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Published by THE LIBERIAN STUDIES ASSOCIATION, INC.

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LIBERIAN STUDIES JOURNAL

Editorial Policy

The Liberian Studies Journal is dedicated to the publication of original research on so- cial, political, economic, scientific, and other issues about Liberia or with implications for Liberia. Opinions of contributors to the Journal do not necessarily reflect the policy of the organizations they represent or the Liberian Studies Association, publisher of the Journal.

Manuscript Requirements

Manuscripts submitted for publication should not exceed 25 typewritten, double-spaced pages, with margins of one-and a-half inches. The page limit includes graphs, refer- ences, tables and appendices. Authors may, in addition to their manuscripts, submit a computer disk of their work preferably in MS Word 2007 or WordPerfect 8.0 (or higher) for Windows. Notes and references should be placed at the end of the text with headings. Notes, if any, should precede the references. The Journal is published in June and De- cember. The deadline for the first issue is February 28, and for the second, August 31.

Manuscripts should include a cover page that provides the title of the text, author's name, address, phone number, e-mail address, and affiliation. Anonymous referees will review all works.

Manuscripts are accepted in English and French.

Manuscripts must conform to the editorial style of either the Chicago Manual of Style (CMA), The American Psychological Association (APA), or Modern Language As- sociation (MLA).

Authors should send their manuscripts for consideration by regular mail or e-mail at- tachments to

James S. Guseh, Editor Liberian Studies Journal

North Carolina Central University Durham, North Carolina 27707

Email: JGuseh@nccu.edu Phone: 919-530-5201

All Book Reviews should be mailed to

Amos J. Beyan, Editor Liberian Studies Journal

4453 Friedmann Hall, Department of History Western Michigan University Kalamazoo, Michigan 49008

Email: amos.beyan@wmich.edu Phone: 269-387-4567

Indexing and Abstracting: The Liberian Studies Journal is indexed and/or abstracted by America: History and Life (1970-); Bibliographic Index (Jan. 1990-); Current Ab- stracts (Jun. 2009); Historical Abstracts (1970-); International Bibliographies of the Social Sciences International Political Science Abstracts; Linguistic Bibliography; MLA International Bibliography (Modern Language Association of America); RILM Abstracts of Music Literature (Repertoire International de Littermate (Musicale) (1973-).

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VOLUME XXXIII 2007 Number 2

LIBERIAN STUDIES JOURNAL Editor

James S. Guseh North Carolina Central University

Associate Editor Emmanuel 0. Oritsejafor

North Carolina Central University

Book Review Editor Amos Beyan

Western Michigan University

EDITORIAL ADVISORY BOARD:

William C. Allen, Virginia State University Alpha M. Bah, College of Charleston Christopher Clapham, Lancaster University Yekutiel Gershoni, Tel Aviv University Svend E. Holsoe, University of Delaware James N. J. Kollie, Sr., University of Liberia Romeo E. Philips, Kalamazoo College

Warren d' Azevedo, University of Nevada Lawrence Breitborde, Knox College D. Elwood Dunn, Sewanee-The University of the South Thomas Hayden, Society of African Missions Sylvia Jacobs, North Carolina Central University Coroann Olcorodudu, Rowan College of N. J.

Momo K. Rogers, Kpazolu Media Enterprises Henrique F. Tokpa, Cuttington University College

LIBERIAN STUDIES ASSOCIATION BOARD OF DIRECTORS:

Alpha M. Bah, College of Charleston, President Mary Moran, Colgate University, Secretary-Treasurer

James S. Guseh, North Carolina Central University, Parliamentarian Yekutiel Gershoni, Tel Aviv University, Past President

Timothy A. Rainey, Johns Hopkins University Joseph Holloway, California State University-Northridge

FORMER EDITORS Amos J. Beyan

Al-Hassan Conteh C. William Allen

Edward J. Biggane D. Elwood Dunn\ Svend Holsoe

Jo Sullivan

Edited at North Carolina Central University Department of Public Administration and the Office of International Affairs

The Editors and Advisory Board gratefully acknowledge the contributions of the Department of Public Administration and the Office of International Affairs at North Carolina Central University.

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CONTENTS

FROM THE EDITOR James S. Guseh ii

FROM THE ASSISTANT VICE-CHANCELLOR FOR UNIVERSITY PROGRAMS Janice Harper

LIBERIA'S CIVIL SOCIETY AND POLITICAL ACTIVISTS IN THE 1984-85 ELECTION CAMPAIGN: UNDERMINED BY EXTERNAL COERCION AND INNER DIVISION

Yekutiel Gershoni

iii

2

POST-CONFLICT SECURITY SECTOR REFORM AND THE CHALLENGE OF OWNERSHIP: THE CASE OF LIBERIA Louise Anderson 17

MATILDA NEWPORT: THE POWER OF A LIBERIAN-INVENTED TRADITION Svend E. Holsoe

BOOK REVIEW Wesley, Patricia Jabbeh. The River is Rising. (Pittsburgh, PA: Autumn House Press, 2007)

Robert H. Brown, Sr.

NEW PUBLICATIONS ON OR RELEVANT TO LIBERIA

NEWS AND NOTES

DOCUMENTS

28

42

45

47

49

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From the Editor

North Carolina Central University (NCCU) is pleased to assume the editorship of the Liberian Studies Journal in the Summer of 2008. The Jour- nal, which is a publication of the Liberian Studies Association, is the second oldest African studies journal continuously published in the United States. Since its establishment in the 1960s, the journal has an appealed to a wide readership in and out of academia. This was accomplished under the profes- sional leadership of its editors, along with the commitment of its reviewers, publishers, readers and writers. I thank them for their accomplishments and commitment.

As Editor of the Journal, I would like to thank the many institutions that facilitated the assumption of the editing of the Journal at NCCU. The UNCSF/USAID provided a grant to the Office of International Affairs and the Department of Public Administration at NCCU for the promotion of democracy in a war-torn country, Liberia. One of the mediums through which democracy is promoted is research and publications.

The Journal will be edited by the Department of Public Administration and the Office of International Affairs. Editing the journal will contribute to the academic resources and the quality of the academic program in the Department. It also makes NCCU the first HBCU to assume editorship of this Journal.

As Editor, I would like to thank the outgoing Editor, Amos Beyan, at Western Michigan University, and his dedicated editorial team for taking the Journal to an enviable intellectual level. I would also like to thank the Guest Editor, Elwood Dunn, at the University of the South, for his assistance in the publication of the Journal. The Editorial staff at North Carolina Central plans to continue this high intellectual standard in order to serve the needs of the Journal's scholastic constituency as an international peer-reviewed journal. I am most grateful for the opportunity.

James S. Guseh Editor Liberian Studies Journal North Carolina Central University

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Liberian Studies Journal

Dear Colleagues,

North Carolina Central University is delighted to partner with the

Liberian Studies Association in the publication of the Liberian Studies

Journal. The University is the first Historical Black College and

University to assume the editorship of this journal. We value the rich

history of the Liberian Studies Journal and the fact that it is the second oldest African studies journal published continuously in the United States. Special thanks are extended to Drs. James Guseh and

Emmanuel Oritsejafor for their dedicated efforts as editors.

The collaborative effort between North Carolina Central University and the Liberian Studies Association is supported by the academic

community at the university. Thus, we hope that the editorship of the journal at North Carolina Central University will strengthen the

academic climate at the University and deepen scholarship that is

relevant to Liberia and Africa.

Sincerely,

Janice Harper, Ph. D.

Assistant Vice-Chancellor for University Programs

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Liberia's Civil Society and Political Activists in the 1984-85 Election Campaign: Undermined by External Coercion

and Inner Division

Yekutiel Gershoni *

On 26 July 1984, four years into his military rule, the Liberian head of state, Samuel Kanyon Doe, lifted the ban on political activities. The Special Election Commission (SECOM) published guidelines for registering parties and for organizing the election campaign. The first party to complete the registration process was the National Democratic Party of Liberia (NDPL), established by Doe, who announced his intention to become the first elected President of the Second Republic. In doing so, the head of state breached his promise to stay out of politics and not to participate in the elections, which were scheduled for October 1985. Most Liberians were averse to Doe's running for office, as in their mind he was associated with military rule and dictatorship. Their resentment grew when it became clear that Doe was prepared to use any means, including violence, to secure the position of President.

In theory, civil society groups and political leaders who objected to Doe's running for office could have prevented Doe from fulfilling his polit- ical aspirations. This article will consider why they did not succeed in doing so, though they very much would have wanted to.

1. Civil Society

1.1 The Potential of Civil Society

Civil society refers to institutions, organizations, and behaviors that connect the state, the business world, and the family. Specifically, civil so- ciety is made up of voluntary and nonprofit organizations, philanthropic in- stitutions, social and political movements, and other forms of social participation and engagement, along with the values and cultural patterns associated with them.' Despite the fact that civil society encompasses a di-

* Yekutiel Gershoni, Professor of African History, Department of Middle Eastern and African History, Tel Aviv University, Tel Aviv 69978, Israel. This article was made possible thanks to a grant provided by the Pertz and Tovah Weibert Fund of the B'nai B'rith Organization, Bat-Yam Chamber.

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2 LIBERIA'S CIVIL SOCIETY AND POLITICAL ACTIVISTS

verse range of civilian groups that lack overt political power, it has the po- tential to prevent a strong government or ruler from implementing unde- sirable policies. In Togo, for example, civil society did succeed in imposing its will, albeit only partially, on a military dictator. In November 1982, 40,000 civil servants directed by opposition political activists began a strike aimed at forcing President Gnassingbe Eyadema, who had been ruling the country for more than 25 years, to fulfill the promise he had made to allow free and fair multi-party elections.2 The strike brought the country to a vir- tual standstill, and six months later Eyadema announced that democratic elections would be held in two months' time.'

By 1984, Doe and his regime were highly unpopular. Two conditions, which could mobilize civil society to embark on political action, prevailed in Liberia at that time: increased economic hardship and fear of political control by a dictatorship. Antonio Gramsci has described civil society as existing between "the economic structure and the State with its legislation and its coercion.' According to John Keane, fear of political control by a dictatorship is another circumstance that mobilizes civil society.5 Thus, changes in a state's economic or political arenas inevitably affect civil so- ciety, and under some circumstances those who inhabit this sector react to potential or actual changes by trying to influence politics.

At the end of September 1984, in the wake of the steady decline in Liberia's economy since the coup, Doe announced yet another round of austerity measures. These included a $10 deduction from the salaries of all civil service and public corporation employees, a $5 health tax on the salaries and wages, and the compulsory retirement of 2,400 public employ- ees.' In 1985, the country's liquidity problems became so severe that most banks, short of cash, accepted only their own cheques, and people's faith in the banks so declined that they preferred to stash their money at home. Government revenues were so low that the usual delays in contract pay- ments and government salaries were exacerbated yet further.'

On the political front, Doe's actions were clearly undermining the free- dom and fairness of the election campaign and the vote. Doe began to dis- tort the process even before the ban on political activities was lifted in the advance of the elections. Nine days earlier, on 17 July 1984, Doe issued

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YEKUTIEL GERSHONI 3

Decree 88A, which gave the security forces the power to imprison without trial anyone they deemed an opponent of the regime. A few weeks later, on 19 August, he ordered the arrests of Amos Sawyer, former head of the Con- stitution Committee and currently Chairman of the organizing committee of what would become the Liberian People's Party (LPP), and other critics of the regime on fabricated charges of planning a coup. In response to the stu- dent strike protesting the arrests, on 22 August 1984, soldiers broke into the UL campus, chased, beat and raped students, and destroyed and looted uni- versity property before Doe had the campus closed down for over three months.'

In tandem, he proceeded to undermine the process of party registration. With the lifting of the ban on political activities, ten political groups in ad- dition to his own declared their intention of becoming political parties and began the registration procedure that would allow them to run in the elec- tions. Through his control of SECOM, Doe expedited the registration of his own party, the NDPL, and protracted the registration of the rival groups so as to reduce the time they would have to campaign. In the end, only four of the eleven groups that submitted their candidacy made it to the elections: Doe's Own party, NDPL, the Liberian Action Party (LAP), the Liberian Uni- fication Party (LUP) and the Unity Party (UP).

Once the rival parties were registered, Doe systematically thwarted their campaigning. Using the local authorities, which were headed by Army per- sonnel, he saw to it that administrative and other obstacles were erected to their political activities. They were denied authorization to hold political meetings and rallies. Where gatherings were allowed, roadblocks were erected to keep out attendees, the electricity in the meeting halls was cut off, and so on. Nor did Doe hesitate to direct violence against the rival parties' activists. Exploiting his control of the security forces, he had soldiers break up meetings and rallies, and local party leaders arrested, beaten, and robbed. The complaints that the parties made to SECOM were ignored.

He also took steps against his key contenders. In February 1985, he had the government charge Amos Sawyer, the leader of the LPP, with em- bezzlement, thereby removing from the race one of the party's chief vote drawers. Six months later, on 18 August, he removed from the race both the LPP and the UPP, the later headed by Baccus Matthews, by having the In-

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4 LIBERIA'S CIVIL SOCIETY AND POLITICAL ACTIVISTS

terim National Assembly declare the parties ineligible to participate in the elections because of their espousal of ideologies foreign to Liberia.' He thus spared himself the need to run against what was emerging as the most popular parties in the country.

In the course of the year, it became increasingly clear that Doe was sys- tematically distorting the election process for his own benefit and that the mismanagement, corruption, and human rights violations that had charac- terized his regime until then would continue. In theory, at any point along the way the many individuals and groups who recognized the signs could have done, or tried to do, something to stop Doe's machinations and compel him to return to the barracks, as he had promised. In theory, they could have joined forces, rallied the population, and organized strikes and other forms of civil disobedience that Doe would have found difficult to ignore or sup- press. In actuality, they never became strong agents of political change.

1.2 Liberia's Civil Society Groups as Agents of Protest

Rather, Liberia's civil society groups were essentially agents of protest. Despite the military government's consistent hostility towards dissent, they had never been shy of speaking out against its many abuses. Over the pre- vious years of Doe's rule, students repeatedly raised their voices against the junta's corruption, high living, and arrests of its critics and other violations of human and civil rights. Church leaders were on the front line of what O'- Donnell and Schmitter call "the recovery of personal dignity."'° The Daily Observer and Footprints Today, two of the few independent newspapers that managed to stay open during Doe's tenure, repeatedly published information that the regime would have preferred to withhold and urged their readers to speak out against the wrongs of the government.

These civil society groups continued to speak out after the election process got under way. In August 1984, students protested the arrest of Amos Sawyer and other political activists. With the support of students from other campuses, UL students boycotted classes and paralyzed the Univer- sity's workings to bolster their demand for the release of the political pris- oners. The Liberian Council of Churches (LCC) presented Doe with a

document, read from the pulpits the next day, that warned that Decree 88A

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YEKUTIEL GERSHONI 5

could "easily plunge the nation into a reign of terror" and excoriated the bru- tal raid on the UL campus." Footprints Today lauded the LCC's act as a "brave, courageous, and timely move" and praised the clergy for being "at- tuned to the cries of their flock of faithfuls."12

Other civil society groups, some of them long established, such as the Liberian National Bar Association (LNBA), the Press Union of Liberia (PUL), and the Liberian Business Caucus (LBC), some of them established after the ban on political activities was lifted, such as the Liberian Women Committed to the Democratic Process, also raised their voices in protest. For instance, a number of groups protested Doe's arrests of several opposi- tion activists in August 1985. The Press Union of Liberia decried the arrest of two journalists from Footprints Today. In a letter to the Minister of Justice, Jenkins Scott, it expressed "deep concern" over the detentions and called on Scott to give the two prisoners a "fair and speedy trial". The Monrovian Chamber of Commerce also came to their defense, calling on Doe to release the two journalists and pointed out that detention without charge is a viola- tion of human rights.13 In the same month, 300 members of the Liberian Women Committed to the Democratic Process signed a petition demanding the release of Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf, one of the most outspoken critics of the military regime, and two female students who had been arrested for their political views.14 In September 1985, the Liberian Business Caucus publicly supported the right of opposition parties to send representatives to observe the ballot counting.' 5

For the most part, the protests were sporadic, focused almost exclu- sively on human rights, and, with the exception of the UL students' strike, entirely verbal. They never developed into a serious attempt to unseat Doe, to prevent him from running in the elections, or even to prevent him from distorting them. The various groups worked largely alone and made little if any effort to mobilize the public to take action.

The question is why.

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6 LIBERIA'S CIVIL SOCIETY AND POLITICAL ACTIVISTS

1.3 A Weak Civil Society further Hobbled by Violence and Coercion

The failure of Liberia's civil society groups to move against Doe in a concerted and strong manner stemmed from a combination of their inherent weakness and from Doe's ability to neutralize them through coercive actions. In Liberia, as elsewhere in Sub-Saharan Africa, civil society was small and fragmented. Although civil society groups had developed under the TWP, they were not deeply rooted in the broader society and, with the exception of the students, had always stood clear of overt confrontation.

The weakness of Liberia's civil society was further exacerbated after the coup, as the military government, for all its incessant talk of revolution, clamped down firmly on civil rights. Uncertain of their hold on the govern- ment and deeply apprehensive of the give and take of democratic processes, the poorly educated, inexperienced soldiers who made up the junta issued an array of decrees that further restricted the ability of civil society to or- ganize and to express itself. Well before Decree 88A restricted the ability of individuals, NGOs and political activists to express independent views, strikes were outlawed in August 1980 and "political activities" at schools and universities prohibited in December 1981. Civil society groups were further enervated by the regime's many attacks on them. Over the years of Doe's rule, critics of the regime were imprisoned and, in some instances, tor- tured. Student leaders who tried to rally their peers were banned or arrested and, in once case, came close to being executed. Newspaper editors were jailed and independent papers closed. Independent cabinet ministers were removed from their government posts.

In principle, the lifting of the ban on political activities should have made it easier for civil society groups to speak out and to act. The publica- tion of Decree 88A, however, and Doe's brutal attacks on those who opposed him, further constricted their already limited room for expression. As a re- sult, the independent press resorted to voicing its opinions indirectly, while most of the students, cowed and frightened, chose not to endanger them- selves.

For example, following the August 1984 arrests of Amos Sawyer and others, Footprints Today camouflaged its criticisms of Doe in an allegorical conversation between a lion and a mouse. The mouse, replying to the lion's

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YEKUTIEL GERSHONI 7

question of what he would do for his subjects if he were master of all the animals, related Sawyer's program. He would consult with the animals to learn their needs and concerns, pay attention to their answers, make sure that they all had equal rights and responsibilities, abjure special privileges for himself, and use his power faithfully and fairly by taking care of every ani- mal without prejudice or arbitrariness. At the end of his account, he declared that he did not want to be "the king of the animals, but the animals' king". The lion, smiling, told that this was why he was not supposed to become the leader of the animals, and proceeded to swallow him.16 Although animal al- legories are common in Liberian folklore, they were not used for political purposes before Samuel Doe's military dictatorship."

In another instance Footprints Today leveled oblique criticism at Doe using broad generalizations about the "dictatorial leadership" of China and the Soviet Union. There, the paper wrote, the dictatorship stemmed from "a hopeless situation characterized by fear and instability where demagogues suddenly appear as 'masters' and tell the people they will solve their prob- lems."'8 The readers were left to draw the ready parallel to Liberia. These and other indirect means enabled the papers to continue publishing and the journalists to criticize Doe's conduct during the run-up to the elections with- out being arrested. Yet even though the articles quoted above and others like them were fundamentally subversive, they were more a safety valve than a call to action.

Most students gave up the fight in the wake of the oppression. Initially, the bulk of Liberia's students had acted strongly and in concert against Doe's misconduct, as evident in the across the board student strike in August 1984 to protest the arrest of Amos Sawyer and other opposition figures. However, after the brutal raid on the UL campus, which culminated with the closure of university, their will was largely shattered.

In another instance Footprints Today leveled oblique criticism at Doe using broad generalizations about the "dictatorial leadership" of China and the Soviet Union. There, the paper wrote, the dictatorship stemmed from "a hopeless situation characterized by fear and instability where demagogues suddenly appear as 'masters' and tell the people they will solve their prob- lems." The readers were left to draw the ready parallel to Liberia. These

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8 LIBERIA'S CIVIL SOCIETY AND POLITICAL ACTIVISTS

and other indirect means enabled the papers to continue publishing and the journalists to criticize Doe's conduct during the run-up to the elections with- out being arrested. Yet even though the articles quoted above and others like them were fundamentally subversive, they were more a safety valve than a

call to action.

Most students gave up the fight in the wake of the oppression. Initially, the bulk of Liberia's students had acted strongly and in concert against Doe's misconduct, as evident in the across the board student strike in August 1984 to protest the arrest of Amos Sawyer and other opposition figures. However, after the brutal raid on the UL campus, which culminated with the closure of university, their will was largely shattered.

A small underground organization, the Revolutionary Action Commit- tee (REACT), which emerged in 1981 following the arrests of the president of the Liberian National Student Union and the editor of the independent Daily Observer, persisted in their anti-government activities during the 1984- 85 election campaign. Its members distributed leaflets openly calling for the overthrow of Samuel Doe and his government. Thus, an October 1984 leaflet charged Doe with destroying the democratization process for his own gain. "Apparently, Doe is under the illusion," it wrote, "that he has created the conditions necessary to impose himself as president for life. The demo- cratic process cannot be aborted certainly not by a first-class buffoon and nonentity." It declared that "[T]he Liberian people do not want Doe" but called him "a nuisance to Liberian society and an embarrassment to Liberia in the African community."19 In July 1985, two and a half months before the upcoming elections, another REACT pamphlet called on the Liberian people to fight to the death against "Crook-in-Chief Doe" -a sarcastic ref- erence to the title of Commander-in-Chief that Doe had assumed some years earlier and insisted on being called. Urging active revolt, the militants de- clared, "if there is nothing to live for there must be something to die for. And that is the total liberation of the Liberian people."2° REACT, however, was the only body that actually tried to unseat Doe, and its militant and aggres- sive statements were completely disproportionate to its negligible ability to bring about change.

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YEKUTIEL GERSHONI 9

The rest of Liberia's students effectively gave up. There were no more student strikes or demonstrations, and they were careful not to take sides in the election campaign. Thus, in a public statement in early August 1985, the chairman of the Nimba University Students Association (NUSA), Larry P. Yuonquoi, informed the local politicians that "we should not be expected to give resolutions to any candidate during the ensuing campaign season in our country." "Political entanglement," he explained, was contrary to NUSA's commitment to its role as a student organization. In the same state- ment, he humbly asked Doe to release six students who had had been ar- rested on charges of spreading rumors and distributing leaflets.2' The LOFA University Student Association (LUSA) followed suit with its own appeal to release fourteen students who had been arrested for spying for the Soviet Union in July of the previous year.22

All in all, the potential ability of civil society to influence the govern- ment remained dormant. Keane observes that totalitarian regimes can limit the independence of civil society through their means of coercion." That insight applies well to Doe's Liberia. Ultimately, the task of spearheading the opposition to Doe was left to the politicians.

2. The Political Activists

2.1 Clinging to the Political Contest

Needless to say, Liberia's politicians were subjected to the same restric- tions as the civil society groups, which similarly constrained their own free- dom of organization and expression. In addition, they were subjected to systematic harassment. Yet in contrast to Liberia's civil society, which was enervated by the pressures of the multiple restrictions and coercive measures, Liberia's politicians showed an extraordinary ability to survive Doe's attacks and to persist undaunted throughout the election process.

Their perseverance was made possible by their great personal courage, their unwavering commitment to democracy, their staunch belief that the 1985 elections would result in the replacement of the military regime by an elected civilian government, and, above all, by the tremendous encour- agement and support they received from the grassroots. Ordinary people

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10 LIBERIA'S CIVIL SOCIETY AND POLITICAL ACTIVISTS

encouraged politicians and civilian leaders during the difficult election cam- paign. For instance, there were villagers who asked to employ political pris- oners on their farms and paid the prison officials for their labor, but instead of putting the prisoners to work, fed them, let them rest, and returned them to the prison in the evening to repeat the process the next day. When three opposition parties seriously considered boycotting the elections shortly be- fore they were to be held because of SECOM's arbitrary rulings, ordinary citizens put pressure on the party leaders not to give up.24

The media sounded a similar message. Shortly after the ban on Amos Sawyer on 12 February 1985, Talking Drums urged the contenders to follow the example of opposition leaders in Zimbabwe, who "have not given up the fight" despite the violence and terror during the elections in their country: "The opposition leaders in Liberia should also learn from African political history and never allow themselves to be bullied by one man into submis- sion."25 Some months later, on the eve of election day, despite all the signs that Doe was high-jacking the electoral process, Footprints Today expressed confidence that the elections would establish a democratic regime. "We are certain that God being our Helper, the journey will be smooth and peaceful. Democracy has worked for many other nations on earth and could equally function in our country if we give it the chance to work."26

Their ability to stay in the race, however, was not matched by their ability to join forces to combat Doe.

2.2 The Failure to Cooperate

Various party leaders evidently grasped the merits of forming a united front against Doe. Early on in the process, they discussed the prospect of forming a unified coalition, with the strength that inheres in numbers, but decided that, for tactical reasons, it was better to put it off. Amos Sawyer recalled that the leader of the United Party, Edward Kesselly, argued that if only one political party was trying to register and Doe moved against it, that would kill the entire opposition. So they were better off registering individ- ually and then forming some kind of a coalition afterwards.27

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YEKUTIEL GERSHONI 11

Soon after completing the registration, the leaders of four parties - the United People's Party (UPP), the Liberian People's Party (LPP), the Liberian Unification Party (LUP), and the Unity Party (UP) - met in Monrovia on 9

July 1985 to try to obtain fair conditions for the election process. After six- teen days of deliberation, they succeeded in preparing a joint statement to SECOM and the government with ten demands, including the repeal of De- cree 88A, equal access to public facilities, early publication of the voters roll, oversight of the October elections by international observers, and on- site counting of votes at polling stations, which would be certified by repre- sentatives of all the parties and registered by election officials." Gabriel Baccus Matthews, the UPP's candidate for president, described the joint res- olution as a "most successful beginning."29

However the "successful beginning" did not grow into anything more meaningful. Although not a single one of their demands was met, at no point did the political leaders take active measures to try to force Doe to implement them. Nor did they ever form a united coalition to run against Doe, as they had talked about doing, even though this would have provided the best, and perhaps the only, possibility of defeating him. Amos Sawyer observed that although lots of "strategic and tactical moves" were being made, once the parties were registered, the leaders "did not want to proceed with the talks of coalescing with other political parties.""

The impediments to unity were the competitive nature of multi-party (as opposed to two-party) systems and the attendants' personal rivalries. By definition, the various political groups that exist in multiparty systems vie with one another for place. Consolidation means compromising the purity and wholeness of the group's guiding vision. In Liberia, the United Party's Secretary General Walter Wisner observed, the party leaders invested them- selves too much in the success of their own platforms, failing to recognize the need to "organize a grand coalition" until it was too late.31

Moreover, each of the party leaders firmly believed that he and he alone could and should win the elections. According to Wisner, "[E]ach one of them was running high, their ego riding high on his ego. . . . Even after the election results were published, each was claiming victory."" Indeed,

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12 LIBERIA'S CIVIL SOCIETY AND POLITICAL ACTIVISTS

as Liebenow reports, both Gabriel Baccus Matthews and Edward Kesselly, the presidential candidates of the UPP and UP respectively, were convinced that they and they alone were fitting successors to Doe. Both had adminis- trative experience and organizational skills, and both had contributed as in- dividuals to post-coup Liberia and enjoyed substantial popularity. Neither of them was willing to put a hold on his own political ambitions to improve the chances of unseating Doe.33 The description of Byron Tarr, General Secretary of the Liberian Action Party (LAP). is apt: "A phalanx of opposi- tion groups, inexperienced and unwilling to submerge differences and pursue the principal objective of creating conditions that would facilitate the birth, growth and development of democratic attitude and institutions, reviled against each other."34

With hindsight, the fragmentation of the opposition undoubtedly made it easier for Doe to claim victory in the rigged elections. Doe "won" these elections with 50.9% of the vote, a small enough majority to make the vote seem credible but large enough to preclude a second round. Having run against three parties, he could claim that the opposition lost because it was divided.

Their failure to cooperate put each of the rival parties in the undesirable position of going through Liberia's first real political contest and enduring Doe's relentless attacks alone. Aware of the limited political experience and weak resolve of Liberia's civil society groups and confronted with the over- whelming coercive force that Doe could wield to bolster his claims to vic- tory, the political candidates chose to accept the manipulated election results, while hoping that they would be able to exert some influence over Liberia's political course.

In participating in the skewed elections, Liberia's politicians behaved much like politicians in other dictatorial regimes. In Chile, for example, op- position parties participated in the 1988 plebiscite proposed by Augusto Pinochet's military government despite their knowledge that Pinochet was determined to win the plebiscite by any means and despite his deployment of thousands of soldiers to suppress opposition activities.35 Togo's politi- cians, however, again provide a counter-example. When it became clear that

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YEKUTIEL GERSHONI 13

scheduled elections would not be free or fair, they boycotted them. In Liberia, the politicians considered boycotting, but, pressed by the public and the media to persist in the struggle, they convinced themselves that even if Doe and his party were to win both the legislative and the presidential elec- tions, his power would be checked in the legislature by members of other parties and by the democratic constitution, which would take effect as soon as a civilian government was established.

Why were neither Liberia's civil society nor its politicians able to create a united front against Doe of the sort that had been created in Togo against President Gnassingbe Eyadema? The Togolese had lived under Eyadema's military dictatorship for twenty-five years; Togo's civil society groups were equally suppressed; multiple parties similarly competed in its elections; and one can assume that its politicians also had egos. Among the possible an- swers are two key differences in the situation in the two countries.

One was that the basic issue confronting Liberia's civil society groups and politicians was more ambiguous than that initially faced by their To- golese counterparts. In Togo, President Eyadema was showing signs of reneging on his promise to hold elections. Towards the end of the transitional period, instead of preparing the country for the vote, he took steps to increase his political power by appointing a prime minister and dispersing the interim legislature. The clear danger that no elections would be held helped to unite Togo's politicians and civil society to fight for them. In Liberia, Doe kept his promise to hold elections. His running in them and his manipulations of the election process were more ambiguous breaches of faith, the outcome of which was less certain. In fact, both the civil society and politicians retained their hope to the very end that the elections would give them a voice in Liberia's government.

The other, and more important difference, was the international situation at the time when the elections in the two countries were held. Togo's elections were scheduled for 1993, shortly after the Berlin Wall had been torn down, Ceausescu had abdicated, and the Soviet Union had been dismantled. Togo's politicians and civil society drew encouragement from the winds of change that seemed to be blowing, while Eyadema, in the new international climate,

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14 LIBERIA'S CIVIL SOCIETY AND POLITICAL ACTIVISTS

was forced to accede to their demands for elections. The elections in Liberia were held eight years earlier, during the Cold War period, when democracy was secondary to the struggle between the great powers.

The points made in this paper do not mean that Doe would necessarily have had to withdraw his candidacy and allow free and fair elections had Liberia's civil society been more robust or had its politicians joined forces with one another. Togo's Eyedema rigged the elections, much as Doe had, and continued in office, just as Doe did. But the weakness of Liberia's civil society and the unwillingness of its politicians to sacrifice their own interests for the good of the nation meant that the call remained entirely in Doe's hands.

Three years after the elections, in November 1988, the Union of Liber- ian Associations in the Americas (ULAA) organized a workshop in Wash- ington, D.C. that discussed, among other things, the lessons to be learned from the 1985 elections so as to improve the process in the next elections, due in 1991. Some of the leading Liberian politicians participated in the workshop. Joining such luminaries as Amos Sawyer and Ellen Johnson-Sir- leaf, ULAA President Matthew Kai stated that Liberians who were divided in 1985 must learn the hard lesson and call on opposition parties to unite. "Let's do everything humanly possible," he challenged, "to prevent the re- currence of the events of 1985."36

These hopes were dashed, however, as the opposition leaders in Liberia were never given a second chance. In 1990 Samuel Doe's regime was crushed by a civil war which continued periodically for the next fourteen years, during which the only relevant "politics" were brute force, cruelty, murder and destruction.

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YEKUTIEL GERSHON I 15

Endnotes

London School of Economics and Political Science, "What is Civil Society?", 1

March 2004, http://www.lse.ac.uk/collections/CCS/what_is_civil_society.htm., ac-

cessed 1 May 2005.

2 "Eyadema's Concessions Too Little, Too Late", Inter Press Service, 16 February 1993, Lexis-Nexis.

3 "Presidential and Legislative Polls Set for June and July Respectively", Lome Radio as reported by BBC Summary of World Broadcasts, 9 April 1993, Lexis-Nexis.

4 Gramsci, Antonio, Selections from the Prison Notebooks, Geoffrey N. Smith and Quintin Hoare (eds.) (New York, N.Y.: International Publishers, 1971), 208-9.

5 Keane, John (ed.), Civil Society and the State: New European Perspectives (London: Verso, 1988), 64-65.

6 Monrovia Domestic Service, "Doe: No More Cuts in Civil Servants' Salaries", 16 Octo- ber 1984, Daily Report; Monrovia Radio ELWA, "INA Approves 1984-85 Budget of $428 Million", 2 October 1984, Daily Report.

"Dollar Drain Fuels Liquidity Crisis", Financial Times (London), 30 October 1985.

8 "Soldiers Move onto UL Campus, Several Treated at Hospitals for Injuries", Daily Observer (Monrovia), 23 August 1984; "Doe Orders University Closed, Entire Ad- ministration Sacked", Daily Observer (Monrovia), 23 August 1984.

9 J. Gus Liebenow, Liberia: The Quest of Democracy (Bloomington, I.N.: Indiana Uni- versity Press, 1987), 288.

10 Guillermo O'Donnell and Philippe C. Schmitter, Transitions from Authoritarian Rule - Tentative Conclusions about Uncertain Democracies (Baltimore, M.D.: The John Hop- kins University Press, 1986), 51-52.

"Church Leaders Express Concern", Daily Observer (Monrovia), 27 August 1984.

12 "Editorial: Church and State", Footprints Today (Monrovia), 28 August 1984.

13 "Liberia: Journalists Protest", West Africa, 12 August 1985.

14 "Liberia: Appeal from Women's Group", West Africa, 2 September 1985.

15 "Profiles of Political Parties", Liberia Alert (Glassboro, N.J., 1986), 36.

16 Silke Mertins, "Short Story. Not For You.", Footprints Today (Monrovia), 29 August 1984.

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16 LIBERIA'S CIVIL SOCIETY AND POLITICAL ACTIVISTS

17 A similar allegory with a political aim concerning a turtle was published in the Sunday Observer on 14 October 1984. "Turtle Tricks the Villagers", Sunday Observer (Mon- rovia), 14 October 1984.

18 "Democracy vs. Totalitarianism", Footprints Today (Monrovia), 4 April 1985.

19 "Liberia: A flogging for a Leaflet", West Africa, 8 October 1984.

20 The Revolutionary Action Committee (REACT), Doe's Continuous Distrust of the Liberian Army: The Ugandan Experience? (Monrovia[ ?]: REACT, 30 July 1985), 1-2.

21 "Nimba Politicians Should Look Elsewhere For Petitions", Sun Times (Monrovia), 6

August 1985.

22 "14 Students in Detension [sic] ", Sun Times (Monrovia), 6 August 1985.

23 Keane, Civil Society, 43-44.

24 Amos Sawyer, in discussion with the author, 25 October 2004.

25 "Give General Doe a Good Fight", Talking Drums (Monrovia), 25 February 1985.

26 "Democracy Can Function in Liberia", Footprints Today (Monrovia), 14 September 1985.

27 Amos Sawyer, in discussion with the author, 25 October 2004.

28 "Joint Actions by Political Parties", Liberia Alert (Glassboro, N.J., 1986), 18.

29 "Liberia: The Real `Transition'", West Africa, 19 August 1985.

30 Amos Sawyer, in discussion with the author, 25 October 2004.

31 Walter Wisner, in discussion with the author, 1 June 1997.

32 Walter Wisner, in discussion with the author, 1 June 1997. Byron Tarr, General Secre- tary of the LAP, made the same claim. Byron Tan; "Founding the Liberia Action Party", Liberian Studies Journal (LSJ) 15, 1 (1990): 42-43.

33 J. Gus Liebenow, "Liberian Political Opposition in the Post-Election Period", LSJ 13,

2 (1988): 246.

34 Tarr, "Liberia Action Party", LSJ 15, 1 (1990): 43-44.

35 Paul Cammack and Philip O'Brien, "Conclusion: The Retreat of the Generals", in Generals in Retreat: The Crisis of Military Rule in Latin America, Paul Cammack and Philip O'Brien (eds.) (Manchester , N.H.: Manchester University Press, 1985), 194; Pamela Constable and Arturo Valenzuela, A Nation of Enemies: Chile under Pinochet (New York, N.Y.: W.W. Norton and Company, 1991), 298; 300; 301.

36 "Strategic plans for 1991", West Africa, 28 November-4 December 1988.

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17

Post-Conflict Security Sector Reform and the Challenge of Ownership

- The Case of Liberia

Louise Andersen*

Security Sector Reform has become a pivotal part of international peacebuilding efforts. Donor agencies and Western government are devoting substantial resources to strengthen the legitimacy and efficiency of war-torn societies' security systems. At the same time, it is commonly accepted that lasting solutions cannot be imposed on societies. In order to be sustained, reforms must be locally owned.

Based on an outline of the concept of Security Sector Reform and a presentation of two different approaches to ownership, the brief discusses the ongoing SSR-process in Liberia in view of the recent shift from a tran- sitional to a democratically elected government. It identifies dilemmas be- tween the current SSR-agenda and the objective of ownership, and argues that a more inclusive and less state-centred approach is needed.

Introduction

Security Sector Reform (SSR) is vital to conflict transformation. In post-conflict societies, there is a pressing need to strengthen the legitimacy and efficiency of the security institutions in order to establish law and order and lay the foundations for lasting peace. Sustainable solutions to this cannot

*DHS Brief (2006) reprinted with permission. Louise Andersen is a visiting scholar at the Danish Institute for In-

ternational Studies on secondment from the Danish Ministry of Foreign Affairs. She holds a Master's' Degree in Political Science.

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18 LOUISE ANDERSEN

be imposed upon societies. The people of the war-torn country - who are going to sustain the results - must be actively involved in the process. Local ownership is pivotal for lasting changes. Often, however, international efforts rely on a preconceived S SR-model that focuses exclusively on the formal state institutions. In fragile states, this model may run counter to the objective of ensuring local ownership.

In fragile post-conflict states the formal institutions have little capacity and - especially with regard to the security sector - low legitimacy. A clear national identity is lacking, the population remains divided and distrustful and often an international peacekeeping force is needed to maintain a cease- fire or peace agreement. The situation is best described as no-peace/no-war. On the one hand, this highlights the timeliness of changes in the security structure of the society. On the other, it underlines that successful reforms are not a matter of technicalities but a political process which ultimately hinges on overcoming crises of trust and credibility.

This brief will

Outline the concept of Security Sector Reform.

Present two different approaches to ownership. Discuss the ongoing SSR-process in Liberia in view of the recent shift from a transitional to a democratically elected government.'

Identify dilemmas between the SSR-agenda and the objective of ownership.

iThis part of the brief is informed by interviews with representatives from the Govern- ment of Liberia, the Liberian Legislature, Liberian civil society organizations, the US Embassy, UNMIL, ECOWAS and other Liberian and international observers. The inter- views were conducted during a visit to Monrovia, 2-9 May 2006, financed by the Danish Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

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POST-CONFLICT SECURITY SECTOR REFORMS 19

Security Sector Reform

SSR is part of a wider peacebuilding, conflict prevention, and post-con- flict reconstruction agenda. It emphasises democracy, good governance and human rights and goes beyond state-centric notions of security. It is con- cerned with human security yet holds that human security and state security are mutually reinforcing. The provision of security is the responsibility of the state. The objective of SSR is to reform and revitalize the state's security institutions and ensure that they provide security in accordance with demo- cratic norms, good governance and human rights. In post-conflict situations, this includes dismantling rivalling armed forces by integrating them into a unified national army and/or convincing them to lay down arms through pro- grammes of demobilization, demilitarization and re-integration (DDR).

SSR aims at enhancing both the efficiency and the legitimacy of the se- curity sector. Legitimacy is primarily related to issues of governance and human rights, while efficiency reflects the actual provision of security. The borders between legitimacy and efficiency are blurred and can be difficult to uphold in practice. Training police officers in human rights based riot con- trol is a case in point.

The SSR concept and terminology are still not widely known outside the OECD countries and the primary impetus for post-conflict SSR tends to be external.

Ownership

Policy makers, practitioners and academics agree that sustainable and legitimate changes cannot be imposed on a society. The centrality of own- ership is beyond dispute. Ownership has become a signal of good intentions. Ownership is good. It is the opposite of imposed solutions and externally driven processes, which are bad. Emphasis is on how to ensure or enhance ownership, while less attention is paid to clarifying what it means and who the owners are. To discuss this, it is useful to distinguish between two dif- ferent approaches.

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20 LOUISE ANDERSEN

The first approach equates ownership with giving primary responsibil- ity to the government. This approach is state-centred. The government is the main partner for international agencies, and activities focus on strengthening state institutions such as ministries, legislature, judiciary, police, and army. These are the main stakeholders whose commitment is deemed crucial to

success. It is with them that ownership should rest. This is by far the most common understanding of ownership. It is formulated by international agen- cies and donor governments and applied in 'ordinary' development assis- tance as well as in peacebuilding and conflict prevention efforts, including SSR.

In contrast, the society-centred approach emphasizes the informal in-

stitutions, which - especially in fragile post-conflict states - play a huge role in everyday politics and security. The basic argument is that by focusing ex- clusively on the formal state, the international community may render its own assistance irrelevant. People continue to rely on the resilient informal structures and coping mechanisms which determined politics and facilitated survival and conflict resolution both before and during the war. Ignoring these institutions is done at the peril of the chances for lasting peace. Some of them - even when based on divisive categories such as ethnicity, clan, or religion - could be important building blocks for a peaceful post-conflict order.

Elements from state- and society-centred approaches can be combined. The emphasis placed on involving civil society in an otherwise state-centred SSR process is an example. Often, however, civil society is defined in a way that excludes e.g. clan-based institutions and thus ignores a pivotal element in society. More even-handed combinations are found in attempts at bridging customary and formal law. The state-centred approach remains, however, dominant. Non-state actors/civil society are primarily seen as 'watch dogs' that fulfil oversight functions for the state, not as owners.

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POST-CONFLICT SECURITY SECTOR REFORMS 21

Security Sector Reform in Liberia

For 14 years, Liberia was engulfed in a devastating civil war that de- stroyed the country's already limited infrastructure, killed an estimated 200,000 people and displaced 1/3 of the population. The signing in 2003 of a Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) introduced a fragile peace, which remains upheld by 15,000 UN soldiers - the world's second-largest UN peace operation.

The CPA established a National Transitional Government (NTGL). Fol- lowing elections in October 2005, executive power was handed over to a democratically elected president, Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf, in January 2006. The new government has set forth a 150 Day Plan of Action which in terms of security promises to:

Build a credible, capable and democratically accountable military force

Strengthen national security institutions and enhance coordination

Strengthen the National Police Force.

This builds upon the CPA and continues the SSR-process initiated dur- ing the transitional government. The backdrop for SSR, however, goes be- yond the civil war. Throughout Liberia's history, the practice of the state and its armed forces has run counter to notions of human security and democratic governance. At each point in history, the security forces of the state have been instruments of fear and oppression. The task at hand is thus - according to a senior officer at the Ministry of Defence - nothing less than to install a whole new ideology that lives up to the best international standards.

Ownership during Transition

The CPA defined the objectives and scope of the reform process and served as the entry point for international involvement. Compared to the broad SSR-agenda found in donor policies, the CPA is narrower. It provides for a DDR-program and for restructuring and reforming the armed forces,

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22 LOUISE ANDERSEN

the national police, and other state security agencies2 but has no articles on strengthening civilian oversight. The need for 'sensitizing' the Liberian pub- lic to the mission and activities of the restructuring plan is mentioned, but such programs were never established, as the donors and the National Tran- sitional Government of Liberia (NTGL) failed to agree on the funding. Civil society and political parties participated in the CPA but were not included in the Military Advisory Committee established afterwards to advise the NTGL on the restructuring of the armed forces. Membership was limited to the chiefs of staff of the warring parties. In the transitional period, Liberian `ownership' was primarily a matter for the NTGL and the warring parties of which it was made up.

Strongly supported by the UN and the World Bank, the NTGL formu- lated a results-oriented transition strategy. Progress was achieved - especially on demobilization and police reforms - but by the end of the transition period in December 2005, the strategy was not fulfilled. The UN Secretary General informed the Security Council that he was particularly concerned about the uncompleted tasks of security-sector reform. The shortcomings reflected both a lack of donor funds and a lack of political will from the transitional government.

`Lack of political will' indicates ownership problems. The warring par- ties had committed themselves to SSR in the CPA but had apparently little interest in the actual reforms. Today, a senior member of the NTGL holds that this was a political miscalculation. The interests of the different warring parties would have been better safeguarded had they engaged more seriously in restructuring the army. The decision to build the new Armed Forces of Liberia (AFL) from scratch instead of drawing on people with military ex- perience is mentioned as an example.

21n the following, emphasis is mainly on the reforms of the armed forces.

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POST-CONFLICT SECURITY SECTOR REFORMS 23

Despite the lack of political will/ownership, decisions were nevertheless taken. The process was driven forward by the international community, most notably UNMIL and USA. A year after the signing of the CPA, Liberians - public officials and civil society alike - complained that the international community had failed to emphasize local ownership and had exaggerated the 'brain-drain problem' - international partners relied too much on foreign experts instead of listening to knowledgeable Liberians.

Similar statements are made in Monrovia today by people in the Ad- ministration, the Legislature and civil society organizations, which see a need for `Liberianizing' the process. In particular, the US support to AFL re- structuring is criticized for being foreign-led and lacking transparency - es- pecially concerning the two private contractors assigned to carry out the operational tasks.3 The decision to outsource was taken unilaterally by the US government, and the contracts are considered internal US government papers. Many see this as an obstacle to stronger Liberian ownership.

Ownership and Democracy?

The transfer of formal authority from the NGTL to a democratically elected government provides a window of opportunity to approach the issue of ownership afresh. In principle, two types of changes are possible: An in- crease in the level of government ownership and a shift towards a more so- ciety-centred approach. The two are not mutually exclusive: The Johnson-Sirleaf administration could lead the process more adamantly - while simultaneously expanding the group of 'stakeholders' beyond the for- mal state institutions and move towards a more society-based ownership ap- proach.

3DynCorp has a three-year contract to 'do the people' - i.e. retiring the old AFL and re- cruiting and training the new soldiers, while PAE (Pacific Architects and Engineering) has been charged with the physical rehabilitation and upgrading of two army bases.

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24 LOUISE ANDERSEN

Judging from the first months of the new Administration, the political will to pursue SSR seems to be present. The main obstacle to stronger gov- ernment ownership is likely to be lack of capacity. Heavy reliance on funds and technical assistance from international partners will persist under the new government. Nevertheless, the government is trying to Liberianize the SSR-process by guiding its international partners to ensure that the program meets the needs of the Liberian society.

The government has initiated a national security review, which will feed into the formulation of a national security strategy. Donors emphasize such wider policy visions as pivotal to enhancing ownership. The bulk of the Liberian review was undertaken by the RAND Corporation (financed by the US). RAND delivered their final report to the President in May 2006 and the Government is currently reflecting on how to proceed. The content of the report remains confidential, but is known to recommend that the security strategy (not the review) is discussed with the legislature and civil society in order to achieve national consensus. Indications suggest that this is the path the government will take, yet at the time of writing their plans were neither public nor clear.

The level of public involvement in the formulation of the national se- curity strategy may indicate how far beyond the Executive Mansion the new government wishes to expand SSR-ownership. Both within the legislature and among civil society organizations there is a desire to participate.

The House of Representatives summoned the Minister of Defence to provide detailed information of the reform process, including the financial aspects, but members still claimed they were not provided with sufficient and relevant information to fulfil their oversight function.4 Eighty-one civil society organizations have called on the Government to establish an 'Inde- pendent Technical Advisory Committee on Security Sector Reform' with representatives from the Government, international partners and civil society. The petition has been received by the President who has asked her National Security Advisor and the head of the Special Security Service to meet with the organizations.

4The fault is also seen to lie with Liberia's international partners, who do not provide funding through the national budget.

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POST-CONFLICT SECURITY SECTOR REFORMS 25

Involving the legislature and Monrovia-based civil society, an organi- zations does not in itself entail a shift towards a more society-centred ap- proach. It may increase civilian and parliamentary oversight and help break down the 'Imperial Presidency,' which President Johnson-Sirleaf has prom- ised to put an end to. But it does not address the risk that the reforms will fail because they do not include the institutions in society that really matter.

The magnitude of this risk is difficult to assess. Little is known on the current shape and strength of informal institutions in present-day Liberia. It is often argued that the country's social fabric was destroyed by the war - adding societal collapse to state collapse. According to the Liberian political scientist Amos Sawyer,5 some institutions adapted and remained crucial to community survival and conflict resolution and could become important building blocks for post-conflict governance. He argues that "the challenge of attaining lasting peace in Liberia can best be met by constituting self-gov- erning institutional arrangements rather than reconstituting the over-central- ized state."

If the Johnson-Sirleaf administration listens to Sawyer's advice, it will move towards a more society-based approach to ownership. Such a shift would have to be negotiated with the government's international partners who provide all the funding.

Concluding Remarks

Discussing the meaning of 'ownership' in a situation of extreme poverty and high levels of insecurity can seem beside the point. When the needs are so obvious and the local capacity to address them so evidently overstretched, why not just get on with the work and start laying the foundations for a better future?

5Sawyer served as Liberian interim President 1990-1993. He is currently chairing the Governance Reform Commission.

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26 LOUISE ANDERSEN

While the needs may be obvious, the solutions are not. Consider the re- structuring of the Armed Forces of Liberia. The decision that Liberia should have an army of 2,000 soldiers based in Camp Scheffelin at the outskirts of Monrovia was made by the Pentagon based on a technical review and a pro- jection of what the Liberian government would be able to sustain financially. It did not reflect a new-found national consensus and thus remain contested.

The dilemma is linked to the time factor which is always an issue - es- pecially for development agencies, who are eager to show results to their granting authorities. In Liberia, outsourcing to private contractors may fur- ther fuel this tendency, as DynCorp is "burning money every day" regardless of whether or not they are busy recruiting and training soldiers.

While consultation and discussion takes time, it seems evident that human security policy should be informed by the concerns of individuals at risk. Bottom-up perspectives, however, are largely absent from human se- curity research and policy agendas, including SSR. Very little is done to en- gage the population in SSR and learn about their priorities and perceptions. This is also the case in Liberia.

Engaging the population in something as complex and sensitive as SSR is hard. In addition to physical obstacles of illiteracy and infrastructure comes the task of convincing people that they have a legitimate stake in shaping the future security structure of the country. Considering the repressive history of the security forces, motivating people to get involved will be difficult.

In Liberia, neither the government, nor its international partners have so far prioritized this task. If the security needs of both the people and the state are to be addressed simultaneously by the security structure currently being crafted, it may be time for a more inclusive approach.

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POST-CONFLICT SECURITY SECTOR REFORMS 27

Suggested reading

Aboagye, Festus B. and Bah, Alhaji M. S. (ed.) (2005) A Tortous Road to Peace. The dynamics of regional, UN and international humanitarian inter- ventions in Liberia, Institute for Security Studies: Pretoria.

Chopra, Jara and Hohe, Tanja (2004) "Participatory Intervention", Global Governance, vol. 10, pp. 289-305.

Ebo, Adedeji (2005) "The Challenges and Opportunities of Security Sector Reform in post-conflict Liberia", Occasional Paper, no. 9, Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF): Geneva.

OECD/DAC (2005) Security System Reform and Governance, Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development: Paris.

Sawyer, Amos (2005) "Social Capital, Survival Strategies and their Potential for Post-Conflict Governance in Liberia", Research Paper No. 2005/15, Ex- pert Group on Development Issues and United Nations University/World In- stitute for Development Economics Research: Helsinki.

Scheye, Eric and Peake, Gordon (2005) "To arrest insecurity: time for a re- vised security sector reform agenda", Conflict, Security and Development, vol. 5 no. 3, pp. 295-327, Inter-national Piplicy Institute, London.

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28

Matilda Newport: The Power of a

Liberian-Invented Tradition

Svend E. Holsoe* University of Delaware

This article is about a historic symbol, an invented one at that, which was created, flourished and then was abolished. Invented history is not unique. It has occurred in many places around the world. Such creations occur to support a particular point of view or need. And, as in this case, when the need is no longer there, that piece of history is abolished or forgotten. This is the case of Matilda Newport and the day celebrated in her honor.

The central historic events were the conflict which occurred between the local people around Cape Mesurado and the newly arrived American black settlers, who wanted to occupy the Cape and the surrounding area. The Americans justified their occupation based on a treaty signed by local chiefs and representatives of the American government and the Colonization So- ciety. Shortly after the signing of the treaty, the local chiefs rejected it and returned nearly all of the items which had been given them by the Americans at the time of the treaty signing.

The disagreement ultimately ended in two attacks by the local people on the settlers who had begun to build a settlement on the Cape. The first at- tack was on November 10, 1822, and the second was on December 15, 1822. In both cases, the settlers were able to repulse the local warriors. Eyewitness accounts, and in particular the description by Jehudi Ashtnun, the acting Col- onization Society agent, describe both battles, the nature and directions of each attack, who the settlers were, who manned each canon and where it was located.' What is particularly relevant here is that there is no mention anywhere of any women being involved in fending off the attackers.

* Svend E. Holsoe is a founding member of the Liberian Studies Association and a distin- guished American Liberianist. This article is reprinted with corrections by the author and with his and the publisher's permission.

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SVEND E. HOLSOE 29

The successful defense by the small number of settlers against a numer- ous local army was seen by the former as providential and thus worthy of re- membering and celebrating. As a consequence, it became an annual holiday, particularly in Monrovia. The first reference found so far was on the ninth anniversary in 18312. The pattern set on that occasion was what seems to have been followed more or less for many years afterwards. At sunrise, there was a nine-gun salute and the Liberian flag was unfurled. At 9 a.m., the troops assembled on Broad Street and took up the line of march to the Agency House, where the Agent and other officials, along with clergy joined the procession. They then moved through the principal streets and, on this occasion, stopped at the Baptist Church. There prayers were offered and then a religious discourse was delivered by the Reverend Colin Teague. After the services, the troops took up the march and returned to the Agency House and then proceeded to the parade ground, where they were dismissed. The day was concluded with a discharge of nine guns by the artillery, and the colors were struck.' In later years, a meal was offered, often sponsored by the mayor of Monrovia.

As late as 1840, one observer of the annual event referred to it as "Jo- hudie Ashmund's" anniversary, and the "Ashmun battle." At this particular celebration, Colonel Elijah Johnson was presented with a sword from Judge Halsey of Newark, New Jersey.4

Most of the prominent settlers through the years were asked to give speeches. Beside the above named, Colin Teague in 1831, H.W. Erskine in 1845, Hilary Teague in 1846,5 John D. Moore in 1852,6 Benjamin J. K. An- derson in 1860 spoke on the topic of "The Duty of Liberia to Africa."' In 1861, Edward W. Blyden, spoke in the Methodist Church, and on the follow- ing day, J. T. Dimery, spoke on "The Founders of Liberia, their condition in the land of Oppression, the motives inducing them to emigrate to Africa, and what they have done towards establishing a NEGRO NATIONALITY on the West Coast of Africa."' In 1863, Alexander Crummell spoke on the topic, "The Responsibility of the First Fathers of a Country for its Future Life and Character."9 In 1865, the address was by E. C. Howard, and the oration by S. G. Crummell, on the topic, "Progress of Civilization in Liberia."10

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30 MATILDA NEWPORT

In all of the accounts, the speakers clearly dwelt on the remarkable achievement of little more than thirty men defending the colony against thou- sands of local warriors. In many cases, the achievement was seen as the de- feat of good over evil or civilization over savagery. To take an example of the type of comments made, let me quote from President J. J. Roberts' annual message, of December 9, 1872:

Standing at this point of time, and looking back to the heroic deeds of the wonderful achievement of our pio- neer fathers - when opposed by hoards of barbarous warriors backed and encouraged by more than savage monsters in the shape of foreign slave-traders which permanently established on this hill the foundations of our present political fabric. [He goes on to say, there] was gained that signal triumph of freedom over the im- placable enemies of human progress and the rights of man..."

It is interesting that, at least in the published sources, there is absolutely no mention of Matilda Newport until 1854, when a description by a visitor to Liberia was given of her and what she was alleged to have done. To quote Daniel H. Peterson, "Liberia would never have been the home of the immi- grants, had it not been for a woman. When the first settlers were preparing themselves resting places, the natives came upon them with hostile intent. One woman only remained in her home, the other inhabitants having fled. She fired upon the natives until she had succeeded in killing quite a number, of them. The survivors fled. The name of the woman was Mrs. Newport; and she secured a new port for the colored people. The natives never re- turned." 12

Thus began the printed accounts of Matilda Newport. The second ac- count found so far was in 1863 by Alexander Crummell, who mentions her but calls her Mary Newport and describes her "seeing the perilous position of the settlers, snatches a match and applies it to a cannon now held by the enemy, and scatters death among hundreds of the native foe." He goes on to say, "That single touch of woman saved the colony!" 13

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SVEND E. HOLSOE 31

The question has been raised as to whether Matilda Newport, in fact, ever existed. She did, but the name given in the emigration list is Matilda Spencer, as she was married to Thomas Spencer. They were freeborn blacks, aged 25 and 32 respectively in 1820, when they emigrated from Philadelphia.

They sailed from New York harbor on February 6th, 1820, on board the ship Elizabeth, the first vessel chartered by the American Colonization Society to carry people back to Africa. The Spencers and the rest of the em- igrants arrived in Freetown, Sierra Leone, on March 9th, and shortly after- ward, they were settled at Campelar on Sherbro Island, about one hundred miles to the south of the Sierra Leonean colony:4 Unlike many of their fel- low passengers, they were fortunate to survive the debilitating effects of the new tropical environment with its many diseases against which most of the immigrants had little or no immunity.

As disease and death took a very heavy toll on the immigrants, the de- cision was made to leave from Sherbro, and they returned to Freetown, where they were given asylum at Fourah Bay. Finally, in January 1822, the immigrants, having been joined by another group newly arrived from the United States, sailed southward landing at Providence Island, in Mesurado Bay, where they were to form a new colony:5

Thomas and Matilda Spencer survived all of these rigors. Thomas Spencer's skills as a mason must have been put to good use in the new colony. In the midst of these challenges, Matilda gave birth to a child. By the time Jehudi Ashmun arrived in August 1822 as the acting agent of the American Colonization Society at Cape Mesurado, the settlers had already moved to the Cape, but it was clear that plans needed to be immediately set in motion to build a small fort, at what today is the cross point of Ashmun and Center Streets. The hope was that the fort might offer some degree of protection. Its building was timely as an attack by the local people occurred on November 11, 1822.16 After a short, but blistering crossfire, four settlers were either immediately killed or mortally wounded. Among the latter was Thomas Spencer.'7

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32 MATILDA NEWPORT

On the morning of December 1, 1822, the second attack came. The set- tlement was surrounded and fire was received from three sides, which was returned by full use of the cannons within the fort. With the effect of these shots, as well as from the few muskets available, three concerted attacks by the local people were repulsed. The attackers, realizing their inability to over- come the settlers, retreated. The losses among the local people were high. Among the settlers, one man was killed and two were wounded. This would be the last attack. Fighting had finally ceased. The local people had to re- luctantly accept the presence of the settlers.

Through these two attacks, Matilda Spencer survived, though the trauma of losing her husband and being left with a very small child must have been difficult. However, in a pioneer community such as Liberia, it was important to be resilient.

Among the immigrants on the Elizabeth, on which the Spencers had sailed, there was another freeborn family from New York, namely Eliphalet and Sarah Newport, along with their son, Ralph.18 They too had suffered. Eliphalet Newport had not withstood the rigors of the climate and diseases of Sherbro Island and consequently died in April 1820.19 Likewise, his wife, Sarah, seems to have died during the same year 2°-

As a consequence, it was only natural that Ralph Newport and Matilda Spencer should turn toward each other for comfort and assistance. The fact that Matilda was Ralph's elder by eight years hardly mattered.21 Although no date can be given for their marriage, it is clear that it occurred prior to July 20, 1823, when Matilda is listed in the settlement's census as Newport, rather than Spencer.22 The question is raised, of course, as to what surname she had at the time of the second battle.

Other than the basic facts, we know little about the life that the New- ports led. Matilda was said on the emigration list to be illiterate, as were many others, and she was also said to be a member of the Methodist Church.23 On August 12, 1823, Ralph Newport was granted a town lot in Monrovia and seven acres of farm land.24 A little over a year later, on August 28th, 1824, to quote, "Mrs. M. Newport Draws on right of child by Spencer" for two lots consisting of three acres.25

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SVEND E. HOLSOE 33

Not unlike others in the community, when a group of Recaptive Africans - enslaved African people captured by the U. S. Naval Squadron on the high seas- were landed in Monrovia during 1827, the Newports opened their home to one boy.26 Little else can be said about their family life. The one exception was Ralph Newport, who along with S. Smith, was involved in a case of theft. Having been brought before the Court of Quarter Sessions, they were convicted in January 1831 with having committed Grand Larceny. Their punishment was 31 lashes.27

On October 31, 1836, Ralph Newport set out in a canoe for an off-shore schooner lying in Monrovia's harbor. In crossing the bar, the canoe capsized and he drowned.28 The following year, 1837, Matilda Newport died of pleurisy.29 Although the files are not complete for the local newspaper, the Liberia Herald, more than half of the publications for that year are available, and in none of them is there any mention of her death. Likewise, the corre- spondence from the colonial agents fail to comment on her passing. Thus, one legitimately wonders what the attitudes of the local community were to- wards this woman who was to assume such heroic proportions in Liberian settler history.

However, as noted in 1854, she is mentioned in a publication and again in 1863. Nevertheless, it is not clear just when the First of December cele- brations became celebrations for Matilda Newport Day. There are indica- tions, however, that in about 1864, a company of the militia of the first Regiment in Montserrado County was named the Newport Volunteers and presumably participated in the celebrations. On July 28, 1873, the legislature granted the company a charter and they were formally recognized. These Newport Volunteers marched during the December celebration, and for as long as early 1880's.3°

Over time, it is possible to see how the descriptions of what Matilda Newport was supposed to have done have an interesting evolution, which can be measured against what we know about her from the documented ev- idence. Although in 1891, Henry D. Brown, alludes to "Matilda Newport's heroic conduct [which] has been oft repeated in your hearing," he says noth- ing about what it was.31 It is really not until the early 20th century that, the descriptions begin in earnest.

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34 MATILDA NEWPORT

One of the most fantastic accounts published in 1903, was that of E. J. Barclay. Seeing the danger, Matilda Newport formed a plan. "Silently she went forward, resolved to do, or die. Hundreds of the natives, their main body, were yet collected around the cannon. She walked fearlessly in amongst them and offered to teach them how to use that cannon. They lis- tened to her attentively. She directed them to arrange themselves in a row, directly in front of the cannon's mouth. When she had got them arranged in a straight line, directly in front, with the cannon pointing straight at them, she coolly and quickly took a coal of fire from her pipe and placed it in the cannon's tube." Nearly all of the people were killed. The survivors re- treated.32

In 1907, Irene A. Gant, assures us that "The feat of Mrs. Newport is historical and not traditional." She went on to say, "It was our noble Matilda, seeing the handful of men dispirited, observing the shattered con- dition of affairs and the gloom which the menacing advance of the natives had cast upon the lives of the pioneers, stepped forth, lighted the cannon with the coal from her pipe (though we would prefer that she had gotten fire elsewhere), and the existence of the Republic became a possibility."33 This description of the coal in her pipe was the most often repeated part of the Newport tradition.

In 1922, the French Consul in Monrovia wired the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Paris that he had witnessed the "national celebration for the Liber- ian Joan of Arc. "34 As this year marked the hundredth anniversary of the bat- tles, it was also in this year that the Cendtaph, better known as the Matilda Newport Monument, was erected. The inscription is modest, in that it states that the "Monument is erected and dedicated to the sacred memory of Matilda Newport who during the Battle of December Pr. A.D. 1822 per- formed a valorous deed which contributed in large measure to the ultimate success of the pioneers." 35

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SVEND E. HOLSOE 35

In 1926, the Liberian historian Abayomi Karnga stated in his History of Liberia, that "the well-famed Mrs. Matilda Newport with lighted coal from her pipe put fire to a cannon which went off with such terrific boom and rather scared away, then did actual harm to, the massed and determined Dehs."36 It is interesting to contrast this description with an earlier description he wrote in 1909, in which he states that after she ignited the cannon, "It showered volleys upon the Days and the countless host fled from before this mighty conqueress, leaving behind them over six hundred souls, dead or wounded. "37

Another Liberian historian, Ernest J. Yancy, in a 1934 .publication, picks up on the great boom from the cannon which caused panic. However, he had the battle as occurring on Crown Hill, when it in fact occurred on Fort Hill, as mentioned before, at the juncture of Ashman and Center Streets, one of the high points of the peninsula."

Another Liberian historian, Thomas E. Beysolow, in 1940, adds a new dimension to the story. "The Special cannon used by Miss Matilda Newport on this occasion was one of those left to King Peter for signaling, by Mil- lionaire Pedro Blanco, for the port of Monrovia, and it was always kept loaded, so when they made the attack on the Colonists, she being a member of their craft (The Grigri), at the time, she marched fearlessly through the bush, went to 'Old Tom' and dropped a coal of fire upon the tube and firing, put the rebels to flight ...."39

R. Earle Anderson, an American writer, in 1952, tells us that the "loaded cannon had been trained on the savages but failed to fire. A woman settler, Matilda Newport, rushed forward with an ember from a lighted pipe, touched off the recalcitrant weapon," and broke up the attack.4° Susan S. Mitchell, an American teacher at the College of West Africa, in 1953, adds a bit more to the scene. As Matilda Newport approached the cannon with her pipe in which she had placed a lighted coal, "she pretended to hide behind ... [the cannon], but quickly touched it off with the coal from her pipe." 41

In 1954, A. Doris Banks adds her slant on the event, when she tells us that "Matilda Newport, an elderly lady," quick-wittedly lit the cannon."42 In 1958, Richard and Doris Henries, tell us that "an elderly lady, Mrs. Matilda Newport, was contentedly smoking her pipe when she saw hostile natives charging ..."43

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36 MATILDA NEWPORT

They also add, that "two capable, Christian women, Matilda Newport and Susannah Lewis ...." began the first regular school.' It will be recalled that Matilda Newport was listed as illiterate in the emigration list.

The English writer, Galbraith Welch, comments in 1960, that Matilda Newport "is the only national heroine who ever gained celebrity through the use of tobacco ... She goes on to add that "Near Miss Matilda was a charged untended cannon, one of those chubby little pieces we see in old-fashioned pictures."45 The American, Lawrence A. Marinelli, in 1964, adds that "the day was saved when Matilda Newport, a widowed pioneer from Georgia, ignited an old cannon ....1146

What one realizes from this collection of descriptions is that historians have good imaginations, and the writing of history is not a precise science. It would seem that a good story is what is worth presenting.

More importantly, the question is why was Matilda Newport and what she stood for significant to the settler descendants. The late Augustus Feve Caine pointed out that "people in social groups tend to develop myths which would integrate them or satisfy them in one way or another."47 In the annual messages celebrating "her" day, beginning in the twentieth century, it is pos- sible to obtain some sense of why people thought she was important. She was a symbol of womanhood,48 a symbol of "civilization," a symbol of settlerdom49 vs. the growing influence of "civilized" local people, who were beginning to challenge the monopoly which the settlers had over all institutions.

But with time, the celebration and the symbol, Matilda Newport, her- self, became dysfunctional. Edwin S. Munger, in 1960, is the first so far found, who directly questioned the celebration of Matilda Newport. As he points out, ..."what kind of a national holiday is this for the majority of the citizens of the capital of Liberia if they are proud that their ancestors were the ones that were fought off?"5°

Abedu Jones, in 1962, gently questions the validity of the actions at- tributed to Matilda Newport. She points out that Jehudi Ashmun, in his de- tailed account of the battles, makes no mention of Newport, but she concedes that authors such as Charles Boone and Nathaniel Richardson gave accounts of her, and that most importantly, the success of the defense by the settlers established that they were there to stay.''

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SVEND E. HOLSOE 37

The holiday was clearly at odds with the new direction in which the central government wanted to steer the nation, for instance, toward national unity. By the 1970's, there was a clamor to abolish the celebration. In De- cember 1974, as Tipoteh Togba Nah pointed out, "he wondered why we say we are interested in unity when we continue to celebrate Matilda Newport Day, a national holiday which glorifies the defeat of one group of citizens by another group of our citizens." His conclusion was that a national holiday should make all the people feel good, and thus he called for the abolition of the holiday, or more precisely, he was quoted as saying, "Stop Glorying Matilda Newport."52

Nevertheless, in 1975, in celebration of International Women's Year, the government issued a stamp honoring Matilda Newport. Whether it was that or something else, in August of that year, a seminar was held at the In- stitute of African Studies, at the University of Liberia. Jane Martin gave a fine talk summarizing what was historically known and what the nature of the writing about Matilda Newport had been.53

At the same seminar, Roosevelt Gasolin Jayjay, from Cuttington Col- lege, presented a paper and a quote from him seems very apt. "By celebrating Matilda Newport Day, we only remind ourselves of how hostile we were to each other. The public display of the wounds we have on our body political will not help us to unify the nation. It is our responsibility to heal the national wounds." And he went on to say, "History continues to serve the function of bestowing confidence and inspiration on a people. In this respect, an incident which reveals bitterness and resentment, which reveals a sense of pride in one section as victor, and a sense of revenge in the other as the vanquished fails to serve the purpose."54

Not surprisingly, such a discussion of abolishing a national holiday did not go unnoticed. Christian Abayomi Cassell stated categorically, that "Matilda Newport is no myth. She is in fact the first Liberian Heroine." Cas- sell had been invited to the seminar but after considerable thought, decided not to go. And in taking his defensive stand, he turned the tables and stated that "those who should be self conscious over this matter should be the scions of those who helped enslave their fellow Africans. For them I have no apol- ogy to make." He conceded that "Myth, if indeed the story of Matilda New- port, is no less than the Greek Myths, which have endured through time ...," and he stated that he was "deeply shocked by the fact that there seems to be those who would debunk everything which does not please them."55

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38 MATILDA NEWPORT

Ultimately, President Tolbert abolished the celebration. What Matilda Newport had come to represent through time, was no longer functional in the changing society and thus demonstrated that symbols can be created and with time can be ended.

Though Matilda Newport is no longer celebrated, nearly all Liberians who have gone through formal education have read about her in school text- books. So she is not forgotten. In fact, although the holiday has been abol- ished, a street in Monrovia named after her still exists.

Endnotes

Jehudi Ashmun, History of the American Colony in Liberia, from December 1821 to 1825. Washington: Way & Gideon, 1826.

2 "Order of the Day, for the First of December, 1831," Poulson's American Daily Adver- tiser, (January 26, 1832).

3 The J. Lawrence Day reconstructed diary is in the S.E. Holsoe Collection, Archives of Traditional Music Indiana University.

[Francis Burns, editor], "The Memorable First of December," Africa's Luminary, 2/21 (December 19, 1845).

5 "The First of December," Liberia Herald, 15/4 (December 4, 1846).

6 "First of December," Liberia Herald, 3/10 (December 15, 1852), 39.

"The First of December," Liberia Herald, 7/20 (December 7, 1859).

8 African Repository, 39 (1862), 149.

9 Alexander Crummell, Africa and America. Springfield, MA, 1891, 130-1832.

1° "The First of December," African Repository, 42 (April 1866), 103-106.

" "Annual Message of President Roberts, December 9, 1872," African Repository 49 (1873), 184.

12 Daniel H. Peterson, The Looking Glass. New York, 1854, p. 103.

3 Alexander Crummell, Africa and America. Springfield, MA, 1891, 130-1832.

14 American Colonization Society (ACS), Register, 1820-1832, ans., E 3; Census of July 20, 1823, Seventh Annual Report of the AC'S, 160-161.

15 C. H. Huberich, The Political and Legislative History of Liberia. New York: Central Book Company, Inc., 1947, I, 199.

16 For a discussion of the circumstances leading up to this attack see, S. E. Holsoe, "A Study of Relations between Settlers and Indigenous Peoples in Western Africa, 1821 to 1847," African Historical Studies, 4/2 (1971), 331-339.

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SVEND E. HOLSOE 39

17 Census of July 20, 1823, p. 161. In Jehudi Ashinun, History of the American Colony in

Liberia from December 1821 to 1823 (Washington, 1826), 30, footnote, he is listed as Thomas Spinn, clearly a mistake on Ashmun's Part.

18 Emigration List

19 ...Though in United States. 28th Congress 2wd. Session, 1844-1845, Senate Document 150, Serial 458. Roll of Emigrants that have been sent to the colony of Liberia, West-

ern Africa, by the American Colonization Society and its Auxilliaries, to September, 1843, &c. Washington, DC, 1845, V, vol. IX, he is said to have died of consumption.

20 U.S. Doc. 21 United States. 28th Congress. wd. Session, 18444845, Senate Document 150, Serial

458. Roll of Emigrants that have been sent to the colony of Liberia, Western Africa, by the American Colonization Society and its Auxilliaries, to September, 1843, &c. Wash- ington, DC, 1845.

22 Census of July 20, 1823, 160. 23 "Account of Colourd [sic.] emigrants on board the Brig Nautilus, Norfolk Jany 20th

1821," Papers of the American Colonization Society, Chicago Historical Society. 24 America Colonization Society. "Allotments of Land holders in Monrovia." "Laws and

Land Record of Liberia." Bound Volume. Library of Congress. Original was seen in 1964, but seems not to have been microfilmed. A typescript copy is in the S.E. Holsoe Collection, Archives of Traditional Music, Indiana University.

25 Ibid.

26 "Statement of the disposition made...of the 142 recaptured Africans....," dated 14 Sep- tember 1827, U.S. 20 Cong., 1 Sess. House Doc. No. 193, 13. The term of the inden- ture was one year, and "Ralph Newport was to instruct the boy in boat building.

27 U.S. 28th Congress. 2d Session, 1844-1845, Senate Document 150, Washington, 1845, 406.

28 "Latest from Liberia - Deaths," African Repository, 13/4 (1837), 134.

29 U.S. 28th Congress. 2d Session, 1844-1845, Senate Document 150, Washington, 1845.

30 The Liberia Recorder, (17 December 1904), 5; Liberian Government Archives, Depart- ment of State, Foreign Correspondence, 1872-1873, f. 389; The Observer, 2/17 (De- cember 11, 1879); The Observer, 4/22 (December 8, 1881).

31 Henry D. Brown, Character Sketches of the Early Settlers of Liberia, A Lecture deliv- ered in the Senate Chamber; Monrovia, Liberia, August 1891. Liverpool: Lionel Hart & Co., [1891], p. 11.

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40 MATILDA NEWPORT

32 E. J. Barclay, Pictures from Liberian History, Montserrado County, in Julius C. Stevens, Stevens' National Reader: New National Fourth Reader. Monrovia: R. A. Phillips, Printer, Government Printing Office, 1903, pp. 40-41. The account was re- peated by Nathaniel Richardson, Liberia's Past and Present. 1959, p. 37.

33 "Introductory Address by Miss Irene A. Gant," in T. Mc Cants Stewart, ... The Signifi- cance of Newport Day in Liberian National Life .. Dec. 2, 1907. Monrovia: College of West Africa Press, December 1907, p. 8.

34 French Consul to Foreign Affairs, No. 24 Cable, n.d. [1921], Archives de Senegal, 7F3 Correspondence et reseignements politiques & administrifs..

35 I have Lanai Taweh, of the National Museum, to thank for transcribing the inscriptions for me.

36 Abayomi Karnga, History of Liberia, Liverpool, 1926, p. xiii. 37 Abayomi Wilfred Karnga, The Negro Republic on West Africa. Monrovia, 1909, p. 11.

38 Ernest J. Yancy, Historical Lights of Liberia's Yesterday and Today Xenia, 1934, p. 32. He repeats the false location again in his book, The Republic of Liberia. London, 1959, p. 22.

39 Beysolow, "A Brief Synopsis of Prehistorical Liberia and Sequence from 1800-1847," The Weekly Mirror, 10/11 (March 15, 1940), 3.

40 R. Earle Anderson, Liberia, America's Friend. Chapel Hill, 1952. 70.

41 Susan S. Mitchell, Comp., Liberian History Notes. Monrovia 1952 (1961).

42 A. Doris Banks Henries, The Liberian Nation: A Short History. New York, 1954, p. 29.

43 Richard and Doris Henries, Liberia, the West African Republic. New York, 1958, p. 31.

44 Richard and Doris Henries, Liberia, the West. African Republic. New York, 1958, p. 31.

45 Galbraith Welch, The Jet Lighthouse. London, 1960, p. 199.

46 Lawrence A. Marinelli, The New Liberia: A Historical and Political Survey. New York, 1964, p. 34.

47 "Scholars Express Views at Symposium: Matilda Newport Day should be Abolished," Liberian Star, no. 1, 609 (August 13, 1975).

48 Hannah Abeodu Bowen Jones, "The Struggle for Political and Cultural Unification in Liberia, 1847-1930." Ph.D. dissertation, Northwestern University, 1962, 100.

49 J. Gus Liebenow, Liberia, the Evolution of Privilege. Ithaca, 1969, p. 20.

50 Edwin S. Munger, "Liberia's Economic and Human Progress," in Robert Theobald, ed- itor. The New Nations of West Africa. New York, 1960, p. 96.

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SVEND E. HOLSOE 41

51 Hannah Abeodu Bowen Jones, "The Struggle for Political and Cultural Unification in Liberia, 1847-1930." Ph.D. dissertation, Northwestern University, 1962, 101. Richard West, also pointes out that there is no evidence of Matilda Newport in Ashmun's ac- count, Back to Africa, A History of Sierra Leone and Liberia. London, 1970, p. 123.

52 "Stop Glorifying Matilda Newport," The Liberian Star, (December 6, 1974), p. 8.

53 Jane J. Martin, with assistance from Rodney Carlisle and Students of the Seminar in Historical Sources at the University of Liberia, "The Search for Matilda Newport." 1975

54 Roosevelt Gasolin Jayjay, "Matilda Newport Day," a paper presented at the University of Liberia, July 31, 1975.

55 C. A. Cassell, "Attempt to Debunk Matilda Newport?," Liberian Star (August 28, 1975), 5.

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42

Wesley, Patricia Jabbeh, The River Is Rising ( Pittsburgh: Autumn House Press, 2007), 106pp.

A Book Review by Robert H. Brown, Sr., PhD

With the publication of her third book of verse, The River Is Rising, Dr. Patricia Jabbeh Wesley can continue writing to perfect her craft or art, secure in the knowledge that she has earned herself a lasting place in the canon of African literature. Wesley has a mind of extraordinary originality. She is an arresting figure in modern African poetry. Some of her poems are inspired by a sense of "place." "In Michigan" and "In the Ruined City: A Poem for Monrovia" are two examples. Indeed, what inspired her to write these poems are the places where she has lived or visited. This means that she is also a landscape poet, and as a landscape poet, Wesley is a painter of the particular in that the reader can see, smell, hear, touch, and taste whatever lurks in the scenes she so graphically depicts.

However, Wesley's poetic mind is not concentrated on such scenes to the utter exclusion of everything else. In other words, she has the true poet's instinct of registering impressions wherever she finds them. The power of not only to absorb but to set down in words is most probably what separates the ordinary person from the poet. It also resides in the fact that the latter is articulate. Many have loved the Liberian urban, suburban and rural land- scapes, but few could thus express their love so vividly in words. It is above all, Liberia, where Wesley spent her childhood, adolescence and most of her adulthood that she returns to periodically in her poetry. As a poet deracine, it is her homeland that most deeply stirs her senses and imagination.

Moreover, Wesley writes splendidly with a flavor of the past, the pres- ent, and the future about landscapes and seascapes where swarthy children play boisterously and where adults live in a whirlpool of sins. They excite her imagination the most. For example, in "The Morning After: An Elegy," "Monrovia Revisited" and "While I Wait for the War," the speaker yearns for home and recalls yearningly the vanished joys of childhood and young adulthood as well as those of the speaker's offspring. Wesley is equally at home in the most diverse surroundings. For example, "In Michigan" and "Memories" are a far cry from the rain-and-storm-lashed coasts of Monrovia to

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BOOK REVIEW 43

the seasonal fluctuations and the timeless lassitude of Midwestern United States,

but the transition does not present a major hurdle for the poet in adapting to an- other environment or climate. Then too never has the atmosphere of Liberia in

which time seems to stand still or rather to ebb slowly and staunchlessly away been more brilliantly captured than in "In the Ruined City: A Poem for Mon- rovia." The image of the devastated capital of Liberia seems to come alive before the reader's eyes as he/she reads the poem, slumbering in its torpid repose.

Although in her poetry Wesley seems to enjoy making new acquaintances, yet she lavishes her love and affection upon old friends. Their deaths strike her with a terrible impact and reduce to despair a poetic nature already prone to bouts of depression. Here one sees her in another light, as a writer of elegies. The ap- parently effortless manner in which she writes should deceive no one as to the intense care that goes into her craftsmanship. Every word in her poetry seems to pull its weight in that she inlays it in the organic structure of each poem. Wesley is also an admirable poet of blank verse, which she seems to find easier than prose, and such is the fluency with which she writes in this form that she must exercise a great deal of discipline when she uses it.

It is impossible to conclude the review of The River Is Rising without some reference to the abysmal depression sometimes apparent in Wesley's poetry, and her avowed terror of death. In poems such as "Bringing Closure," "All Dirges Have Ceased,""An Elegy for the St. Peter's Church Massacred," and "The Morning After: An Elegy," the theme of "death" predominates. Some read- ers might find in these poems Wesley's preoccupation with death and an in- creased gloom and melancholy, and what appears to herald an eventual approach of death. Those who are dispirited by these poems might remember that Wesley is a woman of almost irritatingly robust health who has never suf- fered a day's serious illness all of her life. These poems also remind the reader that, as a poet Wesley touches and illuminates life at many different points. For instance, the poet reminds the reader of man's vice, corruption, wickedness and divine retribution in "Remembering Sodom," the connective conjunction "and" would seem more appropriate in this context:

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44 BOOK REVIEW

However, even though "Sodom" frequently occurs alone, the poet should have entitled this poem "Remembering Sodom and Gomorrah" because in biblical times the two words collocated or co-occurred and as such, they were two powerful symbols of human wickedness and divine Nemesis. "The River Is Rising," the poem from which the title of the book is derived, is a metonym for the tragedy of devastation and death attendant on human folly in that those who instigate this tragedy are paradigms of evil. Yet beneath this tragedy lies a hope that all is not lost, that this isn't the end of the world. In this poem, the poet or speaker seems to suggest that, like Noah and his Ark, God will cleanse and purify the poet's homeland through a flood. In this sense, the contrastive conjunction "but" rather than the connective con- junction "and" would seem more appropriate in this context:

the river is rising, and (but) this is not a flood. After years of drought, the ground hardened

and caked in blood, in dry places, here we are today.

In the final analysis, in her third book of verse, The River Is Rising, Wesley writes beautiful poetry that seems to be a universal metaphor for the human condition. The strength of her poetry comes to the fore with a proliferation of figures of speech and symbolic imagery. The reader is deeply moved by the beauty of her poetic language. Although she uses other figures of speech, maritime metaphors permeate her poetry for the most part. The River Is Rising is set to become one of the classics of African literature. Like some of the poems in her first and second books of verse, some of the

poems in The River Is Rising are indeed satirically Juvenalian.

Wesley possesses a distinctive, lyrical gift of the highest order. The emotional appeal of her poetry is direct and accessible. She also has a great dramatic gift and a masterly command of a sense of "place." From "To Set Everything Right," the first poem in the book, to "Broken World," the last poem, Wesley shows dextrous command of many poetic registers. Her idyllic blend of the urban, the suburban and the rural is recognizably Liberian. Liberians will recognize their own landscapes and seascapes skilfully cap- tured in the The River Is Rising.

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New Publications on or Relevant to Liberia

Cooper, Helene. 2008. The House at Sugar Beach: In Search of a Lost African Childhood. Simon & Schuster, New York, N.Y.

Dennis, Benjamin G. and Anita K. Dennis. 2008. Slaves to Racism: An Unbroken Chain from America to Liberia. New York: Algora Publishing.

Dunn, Elwood. 2009. Liberia and the United States During the Cold War.

Palgrave Macmillan, New York, N.Y.

Essuman-Johnson. May 2005. "Going Back Home: The Politics of the Repatriation of Liberian And Togolese Refugees in Ghana." Legon Journal of International Affairs. vol. 02, no. 01, pp. 1-25.

Gershoni, Yekutiel. 2008. "Christians and Muslims in Nineteenth Century Liberia: From Ideological Antagonism to Practical Toleration." Canadian Journal of African Studies, vol. 42, no. 2-3.

Guseh, James S. 2008. "Slogan and Mottos on Commercial Vehicles: A Re- flection of the Philosophy and Culture of Liberia." Journal of African Cul- tural Studies," pp. 159-171.

Guseh, James S. and Emmanuel Oritsejafor. 2009. "The African Growth and Opportunity Act and Economic Development in Africa." The Journal of Democracy and International Relations, vol. X, no.1, Winter/Spring 2009, pp. 124-140.

Johnson, Kirsten, Jana Asher, Stephanie Rosborough, Amisha Raja, Rajesh Panjabi, Charles Beadling, and Lynn Lawry. August 13, 2008. "Association of Combatant Status and Sexual Violence with Health and Mental Health Outcomes in Postconflict Liberia." JAMA, vol. 00, pp. 676 - 690.

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46 NEW PUBLICATIONS

Johnson-Sirleaf, Ellen. 2009. This Child Will Be Great. Harper Collins: New York, NY, 2009.

McDougal, Topher L. 2008. The Liberian State of Emergency: What Do Civil War and State-led Industrialization Have in Common? Peace Eco- nomic, Peace Science and Policy, Vol. 14, Issue 3.

Miller, John M.' Eline L. Korenromp, Bernard L. Nahlen, and Richard W.

Steketee, 2007. "Estimating the Number of Insecticide-Treated Nets Re- quired by African Households to Reach Continent-wide Malaria Coverage Targets." JAMA. Vol. 297(20), pp. 2241-2250.

Oritsejafor, Emmanuel. 2008. "Food Security in Africa." Encyclopedia Jour- nal of Public Administration and Public Policy. Second, ed. November 17,

2008

Stepakoff, Shanee; Jon Hubbard, Maki Katoh, Erika Falk, Jean-Baptiste Mikulu, Potiphar Nkhoma, and Yuvenalis Omagwa. Nov 2006. "Trauma Healing in Refugee Camps in Guinea: A Psychosocial Program for Liberian and Sierra Leonean Survivors of Torture and War." American Psychologist, Vol. 61 No. 8, pp 921-932

Wolters, Raymond. June 2003. "Missions for Science: U.S. Technology and Medicine in America's African World." JAMA, pp. 2871 - 2872.

Zeebroek, Xavier. July 2006. Humanitarian Agenda 2015-Burundi and Liberia Country Studies. Medford, MA: Feinstein International Center, Tufts University.

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NEWS & NOTES 47

V11 11,1 CI. 219 S13,AV, 2007 v1,11 t..0 20

Harvard, Other Sending Summer

18 Already Here fi- Many leading universities in the United States are dispatching some of their students as interns

to do summer programs in Liberia, the Executive Mansion has disclosed.

The U.S. universities include Harvard, probably America's most prestigious in- stitutions of higher learning; the Univer- sity of Chicago and Georgetown University.

But already, 18 interns arrived in the country this week from North Carolina Central University for a two-week intern- ship program.

While here, the North Carolinians and other interns are expected to take up as- signment at various government min- istries and agencies.

The North Carolina Central delegation, which also included four staff of the in- stitution, on Monday met with President Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf at her Sinkor home.

According to a Civil Service Agency re- lease, the 22-person American delegation is headed by the director of the college's public administration program, Donnell Scott. Also on the delegation are staff members, Ron Penny, Dr. James Guseh

US Universities Interns to Liberia om North Cart111mo

and Mrs. Rosa Anderson.

In brief remarks, Pres. Sirleaf said the coming of North Carolina's students and staff would benefit the students and the host country saying it is a good experi- ence.

Pres. Sirleaf told the American delegation which was accompanied by the Director General of the Civil Service Agency Dr. C. William Allen, that she hopes some members of the group would return to Liberia to help lift the country out of the dungeon following 14 years of civil strife. "Our Country has a lot to be done in this recovery period," she said.

It may be recalled that in December 2006, the North Carolina Central University contacted the Minister of Internal Affairs, Ambulai Johnson, for he graduate stu- dents to do their internship in Liberia.

The delegation presented a plaque of the students and facility members to Pres. Sirleaf in appreciation of her generosity.

Interns of other U.S. universities are scheduled to arrive later.

Reprinted from the Monrovia, Liberia newspaper Daily Observer

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48

111.4r.

18 Students From North Carolina University In Town

About eighteen (18) students from North Carolina Cen- tral University of America

have arrived in Liberia for a two- week internship program.

While in the country, the internship students would take up assignment at various government ministries and agencies.

The American University Delegation which also includes four (4) staff of the institution Monday met with President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf at her Sinkor home shortly upon arrival in the country.

According to a Civil Service Agency release, the 22-man American dele- gation which is headed by the direc- tor, executive master of the public administration program Mr. Donnell Scott, also include staff members like Mr. Ron Penny, Dr. James Guseh and Mrs. Rosa Anderson.

In brief remarks, Presents Ellen Johnson Sirleaf said the coming the students and staff o the American University to Liberia would benefit

the students and the host country saying it is a good experience.

President Sirleaf told the American delegation which was led by the Di- rector General of the Civil Service Agency Dr. C. William Allen that she hope some members of the group would return to Liberia to help lift the country out of the dungeon fol- lowing 14 years of civil strives, "our Country has a lot to be done in this recovery period" she intimated.

It can be recalled that in December 2006, the North Carolina Central University contracted the Minister of Internal Affairs Hon. Anbulai John- son for the graduate students to do their internship in Liberia.

The delegation presented a plaque of the students and faculty members to present Sirleaf in appreciation of her generosity.

Reprinted from the Monrovia, Liberia newspaper, The Inquirer, Wednesday May 9, 2007

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DOCUMENTS

COPING WITH THE INEVITABILITY OF CHANGE: OUR CHALLENGES, CHANCES AND CHOICES

National Oration, Liberia's 161st Independence Day Celebration

Saturday, July 26, 2008

Kakata, Margibi County, Republic of Liberia

By

Sakui W. G. Malakpa

Salutation (To be modified based on guests present)

49

Your Excellency, Madam President; (Any foreign head(s) of state); Your Excellency, the Vice President; Honorable Cabinet Ministers and members of the Executive Branch; The Honorable Speaker of the House, Honorable President Pro Temp of the Senate, and Honorable Members of the Na- tional Legislature;

Your Honor the Chief Justice and Honorable Associate Justices of the Supreme Court, and Honorable Members of the Judiciary;

The Doyen and members of the Diplomatic Corps;

Prelates, Imams, and Members of the clergy; Heads of autonomous agencies and academic institutions;

Heads of our political sub-divisions; Chiefs, Zoes and Bardios;

The ever-industrious Market Women;

Students; Distinguished Guests, Ladies and Gentlemen!

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50 DOCUMENTS

Expression of thanks (which also could be modified for time)

Indeed, it is difficult to overemphasize my heart felt thanks and profound gratitude for the invitation extended us to give the national oration for Liberia's 161st Independence Day Celebration. Madam President, I thank you for this once-in-a-lifetime opportunity. The people of Wozi, my home- town, thank you. The people of Zorzor District, the people of Lofa County, and yes, the people of Liberia thank you. The union of people with disabilities thanks you.

I am also thankful to many who helped me along the way. Though de- ceased, I remember my loving "fathers and mothers" especially Malakpa, Godoe, Yasa Kortoe, and Luopu Yorgbor as well as my uncle Chief Mul- bah Yawkaw.

I am exceedingly grateful to

The Rev. Dr. & Mrs. Gerald Currens who sent me to school after my father died;

the late Bishop Payne and the Lutheran Church in Liberia;

My brothers and sisters and the great people of Wozi.

I am especially thankful that my mother, Kebbeh Yuufulu, lived to see this

day. Likewise, in this public manner, I must express profound gratitude to

the late President Tolbert, who, with the help of female police Sergeant

Tulu Hilton, picked me up in Bomi Hills and sent me to Freetown on his

personal scholarship. I owe a lifetime gratitude to that great Liberian.

(Greetings from wife and children)

Madam President, distinguished guests, given the influence of the great

people before me, I know it is customary to start such a presentation with

a blessing. With your indulgence, I will do so now. (Blessings in Loma

and Kpelleh)

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It was a century, six decades and a year ago this month when the archi- tects of our great Republic signed the Declaration of Independence drafted by Hilary Teage. Since that momentous occasion, Liberia has effectuated, and has been impacted by, prodigious and multifarious changes. The relics and consequences of these changes are ubiquitous, including those among our sister nations of the international community. These experiences show that, however we perceive or welcome change, it is axiomatic that change is inevitable. It is an ongoing process in our personal lives, our families, and our nation. This immutable process propels us to challenges, and affords us opportunities to be players or spectators. Thus, Madam President, distin- guished guests, ladies and gentlemen, relative to our nation's interest, I will speak on the topic, "Coping with the Inevitability of Change: Our Chal- lenges, Chances, and Choices."

On Januaryl , 1817, some of the most powerful people in Washington, DC adopted a constitution for the formation of a society which became known simply as The American Colonization Society (ACS). This society repatriated thousands of blacks to our beloved Liberia. They first settled in Dukweleh, meaning "near the Du river" in Kpelleh, which the Lomas called Dukawlaw. Dr. Abayomi Karnga, the 1947 national orator, stated that the Portuguese call this place Duro (meaning cruelty) but, according to him, that was corrupted by the Bassas as Dugbo and by the Vais as Dukoh. In 1821, to acquire this land that was to become Monrovia, Lt. Robert Stockton pointed a pistol to the head of a chief he called King Peter. Lt. Stockton's successor, Johudie Ashmun used similar bellicose means to acquire neigh- boring lands. In 1847, the commonwealth became a republic, and after 161

years, our beloved republic has experienced colossal changes.

The gargantuan and multitudinous changes of our nation pose moun- tainous challenges. The changes of the past and the challenges change holds for us compel us, as a nation, to adopt the prayers of Reinhold Niebuhr. We therefore pray for serenity to accept the things we cannot change, courage to change the things we can, and wisdom to know the difference.

This means, as a nation, we are challenged to accept the inevitability of change knowing that, like death, change "will come when it will come;" that nothing remains constant except change itself However, this does not preclude us from critically analyzing change; capitalizing on elements of change that enhance our national life, and sagaciously questioning, even

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52 DOCUMENTS

challenging, change itself and where necessary, reversing elements of change that either mislead us or impede our progress. Following this trend, consci- entious and patriotic Liberians sedulously worked over the years to effect positive change. Consequently, Liberia reached numerous monumental mile- stones.

Conversely, the country has had setbacks but none is close to the mind- boggling fratricidal civil wars which led to the death of more than 250,000 people, the displacement and disability of hundreds of thousands, and the destruction of the nation's social, cultural, academic, and economic institu- tions. The once towering Liberia pitifully prostrated in the dust of death and degradation among her sister nations.

As our nation is channeled through changes, achievements and set- backs, we are challenged to learn from our experiences. Quite can- didly, we need the help of the Almighty God in that direction. Additionally, if our challenges are to be confronted squarely and combated decisively, they must be seen as chances for learning from the past, avoiding calamitous and cataclysmic errors, and reinventing symbols for the future.

To reinvent the wheel for the future efficaciously, "chances" must be seen from a new, perspicacious, and productive perspective. This perspective differs from that in which a desire to leave an admirable legacy is ignored while chances are seen as opportunities for power wielding, conspicuous os- tentatious consumption, shameless and avaricious exploitation, and every form of personal aggrandizement with little or no concern for service, the people and nation.

As opposed to such a morbid sense, to confront the prevailing chal- lenges, our "chances" must be our opportunities to make a difference. With equanimity, audacity, and sagacity, it is our chance to put national interests ahead of personal ones. This is our chance to avoid any philosophy, theory, or deed of divisiveness, whether such deviousness is perpetrated from within or without. Yes, this is our chance to hold accountable all who aspire to de- rail the system and detract from constructive national ventures of unity, socio-economic development, and international cooperation.

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This is also our chance to address the elusive elements in quality edu- cation; these include the accuracy and inclusiveness of Liberian history, and the inclusion of Liberian culture and languages in education. Regarding his- tory, it is regrettable that we are yet to see a comprehensive history of our nation. This is regrettable because the absence of such a history calls to ques- tion the issue of a national identity. It heightens a need for us to weave our different backgrounds and views of Liberia into a credible and united Liberia. Hence, the history in its present form compels a few cogent com- ments.

It is indubitable that the history of Liberia did not start on January 1, 1817. There were people in what is now Liberia long before 1817. The Liberian history largely excludes these people and the identities of those included are distorted by names such as King Peter, King Long Peter, Bob Gray, and Chief Boastwin. While this is unfortunate, we have a chance to make amends through scholar- ship and public proclamations after proper vetting.

Second, history must clarify that not all who came to Liberia were sponsored by the ACS. For instance, a group of blacks in southern United States bought the Azor, a sailing ship from Boston. In April, 1878, the Azor sailed from South Carolina to Liberia with 206 pas- sengers, including the Tolberts. Similarly, on March 10, 1892, the Liberia, an old-fashioned sailing ship left New York for Liberia with blacks from Morrilton, Arkansas. Other blacks traveled to Liberia on their own from the Caribbean. With change over time, we became one national family.

History also must show accurately that the settlers were not a homoge- neous group. The light-skinned mulattoes (in the likes of J. J. Roberts and James Spriggs Payne) often were at loggerheads with the dark-skinned set- tlers such as E. W. Blyden and E. J. Roye. Hence, when Roberts died, Blyden wrote a biting poem:

Roberts is dead, so I'm told; His only love was the love of gold; If to Heaven he's gone, Angels look sharp For thou might lose a golden harp.

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The recaptives were settled from parts of Africa. Women and indige- nous people, also diverse, could not vote until 1951 and even then, only those who owned property could vote. What a change two score and fourteen years made later? Women were not only allowed to vote but one was elected pres- ident and what a great president she has been! As is said in Latin, she is a primus inter pares, first among equals.

It is equally incontrovertible that the ACS was not entirely a phil- anthropic group; it comprised colonizationists and slave owners. Colonizationists viewed blacks as "degraded and miserable peo- ple" whose fate was ordained by God. On the other hand, slave owners feared that free blacks would spark rebellion among slaves and thereby hurt the institution of slavery.

One colonizationist who had a deep-seated disdain for blacks be- cause of their alleged rebellious proclivity was James Monroe after whom our capital is named. When Monroe was Governor of Vir- ginia in 1800, Gabriel Prosser, a negro, started a conspiracy with the intention of capturing Monroe and taking over the state. Al- though as a lawyer Monroe advocated fair trial for slave rebels in 1799, he handled the rebellion against him with a vicious "iron hand" and henceforth, saw blacks as a danger to society. He pro- posed their transfer to Africa. To effect this plan, when Monroe be- came President, he and the ACS lobbied Congress tenaciously. In 1819, Congress appropriated a hundred thousand dollars to the ACS. Consequently, in January, 1820, the first ship, Elizabeth, left New York with three white agents and eighty-eight emigrants headed for West Africa.

In other words, following the Prosser revolt, Monroe was not sym- pathetic to the plight of Negroes and history clearly bears this out. For example, when the ACS was dissolved in 1964, it turned its documents to the U.S. Library of Congress. A perusal of those doc- uments will show no evidence of Monroe's love for Negroes espe- cially after 1800. Besides, the original name, Christopolis, was not changed by the settlers whose only hope laid in God; it was

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DOCUMENTS 55

changed to Monrovia by their white ACS agents who took com- mands from their bosses back home. In fact, a settler did not be- come governor of the commonwealth until 1842, when J. J.

Roberts became the first non-white governor.

Given the foregoing, we must rise from our intellectual slumber. More importantly, to unite us firmly and reflect our national reality, we must reverse history by renaming our capital. To this end, given the extensive influence of the Kpellehs from Saniquelleh to Gbarnga, Parakweleh, Forekweleh, Totota, Kakata, Saita (now Caresburg), Gbonoimu (Bensonville or Bentol), and to Dukweleh, the name Dukweleh is suggested but consensus on a name ought to be reached, if at all, on the basis of the nation's interest, not ethnic sentiments. Additionally, it need be accentuated that if effected, this change should not negatively affect our long term cordial ties with the government and good people of the United States of America.

Without doubt, renaming Monrovia as Dukweleh or any other name will be expensive and, for a while, confusing. Consequently, people who dwell perpetually in doubts and trepidation will not welcome such a change. However, this will neither be the first nor last in history. It took courage to change names of capitals and even countries not only because people wanted to rise from intellectual slumber but specifically to correct history and foster a sense of national unity, pride, dignity, and integrity. I am convinced Liberia does not lack these elements of reason and determination to foster change. I

therefore call on the national legislature to consider this proposal seriously.

Beyond the name Monrovia, it behooves the nation to question critically the names that have been immortalized without investigation. Scholars al-

ready have unearthed the myth of the heroism of Matilda Spencer who be- came Matilda Newport and yet we have a street and a school named after her. Similarly, we need to questions names like Clay, Bushrod, Gurley, among others. Henry Clay strongly believed in the inferiority of blacks. At the first meeting of what was to be the ACS, he said, "Of all the classes of our population, the most vicious is that of the free colored. It is the inevitable

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56 DOCUMENTS

result of their moral, political, and evil degradation." Gurley was the editor of the African Repository, the ACS propagandist and racist periodical which stated that, "degraded and miserable Africans" were ordained so by Provi- dence and the laws of nature. Bushrod Washington and Elias Caldwell were colonizationists who believed that blacks were doomed to be inferior and therefore could not co-exist with the superior white race.

Alongside names of sites, we need to take a hard look at our national symbols, the seal and flag. This issue was raised in 1972 by Dr. Edward B.

Kesselly who, along with Mr. William Momolu, my Lofa elders and mentors, I am exceedingly honored to follow in this arena. Unfortunately, the issue is

yet to be addressed decisively. I therefore hope my proposals will not be for- gotten after the applause but that positive action will be forthcoming.

As we take a look at names and symbols, we equally need to remember great people treated superficially or ignored altogether. We can name a few: Blyden, Benjamin J. K. Anderson, and Hilary Teage.

In other parts of the country, we need not forget towering figures who contributed tremendously to the nation. From my beloved Lofa County, I

think of Bemeh The Great of Wozi, Chief Tamba Taylor, Chief Tellewoyan, Chief Quoquoi Subah, Chief Yakpazuo Guzeh, chief Sumo Kota, and Chief Gleh. I am sure similar chiefs can be identified in other counties.

In like manner, politicians and outstanding leaders of Liberia ought to be immortalized: the first superintendents of the then new coun- ties (Kennedy, Gbarbea, Farngalo, and Harris), Dr. Mary An- toinette Brown Sherman, Angie Brooks Randolph, Albert Porte, Didwo Twe, and of course, Her Excellency, Madam Ellen Johnson- Sirleaf.

As we question history, this is also our chance to make history. I

therefore herewith offer a few proposals in addition to the ones afore mentioned. I implore the government to establish fora

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DOCUMENTS 57

whereby these proposals and others emanating from the Gover- nance Commission and other sources may be debated by the sover- eign people of Liberia and eventually presented for legislative enactment.

Distinguished ladies and gentlemen, no one needs to be reminded that the fratricidal civil wars forced thousands of our compatriots into the Diaspora where they encounter hardships in different ways. For example, to put it bluntly (and in Liberian English), "A na easy in America." I tell my family all the time.

With different experiences and for various reasons, some people do not want to be in America or Europe and others do not know if they want to be there. (A few examples; jokes)

Indeed, we have different needs, experiences, and aspirations in the Diaspora but in general, there is an overwhelming desire to contribute to, and continue to be a part of, our motherland irrespec- tive of our legal status in our countries of asylum. Thus, I implore the government of Liberia to consider dual citizenship of the na- tion's children in the Diaspora. True, we need some mechanism to prevent abuses but such a system, adopted by sister African coun- tries, has numerous advantages.

As we warmly embrace Liberia's children abroad, we celebrate the fact that never in the history of Liberia has the nation been blessed with such a huge and varied skilled human resources. We are grate- ful that two programs by international agencies are aimed at en- couraging these skilled resources abroad to return home. However, I humbly propose a commission of government officials and credi- ble individuals in the Diaspora to collaborate in a network that will catalog and harness such skilled resources abroad. The Liberian Network for Skills Abroad (LINSA), if established, will perform this task and more.

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Additionally, this is our chance to make history in the key area of equality. Though much needs to be done, we are effectively ad- dressing problems of sexism, tribalism, and sectionalism. We must now attend to the disability frontier which is yearning for equity, equality, full inclusion, and full participation. While we strongly commend government's efforts in this area, it is our prayer that in- creased attention will be geared toward this area. For instance, as proposed by the National Union of Organizations of Persons with Disabilities, two key points are actively impelling: inclusion of dis- ability issues and concerns in each of the four pillars of the poverty reduction strategy, and ratification of the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. These ought to be everyone's concern because, as it has been said, "An able-bodied person is someone who is not disabled YET." We therefore commend the Liberian Association of Toledo which sent a thousand dollars to the Union of Persons With Disabilities.

Distinguished ladies and gentlemen, my compatriots at home and abroad, friends of Liberia, let me further emphasize that as we face chal- lenges which lead us to unprecedented chances, we have choices. We have a choice to be part of the solution, not the problem. This means being cog- nizant of the internal and external forces that impact us and yet, muster en- ergy and devotion so that, with magnanimity and alacrity, we add positively to the celerity of change.

We have a choice to promote unity and a strong government, support our indefatigable president or perpetually criticize.

We have a choice to maintain and buttress collaboration and cohesive- ness among and within the various branches of government or bifurcate our efforts and work against one another and against the nation's interest.

We have a choice to unite our people, raise their living standards, and make them proud Liberians who work assiduously together for the common purpose of achieving the Liberian dream.

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We have a choice between unchecked gradualism and audaciously em- phasizing speedy decentralization, depoliticization and privatization com- mensurate with our socio-political and economic realities.

We have a choice between closet criticism and steadfast public support of Her Excellency President Sirleaf's unprecedented achievements, rigid de- termination to fight corruption, curtail the unacceptable crime rate, train the youth, and improve employment especially since the unemployment rate in Liberia stands at 85%, the highest in the world.

In the midst of divergent views, different political persuasions, diverse cultural orientations, and religious convictions, we nonetheless have a choice to put the nation first and thereby promote unity in diversity. This is the essence of patriotism, and genuine patriotism propels poignant positive change. It abhors political demagoguery, megalomania, sycophancy, cupid- ity, and acquisition of position for self aggrandizement.

We also have a choice to become insular on the international scene or support the current administration in its efforts to strengthen ties with our sister nations and raise the once prostrating Liberia to its FELICITOUS place among nations. To this end, we continue to be thankful to our sister neigh- boring countries and trust nothing disturbs our close ties. (Words of thanks and gratitude in French and Creole to our neighboring nations.)

As we look outward and inward, we have a choice to accept or ignore the speed and significance of change. We need to understand vividly that the sweeping wave of positive change is too strong, too fast, and too productive to halt; if you cannot contribute to it, you need to move aside because this is

a different period. Let me tell you the period we are in and what that means for us:

Those who believe that, as bosses, they can only hire people from their families, ethnic groups, or sections of the country must move aside for this is a period of progress and change and that means inclusiveness that shuns nepotism, tribalism and sectionalism;

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Those who refuse to accept a female as the boss must move aside for this is a period of progress and change and that means no space for sexism and chauvinism (especially as Ma Ellen is at the helm);

Those who will not accept a person with a disability as a student or an employee let alone the boss must move aside for this is a period of progress and change and that means no discrimination solely on the basis of disabil- ity;

Those who believe their academic degrees ordain them to be superior must move aside for this is a period of progress and change and that means demonstrated ability, and therefore the demise of credentialism and the death of the diploma disease;

Those students who believe that only people who "know book" can teach them anything must move aside for this is a period of progress and change and that means cherishing a broad knowledge base;

Those who believe their fancy titles make them mini gods must move aside for this is a period of progress and change and that means service and egalitarianism;

Those who believe their possessions, positions and connections put them above the law must move aside for this is a period of progress and change and that means the rule of law reigns supreme to foster justice and equality for all;

Those who are bent on committing crimes (be they white collar, blue collar--any crime) must move aside for this is a period of progress and change and that means you commit, you serve and thereby understand that crime does not pay.

As we confront the challenges of change, optimize our chances, and ju- diciously make choices, we need peace; peace, among other things, for the health and safety of our people, peace for the protection of our systems and institutions, and peace for attracting foreign investors. Thus, Madam Presi-

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dent, distinguished ladies and gentlemen, let me conclude by reading the last two verses of my poem, "Peace Please" which I wrote when I served as a visiting professor to South Africa in 1992, as I listened helplessly to news about the destruction of my beloved country.

Peace please remind A people, nation, and the world

Whether whole, injured or toiled, War's bestial, evil, multi-hurtful

So never the woes and destruction repeated No matter how one's offended, Let's as siblings sit and settle;

Peace please respond And by God's grace and compassion

Restore us and reconcile factions Remove snares and replenish energy

And rebuild nation, homes, and hopes Reminding that war's a lowly evil path

That winlessly winds in death; So peace please, please-please!

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62 AD-HOC INDEPENDENT COMMISSION ON THE E-MAIL SAGA

REPORT OF THE AD-HOC INDEPENDENT COMMISSION

ON THE E-MAIL SAGA

Monrovia, Liberia January 7, 2009

TABLE OF CONTENTS

PREFACE

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

1. INTRODUCTION

2. CONDUCTING THE INVESTIGATION 2.1 Scope 2.2 Principal Parties Interviewed 2.3 The Investigations

3. SUMMARY OF FINDINGS 3.1 The GOL/LISCR Negotiations 3.2 The Cement Transactions 3.3 The Western Cluster Project 3.4 The $23,000.00 Refund Request 3.5 Wortorson's Transaction 3.6 The Mc Bain Foundation Bus Project

4. CONCLUSION

5. RECOMMENDATIONS

APPENDICES

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PREFACE

When the government of President Ellen Johnson Sir leaf assumed the administration of Liberia, one of its cardinal pronouncements was "a zero- tolerance policy on corruption."' On many occasions, President Sirleaf has reassured the Liberian people that this policy will be fully respected. The establishment of the Anti-Corruption Commission and the drafting of a pro- posed corrupt offences act are apparent indications of this reassurance.

In addition to the stance of the Government of Liberia (GOL) on com- bating corruption, its partners and the international community in general have continued to assess its performance and encourage it to remain steadfast in the fight against corruption. This assessment has appeared in a series of reports including one by Search for Common Ground in Liberia and another that gives the government a favorable rating in the global fight against cor- ruption, especially in developing countries.'

Notwithstanding the government's stance regarding corruption as well as its partners' interest and the credible reports in this regard, it appears that the Liberian public remains distrustful of officials of government, most still believing that the social malady of corruption stands out in the public sector. This belief seems to find expression in numerous articles of allegations of corruption that continue to appear in the local newspapers, charging high ranking government officials and prominent public institutions with corrup- tion. In fact, the government concedes some of the charges as it notes that the Liberian people "are naturally skeptical because dependency, deprivation and lawlessness have given corruption deep roots" in the country.' Some of the newspaper articles have reflected "findings by the General Auditing Commission."

Publications alleging corrupt practices have not been restricted to local dailies. Some international news agencies have made similar allegations in varying degrees. More significantly, the Front Page Africa Internet news organ's publication of repeated allegations of corrupt practices has been a matter of concern to both the government and the Liberian public. In recent times, those allegations have taken on greater dimensions, involving gov-

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ernment officials, including the office of the President. The initial publication of these allegations appeared on Front Page Africa's website4 on August 1,

2008. Since then, there have been additional publications charging more acts of corruption involving several other persons and institutions.'

Unlike the newspaper articles that allege acts of corruption by providing explanations based mostly on unrevealed sources, the Front Page Africa pub- lications contained numerous e-mail communications allegedly exchanged between various individuals. The exchanges also suggest that the e-mail ad- dresses belong to the individuals accused of the corrupt practices as well as others mentioned, although not necessarily involved in those practices.

As a result of the publications, the government of Liberia decided to launch an investigation to establish whether the claims were in fact authentic, which would set the stage for further action by the government. The inves- tigations according to the government were to be conducted independent of government or other influence. In this regard, President Ellen Johnson-Sir- leaf appointed Dr. D. Elwood Dunn as chair of an independent ad-hoc in- vestigation commission with the mandate to appoint other members of the commission. The commission was empowered to appoint a legal counsel and secure the services of an expert computer forensic investigative firm to assist in the investigations.

Eventually, the Commission came to include the following citizens: Sister Mary Laurene Browne, The Rev. Dr. Herman Browne, Ms Ruth Doe, Mr. Bill Frank Enoanyi, Mr. Laurence Norman, and The Rev. Fr. James Sellee. Counsellor Jallah A. Barbu served as legal counsel to the Commis- sion. The international firm, The James Mintz Group, Inc. was hired as ex- pert investigators for the Commission.'

The Commission's mandate is reflected in a letter of appointment to the chairman of 9/29/08, and Executive Order No.15 of 10/30/08. Cumula- tively the Commission is mandated to investigate alleged improprieties sug- gested by the published e-mails in general as well as in reference to GOL/LISCR negotiations. The Commission's expansive interpretation of its mandate led it to a variety of sources to acquire information it deemed as having a bearing on the inquiry. Accordingly, the Commission availed itself of the opportunity to acquire from FPA's editor items in his possession that

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may not have been published on his website. Our expert investigators fol- lowed our lead in speaking to and acquiring from Editor Rodney Sieh, and a number of other individuals of interest, items they considered relevant to the investigation. In short, our quest for information led to individuals con- sidered as primary and marginal to the inquiry.

The investigations involved interviews, analysis of documentations in- cluding the e-mails circulated on Front Page Africa's website, documents voluntarily provided to the Commission by the interviewees, documents ac- quired from other sources, relevant information received from various sources upon inquiry by the Commission, and assessment of computer hard drives secured from some of the interviewees. Additional efforts were made to acquire assistance from the United States government, especially the status of investigations launched upon the separate requests of some of the indi- viduals accused in the Front Page Africa circulation by the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the cooperation of Yahoo! Inc., and the confirmation of cer- tain bank accounts were not concluded. The pieces of information that were expected from those sources may be procured by the government for future measures it may take.'

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

The seven-member Ad-Hoc Independent Commission conducted these investigations over a period slightly in excess of three months with the as- sistance of a United States-based computer forensic investigative firm, a Liberian lawyer, and a small corps of support staff. These investigations pro- ceeded as follows:

1. An analysis, comparison and contrasts of three sets of documents in eluding published e-mails by Front Page Africa on its web site, un- published e-mails received from Front Page Africa through its edi- tor-in-chief, Mr. Rodney D. Sieh, and, documents relative to allega- tions of corruption contained in those e-mails which were received from Mr. Sieh, some of the individuals mentioned in the e-mails and other individuals engaged by the Commission;

2. Interview of individuals and entities mentioned in the allegations of

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corruption or other improprieties; and

3. A technical forensic review and analysis of the five hard drives ac- quired from some of the interviewees and others from LISCR.

Observations:

During the interviews the Commission observed, from the responses and arguments of the interviewees, that the e-mails in question were of three categories:8

1. Uncontested/undisputed e-mails

2. Partially disputed e-mails

3. False e-mails

It appears that the focus of some of the individuals alleged to have en- gaged in acts of impropriety was the LISCR/GOL negotiations, highlighted in Executive Order No. 15 that established the Commission. Consequently, those individuals did not fully cooperate with the Commission which, in the Commission's view, was predicated on apprehensions they maintained that the Commission would have found information not favorable to them.

Findings:

The Commission found that there were violations and breaches of Liberian laws and policies by some of the following groups of persons:

I. Officials of Government

II. Private individuals

III. Private business entities

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I. Officials of Government:

Although the e-mails alleged that several officials of government were involved in acts of corruption relative to the LISCR negotiations, there was no evidence to establish the truthfulness of the allegations. The Commission found as follows:

A. LISCR/GOL

Unsupported allegations: President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, Minister of Justice Philip A.Z. Banks and Bureau of Maritime Affairs Commissioner Binyah C. Kesselly were found not to have been engaged in any acts of im- propriety regarding the LISCR negotiations. The allegations made in the e- mails were found to be without any evidence and in fact, appeared to have been fabricated and were unknown to these individuals until they appeared on the website of Front Page Africa.

B. OTHER ISSUES

Allegations of impropriety involving the importation of cement: At least three officials were the principal actors in the allegations surrounding the importation of cement to Liberia; they were, Executive Assistant to the Pres- ident and Director General of the Cabinet Mrs. Medina Wesseh, Represen- tative Dusty Wolokollie, and Deputy Minister of Finance for Administration Tarnue Mawolo. The Committee found generally that these individuals were using their official titles or influence to conduct their private businesses, as explained below:

1. Mrs. Medina Wesseh: Mrs. Wesseh confirmed that she did use her official position/title during her interactions/communications with other individuals with whom she conducted her private cement business but explained that this was basically because her computer is programmed to automatically insert her title on communications she writes.

Hon. Dusty Wolokollie was primarily engaged with Deputy Minis - terTarnue Mawolo in a cement business. The Committee requested clarification from Hon. Wolokollie but did not receive a response.

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Deputy Finance Minister Tarnue Mawolo affirmed the validity of the email pointing out an "old version" of the document in the email. He added that the common effort of himself and Represen- tative Wollokollie and Mrs. Wesseh was designed to address cement shortage on the Liberian market. As others have pointed out, the ef- fort did not materialize (Barbu to Dunn, 12/31/08 & Commission letter to Mawolo of 12/29/08).

2. The US$23,000 refund request by Mr. Willis D. Knuckles: In addi- tion to Mr. Knuckles, the three individuals that acted in the US$23,000 refund request were President Ellen Johnson Sir leaf, Minister Morris Saytumah, and Special Assistant to the President Ms. Elva Richardson. The Commission found that both Minister Saytumah and Ms. Richardson were only performing their respec- tive duties of receiving and/or conveying messages from Mr. Knuckles, who communicated the request to Minister Saytumah, and President Sir leaf who instructed Ms. Richardson to relay her response to Mr. Knuckles.

President Sir leaf: President Sir leaf confirmed to the Commission the authenticity of the e-mails on the one hand which contents the Commission found to have been first a breach of procedure by Mr. Knuckles as to the manner in which he requested the reimbursement, but secondly, as a proper and well placed response by the President, insisting that the appropriate procedures should be respected in such matters.

3. Senator Cletus Wortorson's request for Presidential encouragement of his private business exploration: The Commission believes that the President's consent to encourage Senator Wortorson in the man- ner she did is open to misinterpretation and should be avoided.

II. Private Individuals

A. Mr. Willis D. Knuckles Jr.: Mr. Knuckles is the central figure men- tioned in all of the relevant e-mail allegations. He was engaged in matters concerning the LISCR/GOL negotiations, as well as the

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transactions involving the importation of cement to Liberia. The LISCR/GOL negotiations appear to be the relevant area in which it is probable that Mr. Knuckles engaged in acts of impropriety. Two main incidents support this finding: his offer as chairman of Cell- corn board of directors to President Sir leaf to pay the travel cost of two members of the President's delegation to Israel, and spearhead- ing the supply of scratch cards to members of the President's dele- gation to Israel suggest that Mr. Knuckles was at least attempting to employ undue influence in the search for a renewal of LISCR's contract.

B. Dr. Charles A. Clarke: Dr. Clarke was instrumental in delivering a proposal from a potential competitor to LISCR for the maritime con- tract personally to Mr. Binyah C. Kesselly, Commissioner for the Bureau of Maritime Affairs although he asserts he had no knowledge of the contents of the document he delivered. The Commission's in- terviews with Kesselly, as well as indications from a cast of charac- ters including a Jason Hickox who delivered the document to Clarke suggest more knowledge on Clarke's part than he seems willing to acknowledge.

C. Professor Dew Tuan Wleh Mayson: As Dr. Clarke delivered the package for UGH, Prof. Mayson served as conduit for the delivery of another proposal designed to replace LISCR, that of Oceanic Cor- porate Services of New York. In an e-mail message dated 5/1/08 and captioned "Transmission of Proposal to Bid for the Operation of the Liberian Registry," Mayson first forwarded the package to Kesselly's predecessor and subsequently to Kesselly himself. In a phone interview Mayson indicated that he was approached by friends who vouched for the credibility of OCS. He identified OCS as led largely by lawyers and former U.S. military people somewhat in the tradition of the old ITC folks of 1940s vintage.'

III. Private Entities

A. Cellcom/LISCR: On the basis of his status as chairman of the board of directors of Cellcom, and that company's direct connection with

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LISCR under basically the same ownership and management, it is likely that the actions of Mr. Knuckles discussed above were tacitly supported by the two companies. Consequently, the companies are viewed as part of the attempt by Mr. Knuckles to employ undue in- fluence in renewing their contract with the government of Liberia for the Maritime program.

B. Front Page Africa: Evidence was found that alterations to email mes- sages took place between the time some emails were received by FPA and when they were posted on the website. Beyond this, it is evident that some of the e-mails circulated on its website were fabricated in ways that indicate that individuals other than those alleged to have authored those e-mails were the ones who did such act. This suggests that the e-mails of individuals were accessed by unauthorized per- son(s). In addition to the alteration observed in the e-mail regarding the $200 credit to Counsellor Bernard, there were fabrications in the e-mail that alleged the "need for more payments to be made to Kesselly and Banks to secure their favorable participation" as it ap- pears that only the last paragraph of that e-mail is actually authentic. Further, the e-mail alleging that Minister Philip Banks owned seven accounts at the Liberian Bank for Development and Investment (LBDI) was found to be totally false. Front Page Africa may have to be pursued to assist in identifying the sources of such e-mails on its website. (See JMG Memo of 12/9/08, p. 8.)

1. INTRODUCTION

On August 15, 2008, Front Page Africa, an online news organ based in the United States with Mr. Rodney D. Sieh as its editor-in-chief, published a number of e-mails on its website, purporting to be e-mails originating from a number of persons. The e-mails contained various species of information that suggested possible violations of Liberian laws, fiscal and administrative polices as well as provisions of the code of conduct for public servants,'° and public policy. The e-mails circulated by Front Page Africa were attributed to some current and past officials of the government, private business houses

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and other private individuals. In addition, some foreign nationals were also linked to the corruption allegations. Among those foreign nationals were cit- izens of the United States of America. In that respect, it also became apparent that in the event the allegations were found to be credible, it would also have been possible that United States laws were violated as well.

In support of its many pronouncements and established goal of elimi- nating corruption in government and the Liberian society," the government of Liberia through President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf established an independ- ent ad-hoc body to investigate the authenticity of the e-mails. Named the "Commission" per Executive Order Number 15 promulgated by the Presi- dent, the body, chaired by Dr. D. Elwood Dunn, comprises seven Liberians and is assisted by a Liberian lawyer and a United States-based computer forensic investigative firm. Immediately upon its establishment, the Com- mission commenced its work, first in its preparatory phase and then the full investigation phase. The submission of this report concludes the life of the Commission.12

This report discusses the scope of the investigation, claims by individ- uals that their e-mail accounts were hacked into thus resulting in alterations and fabrications by the unknown hacker(s), the authenticity of the e-mails circulated on the website of Front Page Africa, and findings made by the Commission. Based on the findings made by the Commission, a set of rec- ommendations is contained in the report relative to both judicial and admin- istrative measures. The report is divided into five parts following the Preface and the Executive Summary. Part I is the Introduction. Part II, Conducting the Investigation, presents in some detail the various procedures and processes employed by the Commission in the conduct of the investigation and the observations made. It is this part that uncovers the events that took place in the LISCR/GOL negotiations which were central to the investigation - allegations of impropriety on the part of officials of the Liberian govern- ment bearing on these negotiations as well as other related issues such as the hacking into the personal e-mail accounts of individuals, authenticity of the e-mails on Front Page Africa and the roles of the principal actors men- tioned in the e-mails. Part III contains analyses of these transactions as well as findings relative to each of the actors considered by the Commission as

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relevant to the investigation. Part IV, Conclusion, presents the Commission's position based on what it found, thus leading to Part V which recommends a number of actions that the government of Liberia may take.

Part II CONDUCTING THE INVESTIGATION

2.1 Scope

The mandate of the Commission was contained in two separate docu- ments issued by President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf -a letter appointing Dr. D. Elwood Dunn as Chair of the Commission and Executive Order No. 15 es- tablishing the Commission (See Appendix 1).

The Commission was mandated in those two instruments to investigate and submit its findings to the President and to a Special Prosecutor, based on allegations of corruption contained in several e-mails that were published by Front Page Africa on its website, frontpageafrica.com, which involved officials of the government of Liberia and related individuals and entities.

Notwithstanding this clear mandate, which the Commission shared with all of the interviewees, some of them argued and maintained that the Com- mission lacked the authority to investigate beyond the GOL/LISCR negoti- ations, and thus, would not cooperate with the Commission beyond that issue. For instance, in its effort to acquire clarifications on matters regarding both the attempts by Cellcom and Mr. Knuckles to be placed on the Presi- dent's delegation that travelled to Israel and matters concerning Mr. Knuck- les' involvement in the Western Cluster project, the Commission submitted a questionnaire to Mr. Knuckles and requested him to provide clarifications to the maters it contained. However, Mr. Knuckles refused to provide an- swers but replied "... I have noted that among the questions submitted to me along with copies of relevant emails are copies of my emails not carried on the web by Front Page Africa, the original publication source of all the media allegations and speculation. Considering that this happened before I

gave your experts access to my computer records, I am left to wonder how

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the Committee gained access to my e-mails as no permission was obtained, either from me personally or through legal process. This leaves the question of the violation or invasion of my privacy, a matter which I take very seri- ously and would greatly appreciate your reaction to this."

The Commission reacted through its chair to Mr. Knuckles' assertion stating, "In reference to the scope of the questions we raised, I wish to inform you that our interpretation of our terms of reference is such that we have gone to a variety of sources to acquire information we deem as having a bearing on our investigation. Accordingly, we availed ourselves of the op- portunity to acquire from Mr. Rodney Sieh items in his possession that may not have been published on this website. Our expert investigators, the James Mintz Group, Inc., followed our lead in speaking to and acquiring from Mr. Rodney Sieh and a number of other individuals, items they deemed relevant to the investigation."

The investigations covered three core areas: the LISCR/GOL negotia- tions, which was the primary focus of the investigations; other transactions suggesting some forms of improprieties; specific roles allegedly played by individuals who placed them in the category of principal parties to the cor- ruption allegations and thus, relevant persons for discussions with the Com- mission. The investigations, findings, and conclusions from these core areas are presented below.

2.2 Principal Parties Interviewed

The Commission identified eight principal parties to the allegations in- cluding Mr. Willis D. Knuckles, LISCR/Cellcom (Mr. Yoram Cohen/Mr. Abraham Avi Zaidenberg/Mr. Anwar Nachmani), Mr. Binyah C. Kesselly, Mrs. Medina Wesseh, Counsellor Philip A.Z. Banks, Counsellor Estrada J.

Bernard, Mr. Thomas Jeffery, and President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf. Except Mr. Yoram Cohen and Mr. Abraham Avi Zaidenberg, who were interviewed in the US by the experts who assisted in the investigations, all of the indi- viduals were interviewed by the Commission in Liberia. (Other persons named in the emails but marginal to the investigation are listed in Appendix # 15).

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2.3 The Investigations

2.3.1 LISCR/GOL Negotiations

The Commission found that several circumstances have prevailed from the inception of the current administration in January 2006 to August 2008 that demand the attention of parties who are desirous of fully understanding what may have transpired, how and why they did. The most significant of those circumstances determined by the Commission are discussed below.

A. Favorable circumstances: At least two sets of conditions seemed to have been sufficient to negate any effort of lobbying on the part of LISCR for renewal of its agency. The Commission notes that even if LISCR had engaged in lobbying to renew its contract, such action would normally not have been a violation of any laws of Liberia or an infringement of public policy. On the contrary, the Commission concedes that where a party determines that it is in its best interest to convince decision makers to decide an issue in its favor, that party has the right to do so within the confines of the law. The two sets of conditions in LISCR's favor were as follows:

1. LISCR as agent of the Liberian Registry: By January 2006, LISCR had served as an agent of the GOL for approximately seven (7) years, (since 1999), half of which period was affected by war. Howbeit, LISCR is said to have maintained the Registry at a high standard, ranking as the second largest shipping registry in the world with a fleet of approximately ten percent of all merchant ships.13

2. Status of negotiations to renew LISCR's agency: By June 2008, it appeared that the GOL and LISCR had reached some agreement in principle that favored a renewal of LISCR's agency even though there still were some issues to be concluded. Although the GOL had suspended the negotiations in April 2008, the fact that it proposed a resumption of the negotiation and scheduled a meeting of the parties

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in early July'4 attests to the existence of an understanding that there was a high probability for renewing LISCR's agency. As the records show,'5 all that actually remained for the contract to be renewed were the appropriate reviews and endorsements by the executive and leg- islative branches respectively. It is apparent that the team of nego- tiators for the GOL was content with the new terms and conditions it had set forth in favor of Liberia.

As a consequence of our observations stated above, we conclude that the GOL had in fact given LISCR substantial reason to be assured that its agency would be renewed once it accepted the new terms and conditions, which from the records, LISCR generally accepted with few minor excep- tions that the GOL allowed. Thus, we conclude that if these were the only circumstances that prevailed at the time, LISCR would not have had any reason to assume that its agency would not have been renewed, or at least, that it probably would have had to engage in a rigorous effort to acquire the renewal.

B. Adverse circumstances: Notwithstanding the very strong showing in LISCR's favor, there were also challenges that confronted LISCR which, in the normal course of business, would have posed some difficulty for the entity. The Commission believes that in the wake of these challenges, the urge to frantically engage decision makers and to attempt to pursue means other than the normal course of lob- bying could have developed. In other words, the question the Com- mission grappled with is: why would LISCR feel the need to influence unduly the process leading to the renewal of its agency under the Maritime Program despite the sole source exception con- tained in the Term Sheet?

1. Acute criticism of the current LISCR contract: Criticism of the LISCR contract by various groups including the Bureau of Maritime Affairs, specifically its newly appointed Commissioner, Binyah Kesselly as presented in a study document he authored entitled "The Liberian Registry"'' which among many criticisms, charges LISCR with non-adherence to provisions of the agreement including its fail-

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ure to disclose the initial and existing shareholders of LISCR as well as its shareholder dividend records. In some reports (attached to note 14), LISCR is accused of money laundering and gunrunning in vi- olation of United Nations embargo against the administration of for- mer President Charles Taylor.

It should be remembered that the contract with the former agent IRI was terminated in 1998 because of the high rate of major conflicts of interest (e.g. managers were major shareholders of other compa- nies to whom subcontracts were distributed; IRI was operating a par- allel registry in the Marshall Islands to the detriment of the Liberian Registry).

In addition to the criticisms, the GOL had drawn up a document cap- tioned "Guidelines on Renegotiation for Renewal/Extension of the GOL/LISCR Agreement" which also observed several breaches of the provisions of the existing contract by LISCR and which sug- gested stringent conditions for renewing the contract.

2. Potential competition: Our investigations revealed two potentially major competitors whose interests in the Liberian Registry might have unnerved LISCR, thereby creating uncertainty and skepticism regarding the guarantees they had received from the GOL. United Global Holdings, LLC (UGH) and Oceanic Corporate Services (OCS) both presented proposals to the GOL strongly expressing their interest in administering the Registry. Those two institutions seemed to have established some form of relationship and/or acquired some support from influential Liberians which, it appears, LISCR had some information about.

UGH, chaired by Mr. Michael Lempres, succeeded in delivering its proposal to BMA Commissioner Binyah Kesselly through Dr. Charles A. Clarke, Chairman of the ruling Unity Party. Dr. Clarke however informed the Commission that he did not know the contents of the document nor had he met any of the individuals associated with UGH. To the contrary however, the Commission found that Dr.

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Clarke did meet with and collect the document from one of the rep- resentatives of UGH in the person of Jason Hickox. A cast of other characters interviewed by the Commission leaves an unsettling sense of activities, some of which could be questionable." Mr. Lempres is alleged to have sent, via e-mail, a letter to President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf detailing several reasons why the LISCR arrangement should not be continued after its expiry in 2009 and requesting an objective approach in awarding the Registry contract!'

Another prominent Liberian, Professor Dew Tuan Wleh Mayson (Special Envoy for the President of Liberia), served as conduit for OCS as it advanced strong arguments for an open bidding process for the management of the Registry. Professor Mayson conveyed both to Kesselly's predecessor and to Kesselly himself through elec- tronic means a covering letter signed by OCS senior vice president, Richard Allocca and the proposal for the Registry signed by OCS President Mark J. Kremin.

Additionally, in conversations with Kesselly, Yoram Cohen and our expert investigators, it emerged that proponents of the UGH proposal were called "Hezbollah people," a reference to a Lebanese political party/faction, while Yazim Fawaz and his family were called the mas- termind of the entire saga, possibly even the computer break-ins.

As a consequence of our observations stated above, we conclude that there were certain strong factors that mitigated LISCR's confidence in the assurances it sensed from the GOL and that those factors could have, in the least, resulted in a prolonged and very competitive open bidding process. Further, the Commission reasons that it did not seem that LISCR intended a bidding process to take place but rather, that its contract be extended or re- newed in lieu of such process, as it is clear that LISCR did have some idea of the adverse factors challenging its interest. For example, with such a po- litically charged matter, it is inconceivable that LISCR would have been un- aware of the suspicious inferences one might draw from such reluctance to disclose its shareholders or those to whom it paid dividends over the years. Hence, we believe that this propelled in LISCR the anxiety that GOL might not follow through its assurances to renew.

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The Commission therefore takes the view that there were good reasons for LISCR to engage a lobbyist(s) and perhaps to grant the requests and heed the advice of the lobbyist(s) in its dire quest for renewing the contract.

Because of lingering questions about their possible roles in attempting to replace LISCR, both Dr. Clarke in the case of UGH, and Professor Mayson in the case of OCS might be requested to more fully disclose what they knew and when they came to know.

C. Lobbying and the proposed GOL award process: If indeed there was a lobbyist(s) working to ensure the renewal of the LSICR con- tract, it remains to be established who that was and what exactly did s/he do? On the other hand, if indeed the GOL assured LISCR of a renewal or extension of its contract, what would that renewal have amounted to insofar as it relates to the government's policy on creating an atmosphere for free competition and best practices?

1. The Lobbyist(s) and the lobbying process: Hardly would any- one believe that there was not an attempt to have an influential representative pursue LISCR or any other interested party in the presumed "lucrative Liberian Maritime Program." However, ex- cept where some hard evidence is established, it would not suf- fice to assume a lobbyist(s). Notwithstanding, one may infer that based on a chain of events and circumstances, there is high prob- ability that a person could have played the role of a lobbyist even if not so appointed.

In the particular instance, the Commission notes two circumstances that could lead to such an inference in this particular case. Firstly, the Commis- sion established that there is a direct link between LISCR and Cellcom, both companies having Mr. Yoram Cohen as the majority shareholder and leading administrator. Secondly, it was also established that Mr. Knuckles has been serving and is still the chairman of the board of directors of Cellcom, and in that position, has made representations to and for both companies as evi- denced by records available to the Commission.19

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Willis D. Knuckles' Role: The Commission believes that Mr. Knuckles did play some role in pursuing the LSICR contract renewal on the one hand while on the other, it does not find any reason to believe that either Mr. Binyah C. Kesselly or Counsellor Phillip Banks acted in favor of LISCR or engaged in acts that compromised the interest of the government in the ne- gotiations.

The actions that suggest that Mr. Knuckles engaged in unwarranted lob- bying effort for LISCR include, but are not limited to, his pursuit of spaces on the President's delegation to Israel; the offers by his company to under- write a portion of the President's travel costs, and subsequent engagements with members of government's delegation including offers of cards that pro- vided roaming services.

Counsellor Estrada J Bernard: Although it is established that a pro- vision for $200 credit facility existed in the LISCR/Cellcom circle for Coun- sellor Bernard, there is no evident that he enjoyed this service, other than the scratch card that was provided to members of the President's delegation in Israel. However, there was a fragment of a communication found on the hard drive of a desktop computer at the residence of the President, which he presented to the Commission, that referenced a "prepayment" of six hundred thousand dollars by Cellcom. This e-mail is authored by someone other than the name Estrada Bernard. Counsellor Bernard has clearly pointed out to the Commission that though he occasionally used the computer, as did other people, he has absolutely no knowledge of the e-mail in question nor is he familiar with any of the individuals mentioned therein. The Commission found this response reasonable given the findings are fragments from the hard drive. (See Appendix 10.8 - JMG Memo of 11/25/08, p. 5)

Mr. Binyah C. Kesselly: Despite allegations of payments to Mr. Kesselly, the nature of the interactions between Mr. Kesselly and Mr. Cohen does not support the suggestion that he had been influenced to support LISCR.

Counsellor Philip A.Z. Banks: Counsellor Banks was mentioned once in the e-mails that were circulated on the website as well as those that were

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provided to the Commission. That e-mail was established to have been al- tered by a person other than the purported author. Consequently, it is evident that he was not engaged in any of the alleged acts of impropriety.

President Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf: President Sir leaf confirmed that Mr. Willis D. Knuckles/Cellcom requested placement of its representatives on her delegation and offered to assist with the travel costs but she turned down both the request and the offer. She also confirmed that despite her refusal of the request and offer, Mr. Knuckles traveled to and was in Israel during her visit there.

2. The Proposed GOL award process: Was the process of a close bid a deviation from GOL's policy of best practices? What would have prompted the GOL's preference for a contract renewal in favor of LISCR over an open bidding process?

The Commission found that given the likelihood that frequent turnover of the administration of the Registry would result in loss of confidence in the sector and subsequently a loss of significant revenue for Liberia (the Registry accounts for 10% of our national budget),2° in addition to the sen- sitivity of Liberia's shipping clientele to unstable arrangements, the reason- ably good record of LISCR in managing the Registry, and since the query with LISCR had never quite been over managerial issues but simply better contractual terms for the people of Liberia, it was in the national interest to renew the contract with the same agent on terms and conditions more favor- able to Liberia while maintaining stability in the Program, and not exposing to risk needed revenue by a bidding process. For example, it would be dif- ficult to insure vessels, since insurance companies are usually reluctant to insure vessels that are registered with inexperienced agents or marginally known maritime institutions.

The Commission's review of the proposed and almost settled-upon agreement shows that it appeared more favorable to Liberia and that it seemed to have met the threshold of best practices within the context of good governance; that is, to pursue legitimately the maximum benefits for the gov-

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erned. Consequently, the Commission concludes that the GOL's considera- tion of renewing the contract under the identified terms and conditions ap- peared sound and credible.

2.3.2 OTHER TRANSACTIONS

A. The Cement Transaction: This transaction involved three of the principals invited for interview, Mrs. Medina Wesseh, Mr. Willis D. Knuckles, and Mr. Thomas Jeffery. Mr. Jeffery clarified, pursuant to the Commission's concern that his bank was requested by Mrs. Wesseh to facilitate letters of credit in her favor to import the ce- ment, but her request was not granted.

Mrs. Medina Wesseh: The cement transaction revealed attempts by both Mrs. Medina Wesseh and Mr. Knuckles to import cement into the coun- try during a period when there appeared to be a shortage of the commodity. Both Mrs. Wesseh and Mr. Knuckles attested to their involvement in the transactions as published by Front Page Africa although Mrs. Wesseh sternly argued that the Commission had no basis to inquire into this aspect of the e- mail exchanges published on the website of Front Page Africa.

The Commission noted the use by Mrs. Wesseh of her official title in communicating with her business associates both in and out of the country and inquired from her the basis for her action.

In her response, Mrs. Wesseh insisted that her private business engage- ment was legitimate and that her official title appeared on her communica- tions because her computer is programmed to automatically insert her title on documents produced from it.

Although she attested to the communications, Mrs. Wesseh clarified that she is not in a business partnership with Mr. Knuckles but rather chose to assist him with a cement business opportunity she had since he was un- employed and needed assistance.

Mr. Willis D. Knuckles: Mr. Knuckles corroborated the statements made by Mrs. Wesseh but also noted that his efforts to import the cement

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did not materialize.

B. The Western Cluster Scandal: This aspect of the Commission's inquiry involved only Mr. Willis D. Knuckles. He was requested to provide certain clarifications but refused on grounds that he felt the Commission did not have authority to seek any clarification on this set of the published e-mail.

The $23,000.00 Refund Request: The Commission found two princi- pal parties to this e-mail; Mr. Willis D. Knuckles and President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf.

Mr. Willis D. Knuckles: Mr. Knuckles refused to respond to the Com- mission's inquiry to him as to the veracity of this e-mail, again on grounds that the Commission lacked authority on this matter.

President Ellen Johnson Sir leaf: President Sir leaf confirmed that in- deed the request was made by Mr. Knuckles and that she instructed the re- sponse that was sent to him through Ms. Elva Richardson informing him that the procedure he adopted was contrary to government's policy and as such it had to be corrected.

Senator Cletus Wortorson's e-mail: There were three principal parties to this e-mail; Senator Wortorson, Mr. Willis D. Knuckles and President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf

Senator Wortorson: Senator Wortorson confirmed that the e-mail is authentic and that he had made this request in earnest insofar as seeking sup- port for Liberian business was concerned.

Mr. Willis D. Knuckles: Mr. Knuckles refused to also address the in- quiry regarding this e-mail on the same grounds that the Commission lacked the authority to cover it.

President Sirleaf: President Sirleaf corroborated Senator Wortorson's statement and emphasized that she advised him to ensure that he satisfied

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all of the requirements of the institutions he intended to seek assistance from as a condition for her support.

The Bus Project: President Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf was considered the single most significant player in this transaction. When asked, she confirmed the bus arrangements and narrated that it was first considered that, given his management skills, Mr. Knuckles would manage the system, but later a de- cision was made to direct its management to the Monrovia Transit Authority, which now manages the buses from McBain. She explained that the project is intended to help address the inadequacy of public transportation and high fares.

2.3.3 HACKING AND AUTHENTICITY

The Commission considered firmly the distinction between "hacking" and "authenticity" and as such, contrasts them as much as possible. Hacking by its very nature is characteristic of a criminal act or violation of a rule, and connotes a foul play while authenticity merely categorizes a thing, such as a piece of information, as to the degree of how genuine, truthful or factual it 15.

The Commission reasoned that some of the emails suggesting corrupt practices were manipulated and altered, while others were entirely fabricated. It reasoned further that those actions were the result of a hacker (s) other than the purported authors of such emails.

Hacking of e-mails: During the investigations, two of the interviewees, Mr. Willis D. Knuckles and Cllr. Philip A.Z. Banks claimed that their e-mail accounts had been hacked into by unknown persons who had allegedly fab- ricated and manipulated communications in their respective accounts. Both interviewees informed the Commission that they had in fact launched inde- pendent investigations into the hacking of their e-mails but that those inves- tigations were inconclusive. Mr. Knuckles explained that he had filed a

complaint with Yahoo and had also been receiving assistance from a com- puter expert, Mr. Henry Reed Cooper in the United States, while Cllr. Banks

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explained that the FBI was conducting an investigation on his behalf.2'

The Commission established that the claims of hacking by both Mr. Knuck- les and Counsellor Banks are genuine. The Commission reasoned that some of the emails suggesting corrupt practices were manipulated and altered, whilst others were entirely fabricated. It reasoned further that those actions were the result of a hacker (s) other than the purported authors of such emails. It also reasoned that the current and future investigations should be directed towards finding the perpetrators of the unauthorized entry into the e-mail accounts and more significant, fabrication of contents of the e-mails, taking into account its devastation not only on the integrity of the victims but also the image of the nation. Consequently the Commission commenced the process of pursuing Yahoo through the United States legal system to as- sist in tracing the origin of those e-mails. A discovery petition process was initiated through the good offices of the James Mintz Group, Inc., but re- mains inconclusive as the Commission's work came to a close. It is the Com- mission's view that an office of the Special Prosecutor should continue this process.

Authenticity of the e-mails: The Commission found three categories of the e-mails circulated on the website of Front Page Africa, undisputed, partially disputed and completely false. The specific e-mails are presented in subsec- tion "C" below.

To determine the issues of hacking and authenticity of the e-mails, the Com- mission requested interviewees to allow its forensic experts to make mirror images of their hard drives for further investigation, assuring them that only information relevant to the investigation would be accessed. The Commis- sion received the consent and cooperation of five of the six interviewees that were requested. The seventh interviewee, Mr. Thomas Jeffery III of the In- ternational Bank was requested to make certain information available to the Commission relative to account information in his bank, which he did. As the report shows below, the Commission sought to no avail the hard drive of Mrs. Medina Wesseh. The findings from the forensic investigations and inspection of hard copies of the e-mails are presented below.

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Categories

Undisputed e-mails and other documents: A total of twenty-four e- mails were found in this category.

Date Time Name Recipient Copied Subject Sun 19 18:13:19- Willis D. saytulin14 None $23,000 Aug 2007 0700 Knuckles yahoo.com refund

(PDT) request Not dated None Elva

Richardson W. Knuckles

None Pres' response

Fri 8/22/08 1:23 am Willis D. President None RE: Knuckles Sirleaf Message

from the President

Tue Nov 22:31:27 Willis D. Rob.sirleaf Donald Bus project 06, 2007 Knuckles @wachovi Johnston,

John acorn McCall Mac Bain

None None Cletus Willis None None (Pres. (Wortorson )

(Knuckles) Sir leaf promise to assist his business

Sun 25 12:34:54- mlempres ejbernard@ None Liberia May 2008 0500 ft,lawyer.c msn.com Registry

om (Estrada (Michael Bernard) Lempres)

Wed 28 08:33:12- Estrada Michael None Re: May 2008 0400 Bernard Lempres Liberian

Registry Sat 31 May 21:47:27- Mlempres ejbernard .,i) None Re: Liberia 2008 0500 (if; lawy er. c msn.com Registry

om Tue 10 23:21:10- Estrada Michael None Re: June 2008 0400 Bernard Lempres Liberian

Registry Mon 9:09 PM Michael Estrada None Re: Liberia 7/21/08 Lempres Bernard Registry Sun Aug 31, 2008

9:01 PM Willis D. Knuckles

None None Contacts at lbdi (cement)

None None Medina None None None Wesseh (Moto & (Contact at

Finda) LBDI-Mrs. Mildred Reeves)

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Sat 31 May 2008

21:47:27- 0500

Mlempres ejbernard@ None Re: Liberia Registry @lawyer.c msn.com

om Tue 10

June 2008 23:21:10- 0400

Estrada Bernard

Michael Lempres

None Re: Liberian Registry

Mon 7/21/08

9:09 PM Michael Lempres

Estrada Bernard

None Re: Liberia Registry

Sun Aug 31, 2008

9:01 PM Willis D. Knuckles

None None Contacts at lbdi (cement)

None None Medina Wesseh

None (Moto &

Finda)

None None (Contact at LBDI-Mrs. Mildred Reeves)

Sun Aug 31, 2008

8:59 PM Willis D.

Knuckles None None Cement for

Liberia Sun Aug 31 2008

8:59 PM Willis D. Knuckles

None None Cement for Liberia

Sun Aug 31, 2008

8:37 PM Willis D. Knuckles

None None Re: now now (cement)

None None Medina Wesseh

Uncle Willis (Knuckles)

None None (cement)

None None None (Medina Wesseh)

None (Mr. Rodney D.

Sieh)

None None (Reaction to e-mail on FPA.com)

None None Peter Kaine Mr. Kesselly (Binyah)

None None(indep endent investigatio n of the e-

mails/trip to US to meet Cohen)

None None Binyah C.

Kesselly Mr. Sieh (Rodney)

None None (Reaction to e-mail- fabricated)

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Mon 14

Apr 2008 5:33 PM Binyah

Kesselly Phillip Banks; Antoinette Sayeh; Morris Saytumah; Angelique Weeks

B.

Kesselly; Elva Richardson

LISCR Contract Re- Negotiation s (breach of confidentia lity)

Fri Apr 18 1:26 PM Angelique Yoram Pbanks3d Proposed 2008 Weeks Cohen,

Joseph @ aol.com; Term sheet,

Venue and Binyah Keller Kesselly; Time for

Antoinette LISCR Sayeh; Negotiation Morris Meeting Saytumah; Raja Kaul;

(Scheduled for D.C. at

Cheroutes, Michael L.

Hogan &

Hartson, LLP office on Monday Apr 28, 2008 at 10

AM Fri 25 Apr 4:13 pm Binyah Raja Kaul; Pbanks3@ Re: 2008 Kesselly Angelique aol.com; Proposed

Weeks; Binyah Term Kesselly; Antoinette

Sheet, Venue and

Sayeh; Time for Morris LISCR Saytumah; Negotiation Cheroutes, Michael L.;

Elfreda Tamba; Matthew, Elizabeth M.

Meeting (placed the negotiation on hold until further notice)

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Sat May 7:19 PM Pbanks3d Yoram None GOL- 03, 2008 (a'aol.com Cohen LISCR

(P. Banks) Negotiation s (urging that the parties meet soonest)

Mon 19 10:45 am Yoram Philip None RE: GOL- May 2008 Cohen Banks LISCR

Negotiation s

2. Partially disputed e-mails: Two e-mails, in the chart below, were partially disputed either as to differences in the dates, some parts of the texts, or the subject, thus suggesting that a "cut and paste" procedure had taken place. Despite the contentions by certain inter- viewees, the Commission found discrepancies and inconsistencies in the e-mails in this category:

Date Time Name Recipient Copied Subject Sat 8/16/08 5:52

PM Willis D.

Knuckles Banke None Per our conversa-

tion (Israel trip)

Mon Aug

11, 2008

6:35

AM

Willis D.

Knuckles Yoram Cohen

None LISCR Update

3. E-mails completely false: Ten e-mails were outrightly denied by the persons to whom they were ascribed or who were mentioned in them, on the basis that they had no idea of the existence of such e- mails until they appeared on the website of Front Page Africa.

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Date Time Name Recipient Copied Subject Thurs, 2/14/08

None A. Avi Zaidenberg

Willis None "you are the man

Wed 13 Feb 2008

08:06:28- 0800 (PST)

Willis D. Knuckles

A. Avi Zaidenberg

Yoram Cohen

Re: President's Invitation

Wed 2/13/08

None A. Avi Zaidenberg

Willis (Knuckles)

None None (Yoram is in Conakry and prefers not to be bothered)

Tue 2/12/08

None A. Avi Zaidenberg

Willis (Knuckles)

None None (President' s Invitation)

Tues Aug 12, 2008

8:54 AM Yoram Cohen

Willis D. Knuckles

None LISCR Update

Tue 2/12/08

None A. Avi Zaidenberg

Willis (Knuckles)

None None (President' s Invitation)

Tues Aug 12, 2008

8:54 AM Yoram Cohen

Willis D. Knuckles

None LISCR Update

Sat Aug 16, 2008

6:00 AM Willis D. Knuckles

None None LISCR Update

Wed Aug 13, 2008

3:20 AM Willis D. Knuckles

Yoram Cohen

None LISCR Update

Sat Aug 16, 2008

4:35 AM Willis D. Knuckles

None None Estrada Bernard

None None Avi Zaidenberg

None None None ($200 cards/ $2,500 monthly to Estrada Bernard

Thur Feb 14, 2008

11:22:51 (PST)

Willis D. Knuckles

A. Avi Zaidenberg

Yoram Cohen

Re: Re: Re: President's Invitation (Kesselly father founded our party)

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SUMMARY OF FINDINGS

After a scrutiny of the various findings alleged in, but not limited to, FPA's allegations, the Commission determined that the portion of those find- ings relevant to the purpose of these exercises, is as follows:

3.1 The GOL/LISCR Negotiations

A. Letter of invitation to the President: The offer by Cellcom/LISCR to the GOL in its letter of invitation to President Ellen Johnson Sir- leaf regarding her trip to Israel was, for all intents and purposes, meant to unduly influence decisions of the GOL in favor of Cell- com/LISCR. This attempt to unduly influence such decisions was made manifest by Cellcom/LISCR's issuance, through Mr. Willis D. Knuckles, Jr. of calling facilities (phone /scratch cards) to mem- bers of the President's delegation while they were in Israel.

B. $200 scratch card for Cllr. Estrada J. Bernard: The purported arrangement to supply Cllr. Estrada Bernard, (Cellcom and Cllr. Bernard both deny having any relationship) with $200 value of scratch card each month with facilities for roaming suggests an un- clear favor from Cellcom to Counsellor Bernard, brother-in-law of the President of Liberia.

C. Breach of confidentiality: The premature release to Mr. Yoram Cohen of very confidential and sensitive information (the contents of the Term Sheet) while still being within the circles of high rank- ing officials of government including the Bureau of Maritime Af- fairs, suggests that Mr. Cohen, Cellcom/LISCR and their lobbyist(s) had immense influence over, and possibly questionable relationship with some members of the inside circle of the GOL negotiating team.

D. Non-bidding renewal of the LISCR contract: The GOL's inten- tion to renew the LISCR contract in the manner it was considering was proper and in the best interest of Liberia insofar as the issue of

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stability in the Maritime Program goes, but other circumstances sur- rounding the undisclosed and seemingly unethical maneuvers by Cellcom/LISCR are factors that may lead the GOL to over-rule that consideration.

E. Unclear Transfers: There appears to have been some sort of pay- ment of money by Cellcom/LISCR to individuals whose relation- ship with those companies are yet unknown. Specifically, the e-mail from Mr. Knuckles regarding the "balance thirty of the honorarium for 107 as per his promise" and the one found on the hard drive at the President's residence regarding $600,000 transferred as a "pre- payment", the purpose of which remains unknown, are indications that transactions might have been carried out. The purported trans- actions need to be further probed.

From our observations, either Front Page Africa or some other entity is responsible for the fabrications/manipulations of the e-mails identified supra under this category. The Commission believes that a point for initiating fur- ther inquiry into the fabrications/manipulations, and, by extension, the hack- ing, is Front Page Africa through its editor-in-chief, Mr. Rodney D. Sieh.

3.2 The Cement Transactions

As expressed in Part II, section 2.3.2 a above, the e-mails regarding the cement transactions were confirmed by both Mrs. Medina Wesseh and Mr. Willis D. Knuckles. They contended that the transactions were absolutely proper and that their involvements were legal and consistent with ethical standards. The Commission however noted firstly the circumstances pre- vailing in the Country at the time as to the availability of cement as well as the urgency with which the individuals and their partners were working to land the cement in Liberia. In the Commission's opinion, it is not a violation of the law for any official of government to engage in a private business ven- ture as long as such engagement does not conflict with the office of the of- ficial. This is the point at which the Commission determined the likelihood of abuse of public office by Mrs. Wesseh.

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As the e-mails show, Mrs. Wesseh's private business communications both in and out of the Country continuously bore her official title which had the potential of firstly providing extra-ordinary assurances to those she was deal- ing with and secondly to give a scenario that the office of the President is either a part of the business or endorses the use of her office to transact her private business. On the other hand, the Commission does not believe that Mr. Knuckles engaged in any unwarranted behavior regarding the cement transaction as he did so as a purely private businessman.

3.3 The Western Cluster Project

The Commission firstly acknowledges that the GOL has made firm de- cisions regarding the Western Cluster award principally because of the ir- regularities that accompanied the initial process. The Commission however considered this issue in its investigation because it formed a part of the se- rious allegations circulated on the FPA website as well the fact that the doc- uments and information in possession of the Commission raised questions that were helpful in addressing the allegations in total.

The Western Cluster investigation ostensibly involved only Mr. Willis D. Knuckles as it was intended to seek clarifications to issues raised in the circulated e-mails that referred solely to Mr. Knuckles and his consultancy engagement with Tata Steel, one of the companies that expressed interest in the project.

The Commission reports that despite repeated promises to submit an- swers or his reaction to the questions, Mr. Knuckles did not submit any an- swer but raised the issue of the Commission exceeding its scope. The Commission communicated with Mr. Knuckles urging him to submit his for- mal reaction but he did not do so.

3.4 The $23,000.00 Refund Request:

While the e-mails are genuine, it is clear that President Sirleaf acted in an appropriate manner by instructing that the established procedures are ad- hered to in matters regarding the disbursements of funds.

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3.5 Wortorson's Transaction

There is a danger here in the head of the Executive branch facilitating the business venture of a member of the Legislative branch despite the cau- tions given by the President to Senator Wortorson. We believe that such a relationship has the potential to undermine good governance.

3.6 The McBain Foundation Bus Project

The Commission found nothing untoward in this transaction.

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CONCLUSION

As a result of our findings, we conclude the following:

The e-mail accounts of Mr. Willis D. Knuckles and Counsellor Philip A.Z. Banks were violated by unknown hackers who, after having unau- thorized access to those accounts, distorted some of the existing con- tents of the e-mails that had been written by these two persons as well as fabricated other e-mails, using their names.

It appears that persons other than the owners of some of the computers which hard drives underwent forensic investigations had access to and did use those computers, especially the computers belonging to Mr. Willis D. Knuckles and the desktop computer at the President's resi- dence occasionally used by Counsellor Estrada Bernard.

Cellcom and LISCR are interconnected and managed by the same group of individuals with Mr. Yoram Cohen and Abraham Avi Zaiden- berg at the helm of the leaderships.

There were instances of impropriety involving the GOL/LISCR nego- tiations, specifically the attempt by Mr. Willis D. Knuckles to influence the decision by his offer to the President and the distribution of scratch cards to members of Government's delegation to Israel.

The cement transactions suggest the misuse of public offices by Mrs. Medina Wesseh, Mr. Tarnue Mawolo and Representative Dusty Wolokollie.

Dr. Charles Clarke's role in the UGH proposal has the appearance of undue influence in reference to the LISCR contract negotiations.

Professor Dew Mayson's role as conduit in respect of the OCS pro- posal, though reportedly less pretentious, requires close scrutiny given what has gone down regarding the Registry in the past several years. It also has the appearance of undue influence in reference to the LISCR contract nego- tiations.

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The McCall Mc Bain bus project did not reflect any act of impropriety.

The Government of Liberia's resolve to renew the LISCR contract though understandable, seems not to have been the best procedure to

adopt in light of scandals involving certain LISCR executives including the allegations of gunrunning in Liberia and other parts and the possible

concealment of revenues that should have accrued to Liberia from the

maritime program.

That President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf's consent to provide support to

the business venture of Senator Cletus Wortorson was problematic con-

sidering the character of the relationship between the two separate branches each of them is a member of.

That the rate of breach of confidentiality within the government is in-

creasing and poses serious threats to the interests of the Country as ev-

idenced by the premature exposure to Mr. Yoram Cohen of the term sheet that was still being discussed by high ranking officials represent-

ing the government of Liberia in the negotiations.

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RECOMMENDATIONS

The Commission recommends the following:

1.0ur investigation of the LISCR/GOL negotiations led us to a brief review of the history of the Registry as established in the 1940s and the evo- lution of that history especially during the last quarter century of instability and war in Liberia. Some of the information uncovered in the course of the investigation is quite troubling in terms of how they bear adversely on the interest and the image of our nation. To address this situation, the Commis- sion recommends that a National Task Force be created by the President of Liberia, preferably led by her, for the purpose of revisiting the Maritime Pro- gram in order to realize the program's full contemporary potential in the na- tional interest.

2.That in light of the strong evidence of hacking and illegal entry into the e-mail accounts of Mr. Willis D. Knuckles, Jr. and Counsellor Philip A.Z. Banks that an office of the Special Prosecutor be duly established to fully investigate the matter.

3.That the inconclusive process of pre-litigation discovery initiated by the Commission through the lawyers of the James Mintz Group "to deter- mine the veracity of the information Willis Knuckles provided the Commis- sion regarding the takeover of his Yahoo! account by a third party" be pursued by an office of the Special Prosecutor. It should be noted that the Commission has already taken measures requesting Yahoo! Inc. to preserve any and all records regarding the activity of a user with the Yahoo! ID "jrknuckles@yahoo.com."

4.That the Anti-Corruption Commission be requested to pursue the fol- lowing matters that the Ad Hoc Independent Commission was unable to bring to term:

The problematic respective roles of Dr. Charles A. Clarke and Prof. Dew T.W. Mayson regarding the LISCR contract renewal negotiations.

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The role of Cellcom in unduly attempting to influence the LISCR con- tract renewal negotiations. This includes alleged payments and funds transfers.

The inconclusive (or ongoing) approach by the GOL to the U.S. gov- ernment for assistance in the investigation of the LISCR matter, under the terms of the United Nations Convention Against Corruption to which both countries are parties.

5.That for the use of their public offices and titles for transacting private businesses and in order to deter such behavior, Mrs. Medina Wesseh and Mr. Tarnue Mawolo be reprimanded.

6.That Representative Dusty Wolokollie be requested to clarify his in- volvement in the cement importation arrangements and his interactions with Mr. Tarnue Mawolo in this regard.

7. That Government review protocol on use of personal e-mail for of- ficial business, enhance security of official government e-mail, and create and enforce Government standard operating procedures for electronic infor- mation.

8. That the Code of Conduct for public officials pending action by the National Legislature be speedily concluded and introduced to ensure stan- dardized conduct for public servants.

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APPENDICES TO REPORT

Appendix 1: Authority documents

1.1

1.2

Letter of appointment from President Ellen Johnson Sir leaf to Dr. D. Elwood Dunn Executive Order No. 15

Appendix 2: Background/brief resumes of members of the Commission

2.1 Dr. D. Elwood Dunn 2.2 Sister Mary Laurene Browne, OSF 2.3 Rev. Fr. James Selee 2.4 Ms. Ruth Doe 2.5 Mr. Bill Frank Enoanyi 2.6 Rev. Dr. Herman Browne 2.7 Mr. Lawrence Norman

Appendix 3: E mails investigated by the Commission

3.1 All of the e-mails in the table in the report 3.2 E- mails received from Mr. Rodney D. Sieh and investigated but

not on FPA's website.

Appendix 4: Testimonies received from interviews and transcribed

4.1 Testimony of Mr. Willis D. Knuckles, Jr.

4.2 Testimony of Counsellor Estrada J. Bernard 4.3 Testimony of Mr. Binyah C. Kesselly 4.4 Testimony of Mrs. Medina Wesseh 4.5 Testimony of Mr. Avnan Nachmani 4.6 Testimony of Mr. Tom Jeffery, III 4.7 Testimony of Counsellor Philip A.Z. Banks, III

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Appendix 5: Document from Counsellor Estrada J. Bernard re Presi- dent Sir leaf's visit to Israel / Interest expressed by other parties in the Liberian Maritime contract

5.1 Invitation from the government of Israel to the Presidential reception

5.2 Instructions on usage of the Cellcom scratch card (roaming service)

5.3 Various communications with Mr. Michael Lempres

Appendix 6: Documents from Mr. Tom Jeffrey regarding personal accounts at his International Bank Liberia Ltd. (IBLL)

6.1 Non-existence of escrow account in favor of Counsellor Estrada J.

Bernard

Appendix 7: Consent forms received from some principal persons mentioned in the e-mail saga

7.1 Mr. Willis D. Knuckles, Jr.

7.2 Counsellor Estrada J. Bernard

Appendix 8: Reports on corruption in Liberia and the Liberian Government's fight against corruption

8.1 Report of the Panel of Experts Pursuant to U.N. Security Council Resolution 1343 (2001) Paragraph 19, Concerning Liberia

8.2 Search for Common Ground report of February 2008 8.3 Official Press Release No. 2008/392/WBI from the World Bank 8.4 "The Liberian Registry" presenting an analysis by the Bureau of

Maritime Affairs on the Maritime Program

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Appendix 9: Findings on bank accounts at Liberian Bank for Devel- opment and Investment linked to Counsellor Philip A.Z. Banks.

9.1 Communication from the Commission to Counsellor Yvette Chesson-Wureh.

9.2 Response from Ms. Cyvettee Gibson (daughter of Cllr Wureh) refuting the claim.

Appendix 10: Findings from the forensic investigation of hard drives, Memo of 11/25/08.

10.1 Excerpts from Newspaper articles found on the hard drive of Mr. Binyah C. Kesselly.

10.2 E-mails from the hard drives of Mr. Willis D. Knuckles, Jr.

10.3 E-mails from the hard drives of Counsellor Estrada J. Bernard. 10.4 Attachment 9, e-mail no. 7.

10.5 Attachment 9, e-mail no. 10.

10.6 Findings by James Mintz Group, Inc. of continuous use of Mr. Willis D. Knuckles' lap top by his daughter, Ms. Hawa-Ellen Knuckles (Target 4 in JMG's report of November 25, 2008 at page 14)

10.7 December 9, 2008 Memo of the James Mintz Group, Inc. (complete).

10.8 November 25, 2008 Memo of the James Mintz Group, Inc. (complete).

Appendix 11: Documents regarding Dr. Charles Clarke's support of a potential competitor to LISCR, and documents of Professor Dew Mayson's similar support for a potential competitor to LISCR.

11.2

11.3

Letters from various sources evidencing Dr. Clarke's knowledge of contents of the proposal he delivered to Commissioner Binyah C.

Kesselly from UGH expressing interest in the Maritime contract. Dr. Clarke's response to the Commission's letter of inquiry. Random notes bearing on Clarke's and Mayson's involvements.

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Appendix 12: Press release by the Ministry of Justice on investigating and the prosecution of violators by the Government of Liberia.

Appendix 13: Documents evidencing potential competition to LISCR.

13.1 Untied Global Holdings (UGH) Proposal for the Liberian Maritime agency contract.

13.2 Oceanic Corporate Services Proposal for the Liberian Maritime agency contract.

Appendix 14: Counsellor Estrada J. Bernard's response to the find- ings of $600, 000 transfer by Cellcom found on the hard drive of com- puter at residence of the President, occasionally used by him.

Appendix 15: List of individuals named in the e- mails either only communicated or not interviewed by the Commission

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MEMBERS OF THE COMMISSION

Dr. D. ELWOOD DUNN Chairman

SISTER MARY LAURENE BROWNE, OSF Member

The Rev. Dr. HERMAN B. BROWNE Member

Ms. RUTH B. DOE Member

Mr. BILL FRANK ENOANYI Member

Mr. LAURENCE C. NORMAN Member

The Rev. Fr. JAMES B. SELLEE Member

DATED: Monrovia, Liberia, January 7, 2009.

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DOCUMENTS 103

Endnotes

Contained in the January 6, 2006 inaugural address of President Ellen Johnson Sir leaf and other instruments

2 The World Bank reported Liberia made the second highest gains against corruption in the world by adopting 21 new measures. See the GOL's response to the Christian Sci- ence Monitor published article of September 25, 2008, "Persistent corruption threatens Liberian stability" and World Bank Official Press Release No. 2008/392/WBI: World Governance Indicators. See also Africa Confidential "Liberia: Graft never really went away: Revelations of grand corruption in mining and shipping contracts embarrass the government," Vol. 49, No. 20, 10/3/08.

3 GOL's response mentioned in note 2; the emphasis in italics belongs to the Commission. 4 FrontPageAfrica.com 5 The establishment of the Commission was made via a letter of appointment and an ex-

ecutive order (#15) 6 Curricula Vitae of Commission members and legal counsel in appendix to report.

See Confidential Meeting Summary re "Yahoo! Discovery Petition Conference Call," December 18, 2008. Also Diplomatic Note No. 181/08, Embassy of the United States of America, Monrovia to Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 10/23/08. The Commission made contact with Kyle Latimer of U.S. Justice Department in keeping with Monrovia Em- bassy advice and he requested and secured from Yahoo! Inc. preservation of records regarding the activity of a user with the Yahoo! ID "jrknuckles@yahoo.com."

8 See table infra containing the various categories of e-mails, and the appendices for the relevant e-mail documents.

9 Note the Commission's e-mail exchange with Kesselly of 12/22/08 " Please clarify for me, if you can, the role of Dew T.W. Mayson in the proposal of Oceanic Corporate Services for replacing LISCR. Might there be an analogy between his role here and that of Charles A. Clarke in the case of UGH?" Kesselly replied: "Yes, and I believe that he and a couple of others are silent partners in this endeavor." The name Ethelbert Cooper was mentioned as possibly one of the "silent partners." Interview of 12/26/08 & 1/4/09. Kesselly adds subsequently: "His [Mayson's] approach was a lot more pro- fessional than Dr. Clarke's. He only advanced the idea of the GOL being a little open- minded to accepting a possibility of another manager for the registry..." E-mail Kesselly to Dunn, 12/29/08.

io There currently is not a code of conduct but a set of guidelines established by the Civil Service Agency pending the endorsement of the code of conduct presented by the Ex- ecutive to the Legislature. Also see GOL's response mentioned in note 2 and FPA's quotation of President Sirleaf 's remarks, marked as note 6

I See note 1

12 A letter had earlier been served Dr. Dunn appointing him as chair of the Commission, see note 5

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13 See the testimony of Binyah Kesselly; also, Oceanic Corporate Services proposal to administer the Liberian Maritime Program, p. 4.

14 See e-mail from Binyah Kesselly to Yoram Cohen and Joseph Keller dated June 26, 2008

15 The Term Sheet (Proposed Agreement for Liberia International Ship and Corporate Registry)

16 Presented voluntarily to the Commission by Mr. Kesselly, the document asserts that, "it is rumored that Mr. Benoni Urey (former Maritime Commissioner under President Taylor) and former President Charles Taylor are shareholders of LISCR" See also Oceanic Corporate Services proposal at page 4 In conversation with former Commis- sioner John Morlu, the Commission gathered that he too had been critical of LISCR' role in a program that clearly could net more dollars for GOL coffers (Phone conver- sation of 12/26/08) "Random notes" in appendix.

18 The Commission confirmed the delivery of the proposal by Dr. Charles Clarke but there are controversies surrounding how he obtained the letter from UGH.

19 See Mr. Nachmani's testimony in addition to Mr. Knuckles' communications to Mr. Cohen and Mr. Zaidenberg marked Note 17.

20 See Appendix for President Sir leaf's comments on the Liberian Registry contribution to the economy

21 The testimonies of both interviewees contain these explanations in addition to docu- ments voluntarily provided by them to the Commission to attest to their assertions.

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Volume X, Number 2 Summer/Fall 2009

The Whitehead

Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations

Ex-Ante: Prioritizing Our Future Recent events worldwide have considerably altered our principal policy concerns. Rising to the forefront of political agendas are the stability of financial markets, nuclear non-proliferation, climate change, resource scarcity, and war in the Middle East. In the upcoming Summer/Fall 2009 issue, we will explore these critical areas through the insights of Tony Blair, Amity Shlaes, Linda Yueh, and James Carafano. By presenting their views, along with others, we hope to promote a thorough reexamination of public policy as we priortitize our future.

The Journal is also pleased to invite submissions for future issues. We welcome manuscripts pertaining to current topics in international relations.

Please direct all inquiries or subscription requests to:

The Whitehead Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations 400 South Orange ,Avenue

South Orange, NJ 07079 CS- T: +1 (973) 275-2269 F: +1 (973) 275-2519

www.journalofdiplornacy.org diplomacvjournal@shu.edu

THE WHITEHEAD SCHOOL OF DIPLOMACY & INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

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Volume X, Number 1 Winter/Spring 2009

The Whitehead

Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations

0

Rethinking Liberalism

The upcoming Winter/Spring 2009 issue will feature the expertise of Robert Singh and shared insight from Hernando de Soto, as we explore the current challenges facing institutional liberalism throughout the world. Topics will range from the rise of authoritarian capitalism to the continued uncertainty regarding the United States' promotion of democracy.

The Journal is also pleased to invite submissions for future issues. We welcome manuscripts pertaining to current topics in international relations.

Please direct all inquiries or subscription requests to:

The Whitehead Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations

400 South Orange Avenue

South Orange, NJ 07079 USA

T: +1 (973) 275-2269 F: +1 (973) 275-2519

WWW. journalo fd iplomac o rg

diplomacyjournal@shu.edu

THE WHITEHEAD SCHOOL OF DIPLOMACY & INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

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LIBERIAN STUDIES JOURNAL

Editor: James S. Guseh Associate Editor: Emmanuel Oritsejafor

The Liberian Studies Journal, a publication of the Liberian Studies Association, is a biennial refereed journal devoted to the publication of original research on social, political, economic, scientific, and other issues about Liberia or with implications for Liberia. The Journal is the second oldest African studies journal published continuously in the United States.

Manuscripts are accepted in English and French.

Please submit manuscripts or direct all inquiries to

The Editor Liberian Studies Journal Department of Public Administration North Carolina Central University Durham, North Carolina 27707 E-mail: jguseh@nccu.edu (919) 530-5201 (919) 530-7912

PUBLISHED ON BEHALF OF THE LIBERIAN STUDIES ASSOCIATION BY THE SHERIDAN PRESS www.sheridanpress.com 1.800.352.2210

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