Du Guangting Guanyin

Du Guangting and the Hagiographies of Tang Female Daoists

0.0-


Jinhua Jia

Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, University of Macau

Abstract

This article applies a synthetic approach of philological, religious, and gender studies to investigate Du Guangtings purposes of compiling the Yongcheng jixian lu and to examine the extant eighteen hagiographical accounts of Tang female Daoists contained in this text. It demonstrates that, although the compilation of the text was initiated by political purpose and Du constructed the Queen Mother of the West as the ancestress of not only the female immortal genealogy but also the holy genealogy of the Wang clan, the ruling clan of the Former Shu state, he edited or wrote the hagiographies with his own serious religious motivations. While incorporating earlier biographical and hagiographical sources of Tang female Daoists, Du applied several approaches to modify or recreate their images. Therefore, the true value of these hagiographies does not rest in providing primary sources for studying the actual life and practice of medieval female Daoists, but rather in presenting Dus reection on their roles and places in Daoist tradition and society, and his architecture of the ideal role-model for Daoist priestesses, which synthesized Daoist self-perfection with Confucian values and Buddhist ethics, and which was actually followed by female Daoists after the Tang dynasty.

Keywords: Du Guangting, Yongcheng jixian lu, Wangshi shenxian zhuan, female Daoists of the Tang dynasty, architecture of ideal role-model

I. IntroductionThe Daoist master Du Guangting (0-) compiled the

Yongcheng jixian lu (Records of the Assembled Immortals of the Walled City, hereafter cited as Jixian lu) during the early tenth century. Yongcheng, the Walled City, is the legendary kingdom of the Queen Mother of the West (Xiwang mu ), who is the most powerful goddess in the Daoist tradition and in charge of all goddesses and female immortals. The text is a hagiographical account of Daoist holy women, which originally contained 0 juan and 0 accounts of goddesses, female immortals, and female Daoists. Although it does not pass on to us in complete shape, from its fragments preserved in the Ming-dynasty Daozang (Daoist Canon) and several Song-dynasty encyclopedias, the text can be reconstructed to a total of about accounts, of which about are hagiographies of Daoist priestesses or women engaged in Daoist practices in the Tang dynasty (-0).

Scholars have taken different views concerning the accounts of Tang female Daoists. Some scholars regard them as basically ctional writings like chuanqi (transmissions of strange stories) or xiaoshuo (ction). Others look at them as biographical sources for reconstructing actual lives

I should thank Professor James Hargett, Dr. Norman Rothschild, and the two anonymous readers for their comments and suggestions on draft versions of this article. Du Guangting, Preface to Jixian lu, in Yunji qiqian, comp. Zhang Junfang (jinshi 00-00), collated by Li Yongsheng (Beijing: Zhonghua, 00), .; and Quan Tangwen , ed. Dong Gao (0-) et al. (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, ), .a; Zheng Qiao (0-), Tongzhi ershi le (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, ), . See Piet van der Loon, Taoist Books in the Libraries of the Sung Period: A Critical Study and Index (London: Ithaca Press, ), .

See Li Jianguo , Tang Wudai zhiguai chuanqi xulu (Tianjin: Nankai University Press, ; hereafter cited as Xulu), 0-; Catherine Despeux,Women in Daoism, in Daoism Handbook, ed. Livia Kohn (Leiden: Brill, 000), ; Luo Zhengming , Du Guangting Daojiao xiaoshuo yanjiu (Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 00), 0-; Suzanne Cahill, Divine Traces of the Daoist Sisterhood (Magdalena, NM: Three Pines Press, 00), ; and discussions in section two. Some of the accounts were modied more or less by later compilers.

For example, Luo Zhengming treats this text as a Daoist fiction; see his Du Guangting Daojiao xiaoshuo yanjiu, 0-.


and practices of Tang female Daoists. Here as usually, we encounter the biography-hagiography dilemma. In religious traditions of any time and culture, including Chinese religious traditions, the coexistence of biographical descriptions and hagiographical prescriptions is a universal phenomenon on accounts of religious gures. The composition ratio of the two kinds of elements in a hagiography differs from case to case. Some hagiographies can be winnowed out prescriptive layers to reveal their descriptive, factual cores, while others are more intended to become accounts of the idealized, exemplied lives of religious gures, if not without containing biographical elements. A careful study reveals that, in Du Guangtings hagiographies of Tang female Daoists, factors of prescription are overloaded and greatly surpass that of description. For example, Wang Fengxian, who is prescribed as a Daoist female saint in Dus account, was a cold-blood killer according

Although she notes that Du Guangting compiled the Jixian lu with his own purposes and the text weaves miracles and wonders, Suzanne Cahill regards it as a primary source unequalled in its richness for investigating the social and religious history of medieval Chinese women, and Dus accounts supply us with the most reliable data we are likely to nd on a variety of womens physical practices. See her Practice Makes Perfect: Paths to Transcendence for Women in Medieval China, Taoist Resources . (0): -; Discipline and Transformation: Body and Practice in the Lives of Daoist Holy Women of Tang China, in Women and Confucian Cultures in Premodern China, Korea, and Japan, ed. Dorothy Ko et al. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 00), -; Divine Traces of the Daoist Sisterhood, -0; Yang Li also uses these accounts to study the actual lives, practice, social and political relations and statuses of Tang female Daoists; see her Daojiao nxian zhuanji Yongcheng jixian lu yanjiu (PhD diss, Hong Kong: Chinese University of Hong Kong, 000), -; Cong bianyuan dao zhongxin: Tangdai huguo nxian yu huangshi benzong qingjie : , in Daojiao yanjiu yu Zhongguo zongjiao wenhua , ed. Lai Chi Tim (Hong Kong: Zhonghua, 00), -.

See mainly Hippolyte Delehaye, The Legends of the Saints (New York: Fordham University Press, ); Peter Brown, The Saint as Exemplar in Late Antiquity, Representations . (): -; Mu-chou Poo, The Images of Immortals and Eminent Monks: Religious Mentality in Early Medieval China, Numen (): -; John Kieschnick, The Eminent Monk: Buddhist Ideals in Medieval Chinese Hagiography (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, ), -; Robert F. Campany, To Live As Long As Heaven and Earth: A Translation and Study of Ge Hongs Traditions of Divine Transcendents (Berkeley: University of California Press, 00), -; Jinhua Chen, Philosopher, Practitioner, Politician: The Many Lives of Fazang (643-712) (Leiden: Brill, 00), -.

to historical records. Therefore, it seems to be risky to use such accounts to reconstruct Tang female Daoists life and religious practice as some scholars have done. On the other hand, however, these hagiographies may not be simply seen as ctions, as they still bear the historical value of presenting the images of what Du Guangting, as well as the Daoist tradition, thought female Daoists should be in the beginning of the Five Dynasties.

Du Guangting was one of the most important gures in the Tang Daoist tradition, but he was also appointed as a high ofcial at the courts of the Tang and the state of Former Shu during the chaotic period of late Tang to early Five Dynasties. This twofold identity greatly inuenced his reection on the roles of women in Daoist tradition. Edward Schafer indicates that the Jixian lu is hagiography assimilated to the literary short story. Russell Kirkland examines the Tang priestess Huang Lingweis account in the Jixian lu and compares it with epitaphic inscriptions. Franciscus Verellen and Suzanne Cahill analyze some of Dus motives in compiling this and other marvelous texts. These studies are insightful and inspiring in both approaches and views. However, it remains largely an unfinished task of a comprehensive examination of the hagiographies of Tang female Daoists contained in this text for the purpose of differentiating factors of hagiography from biography and also through this differentiation exploring Du Guangtings ideal model of Daoist priestess.

By collecting all available sources both within and outside of the Daoist canon, this article aims to apply a synthetic approach of philological, religious, and gender studies to investigate Du Guangtings purposes of compiling the Yongcheng jixian lu and to examine the extant eighteen hagiographical accounts of Tang female Daoists contained in this text in great

See section four for detailed study. Schafer, Tu Kuang-ting, in The Indiana Companion to Traditional Chinese

Literature, ed. William H. Nienhauser, Jr. (Taipei: SMC Publishing, ), . Kirkland, Huang Ling-wei: A Taoist Priestess in Tang China, Journal of Chinese

Religions (): -. Kristofer Schipper and Franciscus Verellen, eds., The Taoist Canon: A Historical

Companion to the Daozang (Chicago & London: The University of Chicago Press, 00), ; Suzanne Cahill, Divine Traces of the Daoist Sisterhood, .


detail. The result of this investigation will detect the substantive features of these accounts, determine whether they are reliable sources for the study of the historical life and practice of Tang female Daoists, and reveal the ideal role and image of female Daoists which Du Guangting intended to define, modify, and recreate.

II. Compilation of the Jixian lu: Date, Causes, and PurposesAfter being ignored for a long time, in recent decades Du Guangting

has become a focus of academic interests. His life, works, and thought have been investigated in depth. We have now a relatively clear picture of his great contributions to Daoist tradition and the cultural development of Tang and Five Dynasties,0 among which is his compilation of the Jixian lu.

0 Major works are as follows: Ishii Masako , Shink to Yj shsen loku , Ty gakujutsu kenky (): -; Yan Yiping , Daojiao yanjiu ziliao , vol. (Taibei: Yiwen yinshuguan, ); Edward Schafer, Three Divine Women of South China, Chinese Literature: Essays, Articles, Reviews (): -; idem, Tu Kuang-ting, -; Sunayama Minoru , To Ktei no shis ni tsuite , Shkan Tygaku (): -; Franciscus Verellen, Du Guangting (850-933): taoste de cour la fin de la Chine medieval (Paris: Collge du France, Institut des Hautes Etudes Chinoises, ); Social History in Taoist Perspective: Du Guangting (850~933) on Contemporary Society (Hong Kong: Wenxing tushu, 00); Russell Kirkland, Huang Ling-wei, -; Zhao Zongcheng , Du Guangting dui Daojiao jianshe de duofangmian gongxian , Zhongguo Daojiao shi , ed. Qing Xitai (Chengdu: Sichuan renmin, ), -; Timothy Barrett, Taoism under the Tang (London: Wellsweep Press, ), -; Livia Kohn, Taoist Scholasticism: A Preliminary Inquiry, in Scholasticism: Cross-Cultural and Comparative Perspectives, ed. Jose Ignacio Cabezon (Albany: State University of New York Press, ), -0; Wu Bizhen , Tangdai nxian zhuanji zhi yanjiu: yi Yongcheng jixian lu weizhu de kaocha (M.A. thesis, Taibei: Guoli zhengzhi daxue, ); Yang Li, Yongcheng jixian lu yanjiu; Zhou Xibo , Du Guangting Daojiao yifan zhi yanjiu (Taibei: Xinwenfeng, 00); Jin Duiyong , Du Guangting Daode zhenjing guangshengyi de Daojiao zhexue yanjiu (Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 00); Sun Yiping , Du Guangting pingzhuan (Nanjing: Nanjing University Press, 00); Luo Zhengming, Du Guangting Daojiao xiaoshuo yanjiu; Suzanne Cahill, Divine Traces of the Daoist Sisterhood.

Du started his career as a Confucian scholar and literatus, working hard to master the classics and develop literary skills. After he failed the imperial examination in the Confucian classics in the late Xiantong reign-period (0-), Du entered Mount Tiantai to learn from the Highest Clarity (Shangqing) master Ying Yijie (0-). Soon Du himself became a famous master of this tradition. Because of his Daoist reputation and literary talent, Du was favored by the rulers and was appointed to high posts rst by the Tang Emperor Xizong (r. -) and then by the two rulers of Former Shu, Wang Jian (-) and Wang Yan (r. -).

At the end of his Preface to the Jixian lu, Du signed with his honoric title Guangcheng xiansheng (Master of Comprehensive Completion). This title was bestowed upon him in by Wang Jian. According to this, some scholars infer that the text was compiled shortly after . This date may be revised by looking at another hagiographical text of Du, the Goushiling huizhen Wangshi shenxian zhuan (Hagiographies of Immortals Gathered in the Wang Clan from Mount Goushi; hereafter cited as Wangshi shenxian zhuan).

Mount Goushi locates thirty kilometers west of Mount Song in Goushi district (present-day Yanshi in Henan). In legend, Wangzi Jin or Prince Jin, the heir apparent to King Ling of the Zhou dynasty (r.

For Dus life, see mainly Yan Yiping, Xianzhuan shiyi xu , in Daojiao yanjiu ziliao; Verellen, Du Guangting; Jia Jinhua and Fu Xuancong , Tang Wudai wenxue biannian shi: Wudai juan (Shenyang: Liaohai chubanshe, ), 0-, , 0, , , , -, -, , 0, , -; Sun Yiping, Du Guangting pingzhuan, -.

Sima Guang (0-0), Zizhi tongjian (Beijing: Zhonghua, ), .; Ouyang Xiu (00-0), Xin Wudai shi (Beijing: Zhonghua, ), .. See Verellen, Du Guangting, .

For example, see Cahill, Divine Traces of the Daoist Sisterhood, . This text is recorded in the Bishusheng xu biandao siku que shumu , .b (Yeshi guangutang shumu congke (0); Zheng Qiao, Tongzhi ershi le, . See Loon, Taoist Books, ; Verellen, Du Guangting, 0. Although it is no longer extant, Yan Yiping reconstructs it with accounts, and Li Jianguo reconstructs it with accounts; see Yan, Wangshi shenxian zhuan jijiao , in Daojiao yanjiu ziliao, vol. ; Li, Xulu, 0-.


- BC), rode a white crane atop Mount Goushi to ascend to heaven. By the Tang, the legend of Prince Jin had developed to a lesser cult. Wang is not the princes surname, as wangzi should be read together, meaning prince. Du Guangting, however, deliberately read wang as the prince

s surname and zijin as his first name, in order to transform him into the rst ancestor of the Wang clan-the clan of the Shu rulers. When recording the Wangshi shenxian zhuan, Chao Gongwu (th century) asserted, (Du) Guangting collected [accounts] of male and female immortals with a total of fty-ve, in order to atter Wang Jian. [] Chen Zhensun (fl. -) recorded the same text and agreed with Chao, When the Wang family ruled the state [of Shu], Du made this book to atter them. They said Du attained the Dao, but I do not believe it Yan Yiping also held a same critical opinion.0 These scholars criticisms of Du Guangtings purpose in compiling the text are not unwarranted. Wang Yan, the second ruler of Former Shu, and his two powerful mothers were extremely addicted to the Daoist faith of

Liexian zhuanattributed to Liu Xiang (ca. B.C. -B.C. ), incorporated in Li Fang (-) et al., eds., Taiping guangji (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, ), ..

For a detailed discussion of the legend and cultic development of Prince Jin, see Marianne Bujard, Le culte de Wangzi Qiao ou la longue carriere dun immortel, Etudes Chinois .- (000), -.

In the epitaph written for his concubine Wang Renshu , Zhang Linghui traces her family origin to Prince Jin: After the prince became Heavens guest, his clan got the surname Wang of Taiyuan see Zhang, Shiren Taiyuan Wangshi muzhiming bingxu in Zhou Shaoliang and Zhao Chao , eds., Tangdai muzhi huibian xuji (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 00), Kaiyuan . According to this, it seems that Prince Jin had already been misunderstood as surnamed Wang by the Kaiyuan reign-period (-), perhaps by popular legend. However, Du Guangtings profound knowledge should have been sufcient for him to know better, so we still can say he deliberately misread Prince Jins surname as Wang.

Sun Meng , ed., Junzhai dushuzhi jiaozheng (Shanghai: Shanghai guji, 0), ..

Chen, Zhizhai shulu jieti (Shanghai: Shanghai guji, ), ..0 Yan Yiping, Wangshi shenxian zhuan jijiao, Daojiao yanjiu ziliao, .

immortality. They built many palaces and named them all with Daoist implication. They often dressed themselves and other palace ladies and maids like Daoists and immortals, changing their palaces into a Daoist paradise. In , Wang Yan was ordained as a Daoist by Du Guangting, and in return Du was conferred the titles of Chuanzhen tianshi (Celestial Master of Transmission of the Perfection) and Chongzhenguan daxueshi (Grand Academician of Institute for the Reverence of the Perfection). In the same year, Wang also built a Shangqing Palace (Palace of Highest Clarity) and erected a statue of Wang Zijin, which was worshipped as their ancestral king, with statues of Wang Yan and his father Wang Jian attending on both of its sides. Based on these records, both Verellen and Li Jianguo reasonably infer that Du presented his Wangshi shenxian zhuan to Wang Yan in .

Among the thirty-nine accounts of the Wangshi shenxian zhuan reconstructed by Yan Yiping and Li Jianguo, ve accounts are also seen in the Jixian lu, including Lady Wang of Grand Perfection (the Queen Mothers daughter), the niece of Wang Hui Wang Fajin Wang Fengxian, Lady Wang of South Ultimate (the Queen Mothers fourth daughter). Since the Wangshi shenxian zhuan originally had fty-ve accounts, other female immortals and Daoists with the surname of Wang included the Jixian lu might have also been included in the Wangshi

Wang Yans mother, surnamed Xu , and her younger sister, the famous Huarui furen (Lady of Flower Pistil), were Wang Jians favored consorts. Wang Yan was the youngest among Wang Jians eleven sons, and he was established as the heir apparent only because of his mothers conspiracy. After Wang Yan ascended to throne, he conferred his mother the title Shunsheng taihou and her sister Yisheng taihou (the Shu taowu by the Song literatus Zhang Tangying [0-0] records the younger sister as Wang Yans mother; see Shu taowu, Siku quanshu , .b). Both sisters, especially the younger one, were extremely beautiful and talented in poetry. See Wu Renchen (d. ), Shiguo chunqiu (Beijing: Zhonghua, ), .-; Pu Jiangqing , Huarui furen gongci kaozheng , in Pu Jiangqing wenlu ed. L Shuxiang (Beijing: Renmin wenxue, ), -0.

Ouyang Xiu, Xin Wudai shi, .; Wu Rencheng, Shiguo chunqiu, .. Shu taowu records these events in (.b).

Verellen, Du Guangting, -0, ; Li Jianguo, Xulu, 0. Yan Yiping, Wangshi shenxian zhuan jijiao, -; Li Jianguo, Xulu, 0-,

0-.


shenxian zhuan, such as Lady Cloud-Flower (the Queen Mothers twenty-third daughter), Lady Wang of Purple Tenuity (the Queen Mothers twentieth daughter), Lady Right-Flower of Cloud-Grove (the Queen Mothers thirteenth daughter), and Ms. Wang

More importantly, the genealogical structures presented in both texts seem to have been internally connected to each other. In the Wangshi shenxian zhuan, Wang Zijin is listed as the ancestor of the Wang clan of immortals, and the structure of the text serves as a paternal genealogy of the Wang clan. There were several clues indicating that the Queen Mother had a very close blood-kinship with this genealogy. First, in the Highest Clarity tradition, the King Father of the East (Dong wanggong ), the Queen Mothers consort, was supposed to be surnamed Wang, and so were their many daughters. The Queen Mother was therefore the maternal ancestor of the Wang clan. Her name Wangmu originally denoted both Queen Mother and ancestress, and the Jixian lu in particular emphasized her attribute as a mother. Second, in the Jixian lu, both hagiographies of the Queen Mother and Gou Xiangu state that the Queen Mother was surnamed Gou and was from the Goushi district in Henan; she engaged in Daoist cultivation on Mount Goushi, the same mountain atop which Prince Jin ascended to

Li, Xulu, 0-. About the formation of the genealogy of the Queen Mother and her many daughters,

see Li Fengmao , Xiwangmu wun chuanshuo de xingcheng jiqi yanbian , in Wuru yu zhejiang: Liuchao Sui Tang Daojiao wenxue lunji (Taibei: Xuesheng shuju, ), . About the surname of the King Father, there were different sayings. For example, the late-Tang ofcial-literatus Duan Chengshi records Ni as his surname; see Duan, Youyang zazu (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, ), ..

See Cahill, Transcendence and Divine Passion: The Queen Mother of the West in Medieval China (Stanford: Stanford University, ), ; Yang Li, Yongcheng jixian lu yanjiu, -.

The Queen Mothers account states that she was born at the Yi river in the divine land and her surname is Gou [] . The account of Gou Xiangu tells a story as follows: the Lady of the Eastern Marchmoutain sent a blue bird as her messenger to tell Gou Xiangu that the Queen Mother of the West is surnamed Gou. She is your sacred ancestor; Mount Goushi in Henan is the place where the Queen Mother engaged in Daoist cultivation; it is the mountain of her hometown See Jixian

0

heaven, and which was revered as the sacred origin place of the Wang clan in the Wangshi shenxian zhuan. As is well known, the Queen Mother was originally connected with the far west in Mount Kunlun; no sources prior to the Jixian lu ever mentioned her origin place as Goushi and her surname as Gou. Du Guangting seems to have invented these proles in order to build a connection between the goddess and the prince, an effort that might have been inspired by Empress Wu Zetian (-0) and her courtiers.0Therefore, the Queen Mother was in effect the maternal ancestor of the Wang clan and their holy genealogy constructed in the Wangshi shenxian zhuan.

In the Jixian lu, the Queen Mother is revered as the ancestress and head of the clan of female immortals. Explicitly the structure of the text serves as a lineage of holy women, while implicitly it also hints at a maternal genealogy of the sacred Wang clan. The most apparent evidence for this assumption is that the daughters of the Queen Mother were included in both genealogies, as discussed above. Although the extant accounts from the Wangshi shenxian zhuan are mostly abridged or synoptic citations preserved in later encyclopedias, when comparing with their corresponding accounts from the Jixian lu, we still can see that originally they should have been the same. The two texts virtually correspond to each other, forming a holy kinship-net that interweaves the Shu male and female rulers with the two holy

lu, Yunji qiqian, ., .. Duan Chengshi recorded the Queen Mothers surname as Yang ; see Duan, Youyang

zazu, .. Other surnames attributed to the Queen Mother include Yan , He , and Ma ; see Shizu daquan (Siku quanshu), .a; Dong Sizhang (-), Guang bowu zhi (Siku quanshu), .a; Hu Yinglin (-0), Shaoshi shanfang bicong (Beijing: Zhonghua, ),. ..

0 Although Empress Wu is renowned for her promotion of Buddhism, she also actively utilized the Queen Mother of the West for political validation and symbolically as her celestial counterpart. It was under the empress that the Queen Mother became closely identified with Mount Song, the Central Marchmount located close to Luoyang, her political center, and the Prince Jin cult in nearby Mount Goushi was in passing celebrated. The empress was attered as the Queen Mother, and Zhang Changzong, one of her male favorites, was attered as the incarnation of Prince Jin. See Norman H. Rothschild, Empress Wu and the Queen Mother of the West, Journal of Daoist Studies (00): -.

Cahill, Divine Traces of Daoist Sisterhood, .


genealogies. Therefore, both texts might have been composed about the same time around for the same cause and purpose of catering to the interests of the Shu rulers and validating their government and royal lineage.

This political purpose may seem vulgar at rst glance and as a result has attracted many criticisms. Du Guangtings relationship with the Shu rulers, however, was rather complicated and should not be taken at face value. He received all the honorific titles and political positions from the Shu rulers, but he did not uncritically follow their will and desire; rather, he deliberately used their religious commitment to present his support of and advises to the Shu government, and to promote Daoism and his ambitious works in sorting and integrating all texts, practices, cults, and traditions of Daoism. When studying Du Guangtings Luyi ji (Record of Marvels), another collection of hagiographies and wondrous stories compiled at about the same time as the Wangshi shenxian zhuan and the Jixian lu, Verellen argues that it not only bolstered a sense of cultural cohesion for the region of Shu but also pointed to the historical precedents for its political independence and asserted a cosmological sanction for the succession of its current rulers to the Tang dynasty. Likewise, Du compiled the Jixian lu with his own serious goals and themes. Russell Kirkland indicates that the most common religious activities of the women commemorated in Tus text were altruistic activities, charitable deeds performed out of compassionate hearts. Suzanne Cahill

The Luyi ji originally had ten juan, but now only eight juan are extant (in Zhengtong Daozang ; Taibei: Xinwenfeng, -; hereafter cited as DZ; no. ), including three juan of accounts of immortals, extraordinary persons, and supernatural beings. Li Jianguo further collects twenty-eight more accounts from various sources. The latest of these extant accounts is dated , and in his preface Du signed with the five titles of Guanglu dafu (Grand Master for Splendid Happiness), Hubu shilang (Vice Minister of Revenue), Guangcheng xiansheng, Shang zhuguo (Supreme Pillar of State), and Caiguo gong (Duke of Caiguo) he carried around , without his titles of Celestial Master of Transmission of the Perfection and Grand Academician bestowed in . Thus, it can be inferred that this text was completed between and . See Loon, Taoist Books, 0; Verellen, Du Guangting, 0, and Shu as a hallowed land: Du Guangtings Record of Marvels, Cahiers dExtrme-Asie 0 (): -; Li, Xulu, 0-.

Schipper and Verellen, Taoist Canon, . Kirkland, Huang Ling-wei, .

sums up Du Guangtings intents as follows: to clarify points of Daoist doctrine, to argue for the superiority of Daoism over Buddhism, to unify the Daoist church, to exalt his own High Clarity school over others, to encourage imperial and literati patronage, to promote Daoist religion as a means of salvation in troubled time, and to ally the Daoist church with the imperial bureaucracy and Confucian values. Inspired by these scholars insightful views, this study will further explore Dus motivation in recreating Daoist priestess images in detail in sections four and ve.

III. Extant Hagiographies of Tang Female Daoists from the Jixian luThe Jixian lu is preserved in two incomplete versions in the Daozang.

One contains three juan and twenty-seven accounts in the Yunji qiqian, and the other contains six juan and thirty-seven accounts (DZ, no. ). Excluding two overlapping accounts, there are sixty-two in total, of which eleven are hagiographies of Tang female Daoists, all contained in the Yunji qiqian version. Li Jianguo has collected twenty-two more accounts from Song encyclopedias such as the Taiping guangji (Extensive Records Compiled in the Taiping xingguo Reign-Period) and Taiping yulan (Reader for His Highness Compiled in the Taiping xingguo Reign-Period) and other texts (some are abridged or synoptic citations), of which six are hagiographies of Tang female Daoists. In addition, I collect two more accounts, Wei Meng qi (Wife of Wei Meng) and Yang Jingzhen ,from the Xianzhuan shiyi (Collection of Omitted

Cahill, Divine Traces of the Daoist Sisterhood, . Li Jianguo, Xulu, 0-. By comparing the Taiping Guangji with extant original

texts, it can be concluded that the compilers of this text were quite serious and careful in incorporating more than 00 earlier texts. They made minor modifications, but overall they maintained the original stories, characters, and structures unchanged. The Taiping yulan usually greatly abridged original stories. See Chen Shangjun Sui Tang Wudai wenxue de jiben dianji in Zhongguo dudai wenxue tonglun ed. Fu Xuancong & Jiang Yin , vol. (Shenyang: Liaoning renmin, 00), -.


Hagiographies of Immortals), another collection of hagiographical accounts compiled by Du Guangting possibly in about a few years later than the Jixian lu. In the Taiping Guangji, the account Yang Jingzhen is cited from the Xu Xuanguai lu (Continuation to the Records of Strange Stories) by Li Fuyan However, according to the record of the Shaoshi shanfang bicong by Hu Yinglin, Du Guangting also incorporated this account into his Xianzhuan shiyi. The accounts of female immortals and Daoists included in the Xianzhuan shiyi usually shared the same contents with the Jixian lu. For example, the accounts Wang Fajin and Banished Immortal of Yangping zhi from the Xianzhuan shiyi incorporated in the Taiping Guangji are almost the same as those of Jixian lu.0 Therefore, the two accounts of Wife of Wei Meng and Yang Jingzhen may also have been included in the Jixian lu. Thus, we have now eighteen extant hagiographical accounts of Tang female Daoists in total, as seen in table one.

Incorporated in the Taiping Guangji, ., .-. The Xianzhuan shiyi originally had forty juan and accounts, but it is no longer

extant. Yan Yiping has reconstructed it with accounts and five juan, and Li Jianguo has reconstructed it with accounts. See Chongwen zongmu (Siku quanshu), .b, Wang Yinglin (-), Yuhai (Nanjing: Jiangsu guji, 0), .b; Loon, Taoist Books, ; Verellen, Du Guangting, 0; Yan, Xianzhuan shiyi, Daojiao yanjiu ziliao, vol. ; Li, Xulu, 0-0. From these reconstructed accounts, we can see that the text shares many stories with Dus other collections of hagiographies and wondrous matters such as Luyi ji, Wangshi shenxian zhuan, Jixian lu, and Shenxian ganyu zhuan (Accounts of Encounters with Supernatural Beings and Immortals, DZ, no. ; see Stephen Bokenkamp, Taoist Literature, in The Indiana Companion to Traditional Chinese Literature,; Li, Xulu, 0-; Schipper and Verellen, The Taoist Canon, 0). Judging from its large quantity of forty juan and accounts, we may infer that the Xianzhuan shiyi was likely an amalgamation of all Dus hagiographical and wondrous collections of stories of immortals and supernatural beings, and therefore might have been compiled some years after .

The account was titled Wuzhen ji . See Hu Yinglin, Shaoshi shanfang bicong, .

0 Taiping Guangji, ., .. Yang Li has already noted that the Wife of Wei Meng account may have been

included in the Jixian lu, but she does not give any detailed verification; see her Yongcheng jixian lu banben zhe kaozheng yu jiyi Zhongguo wenhua yanjiusuo xuebao (00): .

Yang Li has added two more accounts, Pei Xuanjing and Qi Xiaoyao,

Table . Hagiographies of Tang Taoist Women from the Jixian lu

No. Title Story Main Sources

Wang Fajin Pries tess Wang Faj in t ransmit ted a Lingbo rite of confession and a s c e n d e d t o h e a v e n during the Tianbao reign-period (-)

Yunji qiqian .-; Taiping Guangji . ( i n c o r p o r a t e d f r o m Xianzhuan shiyi)

Ms. Wang Ms. Wang, the wife of the ofcial Xie Liangbi , converted to Daoism and achieved liberation by means of the corpse during Emperor Daizongs reign (-)

Yunji qiqian .-0

Huagu Priestess Huang Lingwei ( 0 - ) restored the shrine of Lady Wei Huacun and achieved liberation by means of the corpse during the early Tang

Yunji qiqian, .0-

from the Xu xian zhuan compiled by Shen Fen; see her "Yongcheng jixian lu banben zhe kaozheng yu jiyi, . In his Preface to the Jixian lu, Du Guangting actually mentioned a Xu shenxian zhuan (Supplementary Lives of Immortals) as one of the texts he incorporated. However, Shen Fen was a contemporary of Du active in the lower Yangzi River region, and the latest accounts in his Xu xian zhuan were dated around 0 (Li, Xulu, -), about the same time as the Jixian lu was compiled. Even if 0 was the date of completion, it is unlikely that the text was distributed from the lower Yangzi River region to Sichuan and incorporated into Dus text so fast under the chaotic and disunion situation of early Five Dynasties. There was another text titled Xu xian zhuan by the Daoist priest Gaichang compiled around the Dali reign-period (-; see Tao Zongyi , ed., Shuofu sanzhong , Shanghai: Shanghai guji, ; .0; Luo Zhengming, Du Guangting Daojiao xiaoshuo yanjiu, ). What Du used and incorporated was more likely this earlier text.

Many of these accounts are also incorporated, usually in abridged or synoptic form, in the Xianyuan bianzhu (ed. Wang Songnian ; Xuxiu siku quanshu ), Sandong qunxian lu (ed. Chen Baoguang , . ; DZ, no. ), Lishi zhenxian tidao tongjian (ed. Zhao Daoyi DZ, no. ), Leishuo (ed. Zeng 0-; Beijing: Wenxue guji, ), Shuofu, etc. For detailed discussions, see Li, Xulu, 0-.


Xu Xiangu Priestess Xu lived at least two hundred and fifty years and traveled broadly with her Daoist magical techniques

Yunji qiqian, .-; Taiping Guangji, 0. (incorporated from Jixian lu)

Gou Xiangu Priestess Gou practiced austerities and defeated Buddhist monks during the late Tang period

Yunji qiqian, .-; Taiping Guangji, 0.- (incorporated from Jixian lu)

Bian Dongxuan Priestess Bian Dongxuan s a v e d p e o p l e a n d animals, and ascended to heaven during Emperor X u a n z o n g s r e i g n (-)

Yunji qiqian, .-

Huang Guanfu Huang Guanfu was a banished female immortal and, after engaging in Daoist practice, returned t o h e a v e n d u r i n g Emperor Gaozongs reign (-)

Yunji qiqian, .-

Yangping zhi A b a n i s h e d f e m a l e immortal acted as the wife of another banished immortal and worked as a tea-picker in Yangping zhi; later both returned to the Yangping grotto.

Yunji qiqian, .-; Taiping Guangji, . (titled Yangping zhexian and incorporated from Xianzhuan shiyi)

Shen Gu T h e p a l a c e g i r l L u Meiniang was skilled in embroidery. Later she was ordained as a Daoist priestess and achieved transcendence du r ing t he r e igns o f Emperors Shunzong and Xianzong (0-0)

Yunji qiqian, .-; Duyang zabian , .a-a (SKQS); Taiping Guangji, . ( t i t l e d L u Meiniang and incorporated from Duyang zabian)

0 Wang Fengxian Daoist priestess Wang Fengxian engaged in D a o i s t p r a c t i c e a n d helped common people; f i n a l l y s h e r e a l i z e d transcendence during the late Tang period

Yunji qiqian, .-

Xue Xuantong Xue Xuantong, the wife of the official Feng Wei, cultivated the Dao and realized transcendence dur ing the l a t e Tang period

Yunji qiqian, .-; Taiping Guangji, 0.- (incorporated from Jixian lu)

Yang Zhengjian

Ya n g Z h e n g j i a n w a s c o m p a s s i o n a t e a n d a s c e n d e d t o h e a v e n during the Kaiyuan reign-period (-)

Taiping Guangji, .- (incorporated from Jixian lu)

Dong Shangxian

Dong Shangxian ascended to heaven dur ing the Kaiyuan reign-period

Taiping Guangji, . (incorporated from Jixian lu)

Xie Ziran Xie Ziran engaged in D a o i s t p r a c t i c e a n d a s c e n d e d t o h e a v e n during Emperor Dezongs reign (-0)

Taiping Guangji, .0- (incorporated from Jixian lu)

Qi Xuanfu Qi Xuanfu ascended to heaven during Emperor X u a n z o n g s r e i g n (-)

Taiping Guangji, 0.- (incorporated from Jixian lu)

Wangshi nu Wang Huis niece attained Daoist t ranscendence during Emperor Xizongs reign (-)

Taiping Guangji, 0.- (incorporated from Jixian lu)

Wei Meng qi M s . X u , t h e w i f e o f the official Wei Meng, ascended to heaven with her daughter and maid during Emperor Muzongs reign (0-)

Taiping Guangji, . ( i n c o r p o r a t e d f r o m Xianzhuan shiyi)

Yang Jingzhen Yang Jingzhen and four other girls ascended to heaven on the same day, but Yang later returned home to look after her grandfather

Taiping Guangji, .- ( incorpora ted f rom Xu Xuangua i lu ) ; Shaosh i shanfang bicong, .b (citation from Xianzhuan shiyi).


IV. Examination of the Jixian Lu Hagiographies of Tang Female DaoistsIn his Preface to the Jixian lu, Du Guangting lists major texts

before him telling stories of ancient and contemporary people who gained immortality/transcendence, and says he has gathered these multitudinous discourses to complete one single discourse , Du gathered and incorporated almost all relevant sources before him to compile this text. However, he did not simply copy from other texts, but rather made major modications and even recreations according to his own Daoist beliefs and ideal images of female Daoists. Luo Zhengming and Suzanne Cahill have studied his approaches used in incorporating and modifying the accounts of pre-Tang figures, and Russell Kirkland has demonstrated an excellent study on the story of Huang Lingwei. In this section, I further examine the approaches Du used to modify or recreate the accounts of Tang female Daoists in a comprehensive scale.

The first approach Du used is recreation of brand new images. For example, in the Jixian lu, Wang Fengxian is presented as a Daoist female saint. Born to a peasant family, she was as beautiful as a goddess and also very bright and eloquent. Immortal girls often descended from heaven to play with her, and soon she was able to fast and y. During the Xiantong reign-period (0-), when Du Shenquan was the military commissioner in Lunzhou and Linghu Tao (jinshi 0) the military commissioner in Yangzhou, they invited Wang to stay in their jurisdiction capitals and revered her respectively. Du even planned to present her to court, but Wang cut her hair and entered a Buddhist monastery to escape from it. As a result, she was called Guanyin (Avalokitevara) by people south of Yangzi River. In her debate with the lofty literatus Zhufu Huaigao Wang compared

Yunji qiqian, .-. Du was the commissioner of western Zhejiang and prefect of Lunzhou from to

, and Linghu was the commissioner of Huainan and governor of Yangzhou from to . See Yu XianhaoTang cishi kao quanbian (Hefei: Anhui daxue chubanshe, 000), ., ..

Daoism to the father in a household, Confucianism to the older brother, and Buddhism to the mother. When the rebel generals Qin Yan (d. ), Bi Shiduo (d.) and others occupied Yangzhou, they all revered her as their teacher, even though at rst they tried to force her follow their will. From the Xiantong to Guangqi reign-periods (0-), Wang always preached the Way of loyalty, filial piety, uprightness, and rectitude, the admonitions to be clear, clean, temperate, and simple, and the essentials of the secret practices for refining the body. Finally, she was ordained as a Daoist priestess and lived at Mount Dongting. At the beginning of the Guangqi reign-period (), she moved to Mount Qianqing in Yuhang, and realized transcendence in over a year at the age of .

This saintly portrait depicted by Du, however, is very different from historical records. In the fth month of , the Huainan (Yangzhou) military commissioner Gao Pian (d. ) was imprisoned by his general Bi Shiduo. Bi invited the Xuanzhou commissioner Qin Yan to assume the position of Huainan commissioner. In the ninth month, Tang army besieged and attacked Yangzhou. The biography of Gao Pian in the Xin Tangshu (New Tang History) records:

Bi Shiduo was defeated and afraid that Gao Pian might help the Tang army from within the city. There was a sorceress named Wang Fengxian, who told Shiduo: 'The prefecture is facing disaster. If a great man dies, the disaster can be dispersed. Qin Yan said, Doesnt this mean Gao Pian? He ordered his attendant men Chen Shang and others to kill Gao. ... Qin Yan was defeated again and again, and the soldiers were all dispirited. Qin and Bi Shiduo sat with their arms about their knees and looked at each other, nding no way out. They consulted Fengxian again, and all rewards and punishments, light or heavy, were decided by her []

Translation by Suzanne Cahill, Daoist Sisterhood, . Yunji qiqian, .-.


The Zizhi tongjian (Comprehensive Mirror for Aid in Government) gives a similar account

After being defeated in several battles, Qin Yan and Bi Shiduo suspected that Gao Pian used sorcery to repress them. As [the Tang army] besieged Yangzhou more tightly, they were afraid of Gao Pians men might cooperate from within the city. There was an evil Buddhist nun named Wang Fengxian, who told Qin Yan: 'A great disaster is shown in Yangzhou region. One great man must die, and then blessing will come. On the jiaxu day, Qin ordered his general Liu Kuangshi killed Gao Pian and his brothers, sons, and nephews, no matter old or young, and buried them all in one pit. ... At rst, Qin Yan and Bi Shiduo believed and revered the nun Fengxian. Even though there were battles, all rewards and punishments, light or heavy, were decided by her. By that time they consulted Fengxian again: 'What should we do to get through this? Fengxian said, 'The best plan is to run. Therefore they ran out of the Kaihua Gate to go to Dongtang. ,,

Similar accounts are also seen in the Cefu yuangui (Original

Ouyang Xiu, Xin Tang shu (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, ), .0-. Sima Guang, Zizhi tongjian, ., .

00

Treasures of the Imperial Library), Bai Kong liutie, and Shiguo chunqiu.0 These historical narratives tell us that during the Yangzhou rebellion, Wang Fengxian was in the city, and was revered by the rebel generals Bi Shiduo and Qin Yan; she instructed the two to kill the former commissioner Gao Pian and his whole family.

Is there a possibility that the Wang Fengxian recorded in these texts was just another person with the same name? The answer is negative. The two characters had too many points of correspondence in time, location, and experience: both lived in the same time period of the reigns of Emperors Yizong to Xizong and the same region of lower Yangzi River, and both were in Yangzhou in and became associated with the rebel generals Qin Yan and Bi Shiduo. In the Jixian lu account, Wang Fengxian was a wandering Daoist practitioner who once stayed in a Buddhist monastery; she was not ordained as a Daoist priestess until her late years after . This explains why the historical records sometimes refer to her as an evil Buddhist nun and sometimes as a sorceress.

Compared with the historical records, we can see that Du Guangting recreated the image of Wang Fengxian, who fouled her hands with rebel generals and murdered people in cold blood, into a saint who represented the ideal personalities of both Daoism and Confucianism-goddess-like beauty and intelligence, synthesizing the three teachings, and preaching and practicing Confucian values and Daoist perfection. The Highest Clarity concept of divine descending is also distinctively featured. Dus intention is quite clear here: on one hand, he expressed his idea of fusing the three teachings through this new image; on the other, because this hagiography was also included in the Wangshi shenxian zhuan, his recreation might have been stimulated by the purpose of adding one more virtuous priestess-immortal to the Wang family and setting a good example for the female rulers of the Shu state.

0 Wang Qinruo (d. 0) et al., eds. Cefu yuangui (Beijing: Zhonghua, 0), .b; Bai Juyi (-) and Kong Zhuan (. -), Bai Kong liutie (Siku quanshu),.a; Wu Renchen, Shiguo chunqiu, ..

Incorporated in Sandong qunxian lu, DZ, no. , .0b-0a.

Du Guangting and the Hagiographies of Tang Female Daoists0

The image of Yang Zhengjian was also likely recreated by Du Guangting. In the Jixian lu account, Yang was bright and compassionate, and accepted the Daoist concepts of purity and nullity ever since she was a child. She was married into a Wang family when she was fteen. Once, she prepared dinner for guests but could not bear to kill the sh, so she had to leave the family in fear of condemnation by her parents-in-law. She entered a mountain in Pujiang district to learn from a Daoist priestess. Later, she found and ingested a human-shaped poria and became extremely beautiful. Immortals often descended down to her chamber to discuss matters of heaven with her. After one year, in Kaiyuan (), she ascended to heaven in broad daylight.

The Song-dynasty Linqiong tujing (Illustrated Gazette of Linqiong), however, records a completely different story:

Yang Zhengjian was the daughter of the peasant Yang Chong, and was not married at the age of thirty. She entered Mount Changqiu in Pujiang district to engage in Daoist cultivation during the Kaiyuan reign-period. She reclaimed a piece of wasteland and was in shortage of water. Suddenly a white ox appeared and told her: I lie underground where the sacred water runs. If you dig through the land for about one zhang, you will get the water. Zhengjian did as the ox told her, and sure enough found a rushing spring. Later, she gained transcendence and ascended to heaven. The Daoist priest Zhao Xianfu presented her story to the emperor.

In this account, Yang Zhengjian never got married. She reclaimed wasteland and dug a well to water the land with the help of a mysterious ox,

Taiping Guangji, .-. Cited by Cao Xuequan (-); Siku quanshu), Shuzhong guangji,

.a.

0

in order to support her ascetic life of Daoist cultivation in the mountain. This story happened at the same time (Kaiyuan reign-period) and the same place (the Pujiang district in Sichuan) with the same ending (ascending to heaven), so this character was unlikely another person. Although this account is preserved in a later text, the possibility that it was based on an earlier account cannot be omitted, and the simple plot tells us that it was possibly the original one. The familiar, complicated Daoist themes in the Jixian lu account--compassion, early faith, divine descending, and beautiful, goddess-like appearance-inform us that this story seems again to have been Du Guangting

s recreation.The second approach Du Guangting used to modify images of Daoist

priestesses was adding large portions of stories and attaching new concepts to the characters, in order to idealize them. His modication of Bian Dongxuan

s story is a typical example. The Taiping Guangji incorporates an entry titled Bian Dongxuan from the Guangyi ji (Extensive Records of Marvels) compiled by Dai Fu (jinshi ). It states that Bian was a Daoist priestess in Zaoqiang district of Jizhou (present-day Zaoqiang in Hebei). She had engaged in Daoist practices such as fasting and ingesting elixir drugs for forty years and was by the end of the Kaiyuan reign-period (-). Then, after taking an elixir given by an old man, her body became light. With nal farewells to her disciples she ascended to heaven in broad daylight, witnessed by Yuan Fu , the prefect of Jizhou, and his ofcials and local people. Yuan Fu was the prefect of Jizhou in Kaiyuan (). He sent a presentation to Emperor Xuanzong to report Bians ascension, and the Emperor issued an imperial decree titled Decree to Yuan Fu, the Prefect of Jizhou, for Performing Fast Rite in Immortal Bian Abbey The decree reads:

See Glen Dudbridge, Religious Experience and Lay Society in Tang China: A Reading of Tai Fus Kuang-i chi (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, ), .

Taiping Guangji, .. Yu Xianhao, Tang cishi kao, 0..


The Daoist priestess is a perfected person of the elixir tower. She rode on five-colored clouds and ascended to heaven in broad daylight. Her love of the Dao had unexpectedly resulted in actual efficacy, which brings me great pleasure. You are the son of a former prime minister, and your family reveres the Dao, which is in accordance with your mind. Your witness [of the ascension] at the spot fulfilled my wish. ... Now taking advantage of your representatives return, I send you a few objects. You should perform Daoist rite of fast in the abbey, in order to express my intention.

Emperor Xuanzong praised Yuan and ordered him to perform Daoist rite of fast at the abbey where Bian used to stay. Later, this decree was inscribed on a stele erected in the abbey. From Xuanzongs decree, we can infer that Yuan Fus presentation might have focused on Bians ascension. In addition, the Song-dynasty catalogue Bishusheng xu biandao siku que shumu records a text titled Bian Dongxuan shengtian ji (Record of Bian Dongxuans Ascension to Heaven). This title hints that its main content

Quan Tangwen, .a-b. Both the Song-dynasty Baoke leibian (Congshu jicheng chubian, .) and Mochi bian (Siku quanshu, .b) by Zhu Changwen record the inscription of this decree which was still seen then.

Sun Chengze (-) records in his Chunming mengyu lu , Tang-dynasty Stele Inscription of Ziyang Abbey written by Emperor Xuanzong, in Zhuozhou where the Daoist priest[ess] Bian Dongxuan cultivated Dao and transcend to immortality (Beijing: Beijing guji, ; .). The Jifu tongzhi has a similar record, Bian Dongxuan of Tang dynasty was a native of Zaoqiang district. She left her family and cultivated herself at the Ziyun abbey when she was a child. She finally gained transcendence and ascended in broad daylight. Emperor Xuanzong wrote an imperial decree to praise her. The stele inscription is still preserved at the abbey . See Tian Yi et al, Jifu tongzhi (Siku quanshu),.b.

Bishusheng xu biandao siku que shumu, ., ; Loon, Taoist Books, .

0

should have been the story of Bian Dongxuans ascension. Dai Fu, the compiler of the Guangyi ji, passed the imperial examination in ; when the story of Bian Dongxuans ascension spread in , Dai might at least already be a child. His account of Bian was likely based on texts such as Yuan Fu

s presentation, Emperor Xuanzongs inscription, and the Record of Bian Dongxuans Ascension.0

The simple story of Bian Dongxuans ingesting elixir drug and ascending to heaven was greatly sophisticated by Du Guangting. In the Jixian lu, she became a virtuous person, who was pure, clever, perceptive, humane, and compassionate since she was a child. She always saved endangered small animals and fed hungry birds, fullled the Confucian family value of filial piety, and worked hard as a skilled weaver. After her parents passed away, she nally entered a Daoist convent. She continued her weaving work and exchanged her products for food, which she used to feed small animals and people when there was a famine. Her love of elixir drugs and final ascension remained in this new account, but Du Guangting again added a twist that before she left for heaven she did not forget to y to the capital to bid farewell to Emperor Xuanzong, even though the emperor did not mention this miracle in his decree at all. Under Dus brush, Bian Dongxuan became a Daoist saint who cultivated herself with Daoist faith, Confucian values, and Buddhist compassion, being loyal, lial, compassionate, and transcendent at the same time. As indicated by Kirkland and Cahill, the hidden virtue that led to transcendence was one of Dus favored themes: Yang Zhengjian saved the sh, and Bian Dongxuan saved small animals. The compassion for animals was a Daoist incorporation of Buddhist ethics.

The hagiography of Xie Ziran was another example of the second approach. The primary source for this account was likely the official-

0 This text was likely written by Wang Duan , as Du says at the end of the Jixian lu: [Emperor] then ordered Editor Wang Duan [polite name] Jingzhi to compose a stele inscription to record this marvelous event of immortals (Yunji qiqian, .).

Yunji qiqian, .. Kirkland, Huang Ling-wei, ; Cahill, Divine Traces of Daoist Sisterhood, 0-.


literatus Li Jians (-) Biography of the Perfected Person of East Ultimate . Li Jian was the prefect of Guozhou (present-day Nanchong in Sichuan) in - and claimed he witnessed the ascension of Xie Ziran in . He sent a presentation reporting this event to Emperor Dezong, and the emperor replied with two letters, one addressing Yuan and the other local people in general. These letters were inscribed on steles and are extant today. They only mention Xies ascension, without talking about any Daoist cultivation. Li Jian then composed a hagiography for Xie. Lis account is no longer extant, but some poems concerning Xie Zirans story by Tang literati seem to have been written according to it. For example, Han Yu (-) has a poem titled Poem on Xie Zira , in which he describes Xies ascension in detail, but does not mention anything about her engagement in Daoist practices. Li Xiang ,who likely lived in the late Tang period, had a poem titled Written behind the Biography of Xie Ziran of Mount Jinquan . This biography of Xie Ziran likely referred to the one by Li Jian. The poem again vividly describes Xies ascension, without mentioning her Daoist cultivation at all. Both poems may

This text is recorded in Ouyang Xiu, Xin Tangshu, .; Zheng Qiao, Tongzhi ershi le, .

Long Xianzhao and Huang Haide , eds., Ba Shu Daojiao beiwen jicheng (Chengdu: Sichuan University Press, ), -. Wang Xiangzhi (jinshi ) records this stele in his Yudi beiji mu (Congshu jicheng chubian, .).

The Yudi beiji mu (.) records a stele inscription in Mount Heqi : It roughly says that in the tenth year of Zhenyuan in the Tang dynasty, which was the year of Jiaxu, a Guozhou woman Xie Ziran ascended to immortality in broad daylight. Prefect Li Jian sent a presentation to the Emperor and also wrote a biography for Xie

Wei Zhongju , ed., Wubai jia zhu Changli ji , Siku quanshu, .0b-b.

Dunhuang manuscript, P. ; incorporated in Quan Tangshi bubian , ed. Chen Shangjun (Beijing: Zhonghua, ), vol. , -; noted by Fukazawa Kazuyuki , Sennyo Sha Shizen no tanj , Kzen Kyju taikan kinen Chgoku bungaku ronsh , ed. Kzen Kyju Taikan Kinen Chgoku Bungaku Ronsh Hensh Iinkai (Tokyo: Kyko shoin, 000), -.

0

reveal to us the main content of Li Jians account on Xies story.The hagiography of Xie in the Jixian lu is very long, describing Xie

Zirans Daoist cultivation towards her ascension in great detail. Xie was from a gentry family. When she was a child, her mother twice sent her to learn from Buddhist nuns, but she always requested to come back. She asked her mother to move to the top of Mount Dafang, because there was a statue of Laozi. She always recited the Daode jing and Huangting jing and started to practice fasting at the age of fourteen. That year she stopped consuming grain and instead only ingested cypress leaves each day. After seven years she stopped ingesting leaves, and in two following years she even ceased drinking water. In , she was ordained by the Daoist priest Cheng Taixu. Prefect Han Yi and Xies father did not believe her fast to be real and twice locked her up for a long time, but she nally convinced and astonished them with her healthy and beautiful appearance and manner. One year before Xies ascension, epiphanic signs of animals, gods, immortals, and heavenly messengers started to appear. By , the year of Xies ascension, the Queen Mother of the West descended three times to meet Xie, conferring her elixir drugs, peaches, and talisman, and setting a schedule for her nal ascension. Before her ascension, Xie offered a long sermon to Li Jian, teaching ways of Daoist practices in an exceptionally comprehensive and professional manner, including worshipping statues, reciting scriptures, doing virtuous deeds, performing Daoist music, transmitting Daoist arts, fasting, ingesting elixir drug, and practicing breath control. Finally, when the moment of Xies ascension came, the account only uses a couple of sentences to describe it.

After comparing Jixian lus account with those poems concerning Xie Zirans story by Tang poets, Fukazawa Kazuyuki suggests that in Li Jian

s hagiography the part of ascension may have been more detailed than the part of Daoist cultivation, while in Dus account the reverse may have been true. This observation is insightful. The plot of the Queen Mothers three-

Fukazawa Kazuyuki, Sennyo Sha Shizen no tanj, -. The Xu shenxian zhuan by Shen Fen has an account of Xie Ziran, which tells a different story in which Xie became the Highest Clarity master Sima Chengzhens (-) disciple


time descending and scheduling for Xies ascension especially conforms to Jixian lus central theme and structure of the Queen Mother as the ancestress and family head of all female immortals. The comprehensive, professional sermon on Daoist practices was also more likely to have come out of the hands of a Daoist master like Du Guangting.

Moreover, in another text, the Lidai chongdao ji (Record on the Veneration of Daoism through Ages), Du records:

In the tenth year of the Zhenyuan reign-period of Emperor Dezong, the Undifferentiated Beginning [i.e., Laozi] secretly sent the Golden Mother [i.e., the Queen Mother of the West] to descend to Mount Jinquan of Guozhou several times, to transmit the art of breath control to the perfected woman Xie Ziran. After she completed the cultivation, Xie ascended to heaven in broad daylight on the sixteenth day of the tenth month of that year.

This work was written as a memorial addressed to Emperor Xizong in , in which Du announced the divine restoration of the Tang dynastic house under the auspices of their ancestor Lord Lao.0 Du wanted to make sure that the Queen Mothers meetings with Xie Ziran and Xies eventual ascension were under the order of Lord Lao, the ancestor of the Tang royal house. However, since the Jixain lu was compiled to present to the Wang family of Shu after the fall of the Tang, Du took out Lord Laos order and instead stated that in the supreme realm the Queen Mother is the most revered . This time Du not only avoided the holy ancestor of

(DZ no. , .-). As Sima died long before Xies time, this story was another recreation. See Fukazawa, Sennyo Sha Shizen no tenkai , Gengo bunka kenky (00): -.

Du, Lidai chongdao ji, Quan Tangwen, .b; DZ, no. , 0b.0 Verellen, A Forgotten Tang Restoration: the Taoist Dispensation after Huang Ch

ao, Asian Major .. (): 0-.

0

the former dynasty, but also uplifted the holy maternal ancestor of the Wang family. Here Dus modification of Xie Zirans story according to his own purpose seems to be most apparent.

The third approach Du Guangting used to compile the hagiographies in the Jixian lu was stories and texts by Tang literati with some minor yet signicant modications. For example, as shown by Russell Kirklands study, the hagiography of Huang Lingwei under the title Hua Gu was based on Yan Zhenqings Nanyue furen Wei furen xiantan beiming . Because of the hagiographical and mysterious orientation of Yans writing, Du Guangting followed it very closely, but he still added a few passages. One of the new passages is as follows:

It is not known what region she hailed from. From the beginning of the Tang, she wandered around the Yangzi River, the Zhe River, the Dongting Lake, and the Dayi Mountain. There was not a single famous mountain or numinous grotto to which she did not go. When she visited a place, if she dwelt in forests or wilds, divinities and spirits would protect her. If anyone had an evil thought about her, intending to mistreat or insult her, he would immediately encounter failure. Far and near, people stood in awe and revered her. They served her as a deity.

Yan, Yan Lugong ji (Sibu congkan ), .a-a; Quan Tangwen, 0.b-b. Yan had another stele inscription on Huang Lingwei titled Fuzhou Linchuanxian Jingshan Huagu xiantan beiming (Yan Lugong ji, .a-b; Quan Tangwen, 0.a-b), but Du Guangting did not cite this inscription. Yans inscriptions were based on the hagiography by the Daoist priest Cai Weis originally included in his Houxian zhuan , which was composed under Emperor Xuanzongs order (Quan Tangwen, 0.b). See Kirkland, Huang Ling-wei, 0.

Yunji qiqian, .0. Translation adapted from Kirkland, Huang Ling-wei, ; Cahill, Daoist Sisterhood, .


As indicated by Russell Kirkland, Du seems to obscure Huangs geographical background in order to render her more mysterious and awe-inspiring. Huangs transcendental and supernatural aspects are therefore enforced. Another new passage is inserted before Huangs request about her own funeral arrangements addressed to her disciples: My journey to immortality is urgent, so I cannot stay any longer This announcement serves to show more clearly her knowledge of her own time of death, which was a stereotypical sign of gaining transcendence, and also to emphasize her ultimate goal of immortality.

The hagiography of Lu Meiniang was copied from Su Es Duyang zabian (Miscellaneous Compilation from Duyang). Du abridged the detailed description of Meiniangs marvelous skill of embroidery in the original account, but added a few wondrous events which supposedly occurred after she became a Daoist priestess-"she did not eat for several years, and there were often immortals descending down to meet with her , Here Du again elaborated on two of his favored themes--Daoist practice of fasting and the High Clarity concept of divine descending.

Finally, Du might even have applied the approach of changing certain characters sex in order to add more female immortals. The account of Wang Fajin in the Taiping Guangji is included in the section of male immortals. This account was incorporated from the Xianzhuan shiyi, Dus another text, but the entire story is about the same as that of the Jixain lu. The Sandong qunxian lu incorporates an abridged account from the Wangshi shenxian zhuan by Du as well. All three versions do not clearly state Wangs sex,

See Kirkland, Huang Ling-wei, . Yunji qiqian, .. Duyang zabian (Congshu jicheng chubian), .; also incorporated in Taiping

Guangji, .. Originally, the story in the Duyang zabian was based on the Lu Xiaoyao zhuan (Hagiography of Lu Xiaoyao) by Li Xiangxian who was a literatus from Mount Luofu; see the statement at the end of the Duyang zabian story.

Yunji qiqian,.. Sandong qunxian lu, .0b-0a. See Li Jianguo, Xulu, 0.

0

and the only evidence showing Wang was likely female is that when she was young her parents asked a Daoist priestess to protect her. However, in the account there is also evidence indicating that the character may be male. It states that when Wang ascended to heaven for the rst time, the Sovereign-on-High predicted that Wang would become an unsurpassable attendant lad waiting upon the heavenly palace , Although tong can also mean child and young and can be used for a young female immortal, when mentioning the Sovereign-on-Highs attendants the same account clearly differentiates blue lads (qingtong ) from attendant girls (shin ). In the account of Huang Guanfu from the Jixian lu, Huang called herself Attendant Girl of the Supreme Clarity , and two other female immortals Attendant Girl of the Jade Emperor and Attendant Girl of the Grand Thearch Therefore, the attendant lad in the Wang Fajin account seems to refer to a male immortal. It is possible that Du incorporated an earlier account and added a priestess as Wang Fajins master at the beginning of the story in order to hint that Wang was female, but he forgot to change the attendant lad in the middle portion. Since this account is also included in the Wangshi shenxian zhuan, Du Guangting might have deliberately changed Wang Fajins sex, in order to add one more virtuous priestess-immortal into the Wang family. Moreover, as Wang Fajins story is about her transmission of a kind of Numinous Treasure rite of confession, her inclusion in the genealogy of the Jixian lu also shows Du Guangtings integration of various practices and traditions of Daoism.

V. Concluding RemarksDu Guangting compiled the Jixian lu and presented it to the Shu rulers,

along with the Wangshi shenxian zhuan, possibly in about . In the Highest Clarity tradition, the Queen Mothers consort and daughters were supposed to be surnamed Wang, and Du Guangting further connected the Queen

Taiping Guangji, .; Yunji qiqian, .. Yunji qiqian, ..


Mother with Mount Goushi, where Wang Zijin who was revered as their rst ancestor by the Shu rulers attained transcendence. Therefore, while the structure of the Wangshi shenxian zhuan presents a paternal genealogy of the sacred Wang clan--the Shu ruling clan, the structure of the Jixian lu serves as both a lineage of holy women and a maternal genealogy of the Wang clan. Together the two texts form a holy kinship net that interweaves the Shu male and female rulers with the two holy genealogies.

Although the political purpose of catering the Shu rulers interests and validating their government and royal lineage seems to be the initial cause for the compilation of the Jixian lu, Du Guangting completed the work with other serious, religious motivations. Through an examination of the extant eighteen hagiographies of Tang female Daoists contained in the Jixian lu, this article demonstrates that, while incorporating earlier biographical and hagiographical sources of Tang female Daoists, Du Guangting applied various approaches to modify or recreate their images according to his own opinion of the roles and images ideal for Daoist priestesses. The most common themes and elements that Du added to the sources include: ) the Highest Clarity concept of divine descending; ) beautiful, goddess-like appearance and forever youth of female Daoists; ) religious and genealogical connections with the Queen Mother; ) marvelous signs, magical powers, and supernatural attributes; ) self-cultivation and self-perfection of various Daoist techniques, including fasting, ingesting elixir drugs, practicing breath control, reciting the Highest Clarity scriptures, and practicing the rites of the Numinous Treasure tradition; ) accumulated hidden virtues and compassionate deeds toward people and creatures, which blended classical moral ideas on right and wrong into the mix of Daoist and Buddhist ethics; ) Confucian values such as lial piety and loyalty, and connections to political dimension of imperial court or local government. These themes are in accordance with Dus grand project of integrating Daoist rituals, practices, cults, and traditions and synthesizing the three teachings of Daoism, Confucianism, and Buddhism.0

0 The compilation of this first hagiography of female Daoists might have inspired by the Biqiuni zhuan (Biographies of Chinese Buddhist Nuns), the first

These observations indicate that the Jixian lu hagiographical accounts of Tang female Daoists should be used with great caution and should not be directly interpreted as historical accounts of their life and religious practice. The true value of the text does not rest in providing primary sources for studying medieval female Daoists, but rather in presenting the reection of Du Guangting on their roles and places in Daoist tradition and society, and his architecture of the ideal role-model for Daoist priestesses, which synthesized Daoist self-perfection with Confucian values and Buddhist ethics.

There were historical and practical reasons for Du to work on such reflection and architecture. The Tang dynasty witnessed the prosperity of Daoist priestesses and other female Daoists. About one third of Daoist convents were nunneries, and women from all statuses of society were ordained as priestesses, including many imperial princesses and other aristocratic women. This situation made it impossible for the government and monasteries to strictly discipline the priestesses in many circumstances. The Tang priestesses assumed multiple roles of religious leaders, teachers, practitioners, adepts, poets, artists, and even lovers. They participated in social parties with men of various professions, especially with the official-literati. They were called female immortals or heavenly immortals and were regarded as semi-goddesses to a certain extent. Like many Daoist goddesses who were related to erotic legends, Daoist priestesses seem to have been quite free in their relationship with fellow priests or official-literati. Sexual practice of various kinds, which was still conducted in the Tang Daoist tradition, also provided excuses for their love affairs. The pure,

hagiography of female Buddhists by the Liang-dynasty monk Baochang . For example, from Jiaorans (ca. 0ca. ) poem titled I and Ofce Manager

Wang Meet the Zhang Sisters of Imperially Summoned Priestesses in Their Cloister to Enjoy the Snow Scene While Missing Reverend Qinghui (Quan Tangshi, .0), we see the monk-poet Jiaoran and a local official visited the cloister where two priestess-sisters surnamed Zhang lived; they shared the pleasure of watching the beautiful snow scene and each of them wrote a poem celebrating the event.

See mainly Edward H. Schafer, The Capeline Cantos: Verses on the Divine Loves of Taoist Priestesses, Asiatische Studien (): ; Suzanne E. Cahill, Sex and the Supernatural in Medieval China: Cantos on the Transcendent who Presides over


virtuous, self-discipline and self-perfection images presented in the Jixian lu may imply Du Guangtings unspoken disapproval of other roles performed by many Tang female Daoists.

Du Guangtings reflection and architecture were not just individual concerns, but rather represented that of the Daoist tradition. As scholars have indicated, Daoist tradition underwent tremendous changes from the late Tang to the early Ming (-), and Du Guangting was a key gure standing at the beginning of this reshaping period. Dus integration of Daoist rituals, practices, cults, and traditions and his synthesis of the three teachings initiated new dimensions of the development of Daoism in the following centuries. The role-model constructed by Du in the Jixian lu accounts was also actually followed by female Daoists from the Song dynasty onward, such as the self-cultivation and self-realization of Sun Buer (-) and many other priestesses of the Complete Perfection tradition, and lial piety, royalty, compassion, selessness, and other virtues were written into manuals of womens alchemy.

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