishing his essay on Yoshida with the observation, “I hope the reader will not fail to perceive that this is as much the story of a heroic people as that of a heroic man.”

Other Scots took inspiration from visual forms of Japanese culture and successfully synthesised their work to incorporate a distinctive blend of east and west. Two Scottish painters, Edward Hornel and George Henry, both representatives of the Glasgow School travelled to Japan in 1893 and spent over 18 months amassing a collaborative portfolio. Both painters were at the forefront of the Scottish art movement known as the Celtic Revival and were well attuned to seeking and interpreting the unique characteristics of their own culture and national temperament, in defiance of

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contemporary European movements in art. Not surprisingly, Hornel found himself expressing the same regrets as Robert Louis Stevenson, observing in a lecture which he gave on his return to Glasgow that the Meji restoration of 1868 had “swept away forever the old Japan with its poetry and romance investing the country instead with the habits and practices of Birmingham.” To Hornel, Japanese aesthetics was the “greatest impressionism the world has so far possessed – all useless details are laid aside…whereas we have been working too much on the surface, and in striving to realise Truth have forgotten the spirit”

The most enduring memory of this period of intense assimilation of Japanese culture is embodied in one of the world’s most distinguished Arts and Crafts buildings, the Glasgow School of Art. Opened in 1910, the school was designed by Charles Rennie Mackintosh as the purest synthesis of his pronounced aesthetic. Japanese idioms abound. The central stair in dark stained oak borrows heavily from Japanese tradition of building in timber. In the tranquillity of the two-storey library held aloft on mighty timber columns, one feels the presence of a Zen Buddhist temple. In 1911, the year after the School of Art opened, Admiral Togo the victor of the Battle of Tsushima, visited Glasgow. The battle fought between Japanese and Russian imperial fleets in 1905 was the critical naval encounter of the early twentieth century and resulted in Japan becoming recognised for the first time as a world power, an extraordinary achievement for the medieval country which Lord Elgin had visited only 47 years earlier.

Over half of the Japanese battleships taking part at Tsushima had been built in British shipyards. Furthermore all Japanese ships were fitted with coincidence rangefinders, giving the Japanese fleet a gunnery advantage of at least 2,000 yards. The resulting accuracy enabled the Japanese to out-gun their opponents and destroy or capture 29 of the 38 Russian ships. The rangefinders were made in Glasgow by Archibald Barr and William Stroud, respectively professors of civil engineering and physics at Glasgow University. Admiral Togo visited the factory of Barr and Stroud and thanked the management and workforce. He said simply “You won the Battle of Tsushima for me.”

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Select Bibliography Checkland, S. The Elgins 1766-1917. A tale of aristocrats, proconsuls and their wives. Aberdeen 1988 Oliphant, L. Narrative of the Earl of Elgin’s Mission to China and Japan 1857,’58,’59. Edinburgh 1859 Walrond, T. Letters and Journals of James, Eighth Earl of Elgin. Governor of Jamaica, Governor-General of Canada, Envoy to China, Viceroy of India. London 1873 British Parliamentary Papers. Correspondence relative to the Earl of Elgin’s special Mission to China and Japan, 1857-1859. Checkland.O 'Henry Dyer at the Imperial College of Engineering Tokyo, and afterwards in Glasgow', Chapter 11, Britain & Japan: Biographical Portraits 1999 Stevenson, RLS. Familiar Studies of Men and Books. Edinburgh 1882 Holt, Y. Veriest Poem of Art in Nature. EA Hornel’s Japanese Garden. Tate Papers 2004 Mioyshe, N. Henry Dyer, pioneer of engineering education in Japan. 2004 McKay, A. Scottish Samurai: The Life of Thomas Blake Glover. Edinburgh 1993 Craick, A. Science and technology in 19th century Japan, the Scottish Connection. St Andrews 2005

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