Draft 2 Rsem Proposal Final

8/3/2019 Draft 2 Rsem Proposal Final

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LIVING IN LIMBO: UNDERSTANDING THE EXPERIENCE OF LOSS OF

FILIPINO FAMILIES OF THE DISAPPEARED

A Proposal

Presented to

the Faculty of the Graduate School

Ateneo de Manila University

In Partial Fulfillment

of the Requirements for the Degree

Masters of Arts in Counseling Psychology

by

Ma. Kristine G. Carvajal

22 September 2011


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CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

It is the crushing reality of loss coupled with the unreality of death that

afflicts the families of those who have disappeared. The result is a form ofmental torture brought about either the suspension of bereavement or the

feeling of helplessness and paralyzing uncertainty about what to do to

protect their loved ones. (Amnesty International, 1982)

Until now, the practice of enforced disappearance, a means to stifle and repress

political dissent (Moraleda et al, 2011) persists to plague the Philippines. Though the number

of incidence has fluctuated through the years, it has afflicted an indelible pain among the

victims who survived and those who were left behind. Families of the disappeared have

marched and fought against human rights violations, so that justice is served to the victims

and to their families. For more than 25 years now, the fight still continues and petitioning for

a law against the human rights violation never ceased.

Aside from the aim to enact a law against enforced disappearance, many of the

human rights groups saw the need to address the psychological well-being of those who were

left behind. They have created rehabilitation programs to help victims and others who were

affected. The programs were based on usual grief work for individuals and post-traumatic

stress disorder (PTSD) interventions (Families of victims of involuntary disappearances

[FIND], 1998; Asian Federation Against Involuntary Disappearance [AFAD], 2010). The

goal of the programs was to assist people in gaining resolution and recovery. With such bases

and objective, the programs efficiency was questionable for it did not attend to the special

situation ambiguous loss that the families of the disappeared have experienced.

It is the purpose of this study to address the gaps in the current literature and the gap

between research bases and practice in the Philippines. As such, the study looks into the

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subjective experience of the families of the disappeared, who experienced ambiguous loss.

This study also takes into account the time frame of the experience of loss, from the onset of

the disappearance to current status of the grieving family.

Review of Literature

The main body of the review includes the history of enforced disappearance practice,

a human rights violation and the literature regarding ambiguous loss and those who were left

behind. The history will provide an understanding of the previous and current political

situation that the country and its constituents has experienced thus far. Detailing the context

of the practice allows better conception of the issue revolving around the ambiguous loss in

this particular context. Subsequently, the review of literatures on the disappeared and the

ones who were left behind is presented. A substantial literature revealed that kin of the

disappeared suffered and were known to be prone to several psychological and social

difficulties as they struggle in understanding and coping with their loss which is ambiguous

in nature. The review ends the presentation of the theoretical framework, interpretative

phenomenological analysis (IPA) and its use in the study.

Enforced Disappearances

History of Enforced Disappearances

In Article 2 of the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from

Enforced Disappearance adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations (UN),

enforced or involuntary disappearance is defined as:

the arrest, detention, abduction or any other form of deprivation of liberty by

agents of the State or by persons or groups of persons acting with the

authorization, support or acquiescence of the State, followed by a refusal to

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acknowledge the deprivation of liberty or by concealment of the fate or

whereabouts of the disappeared person, which place such a person outside the

protection of the law (United Nations High Commission on Human Rights[UNHCHR], 2006).

The roots of the enforced disappearance practices can be traced back during the

World War II. In December 1941, the German Nazi regime issued a decree called Nacht und

Nebel (Night and Fog), a strategy aimed to make arrests by secret forces without any legal

notice. According to the decree, relatives were to be left uncertain about the fate of the

victim. This established the practice of enforced disappearances and it proved to be an

effective measure as it presented more horror and fear than that of the death penalty

(Seidensticker, 2010). Kietel, the person in-charge with the implementation of the Nacht und

Nebel decree explained, efficient and enduring intimidation can only be achieved either by

capital punishment or by measures by which the relatives of the criminal and the population

do not know the fate of the criminal (as cited in Finucane, 2010). Through this tool, the

alleged and actual threat against the regime or administration is effectively silenced.

The Nazi regime provided an exemplar for such military practice and since then,

thousands of people have become victims of enforced disappearance all over the world.

Seidensticker (2010) stated the UN Working Group on Disappearances gave an account of

more than 50,000 cases from 90 countries with which the working group assumed a high

degree of underreporting, especially from countries in armed conflict. During the 70s, this

military practice became rampant in many countries in Latin America such as Argentina,

Chile, and Colombia. Also during that same decade, Philippines President Ferdinand Marcos

declared Martial Law and made full use of the military which resulted to hundred of cases of

enforced disappearances and other human rights violations.

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Past and Present: Disappearances in the Philippines

In the Philippines, the military practice of enforced disappearances started during the

administration of Ferdinand Marcos. A year before Marcos mounted himself as a dictator, the

very first documented case of enforced disappearance was recorded. On the 19th of March

1971, Charlie de Rosario, a professor of the Polytechnic University of the Philippines and a

Secretary-General of an activist group Kabataang Makabayan, disappeared (Isaac, 2008).

This was followed by several abductions of prominent leaders among the left-leaning

organizations. After Martial Law was declared, the Marcos dictatorship and the military

gained more power over the people. Hence, the political repression was at its height. Many

were forced to go underground and the number of human right violations spiked. An

organization called Families of Victims of Involuntary Disappearance (FIND) was able to

document 860 cases of enforced disappearances during the Marcos regime (Isaac, 2008).

In 1986, the People Power Revolution ousted the dictator and shed new light for the

country. It was during the Aquino administration when the Commission on Human Rights

(CHR) was founded. Despite promising the restoration of freedom during the Aquino

administration, the performance of human rights organizations showed slight improvement.

A total of 821 reported cases and 621 documented cases were made (FIND, 2010). Under the

Ramos administration however, the numbers were reduced to 87 cases. In the succeeding

administration which lasted for three years after Estrada was ousted, documented cases

further declined to 58 cases (FIND, 2010).

After the ouster of Estrada, Arroyo assumed the presidency. The administration

seemed to be a newfound hope for the country at the on set. It, however, became the total

opposite after the administration became involved in corruption and electoral fraud. These

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political dilemmas have brought the Arroyo administration oppositions from many political

and social factions and parties. As a result, the Arroyo administrations stability was in peril.

There were many attempts of coup dtat to take over the government and rallies to demand

for her resignation. As a response to these problems, Arroyo relied on its allies in the Armed

Forces of the Philippines (AFP) to ensure the administrations survival and to end

insurgency. With the administrations campaign against insurgency, human rights violations

escalated once more. The violations were not only limited among actual and suspected

activists but also included human rights defenders, non-government organization (NGO)

workers, children and media men (Hilao-Enriquez, 2005). As for the number of enforced

disappearance incidents, there was a significant increase in number. According to FIND,

there were 304 reported cases and 168 documented cases. For the first year of the Aquino

administration, FIND has documented four cases of enforced disappearances.

In the current political context, however, the Philippine government showed that the

present administration strives to answer the needs of the victims of human rights violations

and to end state terrorism. Organizations like FIND, Desaparecidos, Asian Federation

Against Involuntary Disappearances (AFAD) and Karapatan have been lobbying in the

Congress and Senate for a law against enforced disappearances. In June 2011, the Senate Bill

No. 2817 or the Enforced or Involuntary Disappearance Act of 2011 was presented but it is

yet to be signed and enacted by the President. Furthermore, the president has yet to sign and

ratify the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced

Disappearance.

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The Disappeared

The victims of enforced disappearance is called as the disappeared or

desaparecidos. The term was first used in Latin America during the 1960s to describe

people who were abducted and vanished without leaving any trace. Most of the disappeared

are members of left-leaning groups, human rights defenders, lawyers, NGO workers and

media men. They are usually abducted to intimidate and silence opposition groups since they

post threat to the government. The practice of enforced disappearance usually happens

through the aid of military or paramilitary groups assigned by the government or an official

to abduct an alleged or proven activist against the government. During the abduction and

detention, the disappeared suffers different kinds of torture as the perpetuators also use these

methods to punish the disappeared and to extract information about his or her activities and

organization.

There are three major categories of the disappeared still missing, surfaced alive,

surfaced dead(FIND, 1998). The categorystill missingis composed of disappeared victims

who has yet to surface whilesurfaced alive are those who appeared after 48 hours or more in

a detention camp or is set free. The disappeared victim who surfaced dead after 48 hours or

more are those classified assurfaced dead. The so called salvaging practice, killing of

prisoners or political dissenter after severe torture, falls in this category (Amnesty

International, 1982). A special type under the third category was also made to accommodate

the continuing search for the disappeared. This type is called exhumed victims. Most of the

disappeared are categorized as still missing and very few have surfaced. In latest the Human

Rights report in the Philippines, from 1971 to 2010, there are about 2131 reported cases and

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of which 1785 were documented. Of the 1785 documented cases, 1,114 are classified as still

missing, 418 have surfaced alive and 253 were found dead.

The Experience of Loss and the Families of the Disappeared

Loss is one of the major experiences that humans undergo throughout their lives. It is

a state, by which a person is deprived of something one has had or the failure to keep or have

something (Humphrey and Zimpfer, 1996). Freud (1971) stated that experience of loss,

which he then named melancholia, is the removal of attachment to the lost object (as cited in

Littlewood, 1992) and when these ties are broken, humans respond to it with anxiety and

protest (Bowlby, 1980). Following the loss is the occurrence of grief, an experience of pain

and suffering. Both loss and grief cause the bereaved to experience psychological conflict.

Individual functioning is affected and emotional turmoil ensues, as the grieving is stripped of

security and safety and personal boundaries becomes indistinguishable.

Typically, when people experience a loss, they undergo a grieving process to enable

them to adapt and recover. However, the kin of the disappeared experience loss that is

different from the normal clear-cut loss. There is more clarity and the opportunity to honor

and dispose remains (Boss, 2004) and letting go is unattainable unless those who were left

behind participate in the honoring practices and farewell rituals that begin the process of

detachment (Bowbly, 1980) for clear-cut losses. Having the remains and honoring it are

requirements for proper grieving, as it paradoxically enables people to let go of the departed

(Boss, 2002). Since the whereabouts of the body is uncertain, such in the case of enforced

disappearances, mourning rituals are not performed (Blaauw and Lhteenmki, 2002). P

erez-Sales, Duran-Perez, and Herzfeld (2000) noted that the process of grieving for a

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measurable fraction of the relatives of the disappeared is incomplete due to their unusual

circumstance (as cited in Blaauw and Lhteenmki, 2002). Families of the disappeared who

experience ambiguous loss are left in a state of limbo where members have no choice but to

live with the paradox of absence and presence (Boss, 2006) and live with frozen grief (Boss,

2004).

Ambiguous Loss

In 1975, Boss coined the term ambiguous loss to refer to a phenomenon which

involves unclear loss situation which arises from unavailability of information regarding

whether a loved one is dead or alive, absent or present (Boss, 1999). The phenomenon of

ambiguous loss can occur in two different situations. In the first situation, a loved one is

physically present but mentally absent such as the case of families of Alzheimer patients. The

second situation of ambiguous loss happens when a loved on is physically absent but kept

psychologically present because his or her status as dead or alive is unavailable (Boss, 2004).

In the case of the families of the disappeared, their experience of ambiguous loss falls within

the second category.

The phenomenon of ambiguous loss generates a high degree anxiety and distress on

the grieving. It impedes emotional understanding and coping mechanisms; thus prompting

the grieving to deny the loss and to continue hoping. The process of grieving, in ambiguous

loss, is blocked; hence resolution and recovery can never be attained (Boss, 2006).

Consequently, the grieving person or family is immobilized. Situations of ambiguous loss

can further bring more crises to the grieving. It can create psychological problems when they

lead to feelings of helplessness, depression, and anxiety, relationship conflict, and

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somatization and can become sociological and structural problems for families when they

lead to boundary ambiguity (Caroll et al, 2010; Boss, 2002; Boss, 2006). The occurrence of

these negative consequences is brought about by several reasons: ambiguity is confusing;

cognitive grasp of the loss is unachievable and uncertainty of the loss loved ones return

hampers the reconstruction of the family (Boss, 2002).

Impact on those who were left behind

The goal of enforced disappearance is to inflict terror and to silence not only the

direct victims but also the relatives and friends of the disappeared. Similar to the experience

of the victim, the ripple effect of being a family of disappeared persons is profound (Sluzki,

1990). The family of the disappeared feels the same permanent experience that the

disappeared underwent. Furthermore, they undertake additional burdens of ambiguous loss.

The family members of those who disappeared are distressed and their emotional,

cognitive and behavioral functioning is affected. In a controlled study in Honduras, Quirk, G.

and Casco, L. (1994) showed that families of disappeared persons experienced twice as many

stress-related symptoms as compared to families of accident victims and families which have

not experienced a death of member in the last ten years. A range of studies (Boss,

2004, 2006) have indicated that situations of ambiguous loss predict

symptoms of depression, anxiety, and family conflict. Their experiences

include prolonged inability to accept disappearance, continuous yearning, persistent

flashbacks, and intrusive memories, extreme anger, anxiety, impaired functioning and

psychosomatic ailments (Moraleda et. al, 2011).

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However, each individual in the family responds to the event differently. Spouses of

the disappeared are burdened to handle personal emotional demands and familial

responsibility. Afflicted by depression, anxiety and haplessness, they are required to adapt

and adjust quickly with the loss. They, especially for homemakers, are overwhelmed with the

two tasks that they have to fulfill doing their maternal roles and making up for the loss of

the father. They also become the sole breadwinner of their family. However, for those who

do not have the means or capability to provide, that tasks become allocated to the older

children. In the cultures like Nepal and Timor-Leste, wives anchor their status with their

husbands and with the disappearance, their status also precipitate. They are usually

considered by their in-laws as another mouth to feed (Robins, 2009). To cope, they opt to

remarry even though it causes them anguish over being stigmatized by their community

(Robins, 2010).

De Young and Buzzi (2003) stated that parents of children who were abducted or

murdered often blame themselves for the loss. This is similar to the experience of parents of

the disappeared (Amnesty International, 1979). The guilt arises from the notion that they

should be able to protect their children. As a means for coping, they start to search

obsessively for the child with their beliefs that their child is alive and that they can still

provide protection.

Children are equally affected. In a study conducted by Estrada-Claudio, Bartolome

and Dalisay in 1991 about children exposed in armed conflict, children were found to be in

constant state of stress. They experience a multitude of psychological and social difficulties

caused by the stress. Children of the disappeared are considered children caught in armed

conflict experiences the same dilemma. The effects of disappearance strip the protection and

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security in the family such that children are rendered vulnerable. They are denied to

experience the love and care of their parents and to grow normally (Moraleda et al., 2011).

They have been found to suffer the psychological trauma of abandonment, loneliness,

insecurity and permanent sense of fear (Amnesty International, 1979). In the study in Chile,

the statistics show that 70 percent among the children of the disappeared experienced

depression, 78 percent showed symptoms from social isolation and 78 percent had high

levels of fear generated by environmental stimuli such as sight of uniformed men and sirens

(Allodi, 1979a). The incidence of behavioral crises is also apparent among children.

Regressive behavior, diminished school performance and excessive dependence on their

living parent are often the behavioral manifestation of their loss (Allodi, 1979a). In the case

study of Sluzki (1990), there was also a presentation of cognitive discord between reality and

far-fetched beliefs regarding the disappeared among children. As for physical manifestation,

children also exhibited symptoms of loss of appetite, loss of weight and deprived of sleep.

Psycho-physiological problems usually result from the implicitly stressful conditions

(Estrada et al, 1991). Sluzki (1990) stated that somatic symptoms display an inexpressible

emotional anguish stemming from the loss. Marzolla study in 1979 reflected the same results,

as these somatic symptoms were also observed in Argentine families. Furthermore, the

drawings of the Argentine children illustrated distorted image of family structure (as cited in

Amnesty International, 1979) depicting the childrens personal perceptions of families and

their experiences.

In the absence of both parents, as both disappeared, the relatives act as the guardian

for the children (Sluzki, 1990). The eldest child or older children may also opt to be the

caretakers of their younger siblings (Amnesty International, 1979). As result, they are forced

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to grow more mature than children of their age. Moreover, the disappearance takes away not

only their parents but also their future as they would have their plans, hopes and dreams

suspended for the welfare of their siblings.

As a group, the family of the disappeared appeared to have an unusual dynamics and

response on dealing with the loss. Families of the disappeared are stigmatized by the

community and experience shame, tension and conflict. Robins (2009) stated that the

stigmatization is due to the communitys perceived association, factual or not, with leftist

group as in the case in Nepal, victims are linked to the Maoist group. It is assumed that the

disappeared member had been guilty of activities against the government. The public often

has an untoward stance and indifference on those who were left behind, albeit, the sufferings

of the families of the disappeared. Moreover, to admit and recognize their loss exposes them

to feeling intense shame, helplessness and fear (Sluzki, 1997). Aside from the external

factors, the family also struggles daily to keep the disappeared alive in their memory

(Amnesty International, 1979). This is due to the assumption that without proof of the death,

the disappeared is still alive.

It was also found out that families of the disappeared adopt the mystifying and

secretive style of the political regime a code of silence, toward their daily lives (Droeven &

Crescini, 1987, as cited in Sluzki, 1990). The system followed by the family, whether

externally or internally ascribed, ensures silence. The families inaction and silence was due

to the perceptions of the military and fear of inadvertently causing the death of their loved

ones by speaking up (Amnesty International, 1979). This continues until an opportunity for

them to speak without apprehensions happens. Within the family, many older family

members have sought to prevent children from learning the truth and thus, telling children

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different reasons to answer for the absence of the missing parent (Robins, 2009).

Furthermore, family members of the disappeared utilized euphemisms and semantic code in

their means to communicate political taboos and emotionally loaded issues (Sluzki, 1997).

The structural stability of the family is also threatened. The confusing nature of

ambiguous loss and the lack of information about the situation of the disappeared member

place the family in dilemma of choosing between change and retention of its shape (Sluzki,

1990). The unclear situations not knowing who is in and out of the family (Boss, 2004)

hampers the ability of the family to make decisions regarding roles and rules that will govern

the family system.

In summary, previous studies provide a roster of effects brought about by the

disappearance, the ambiguous loss experience of the family. The literature appears to be

inadequate since studies about the second type of ambiguous loss especially, the ones due to

enforced disappearance or other human rights violations are often overlooked. However, it

still enlightens and emphasizes the importance of understanding the experience of ambiguous

loss in this context and its impact on peoples lives. It also provides a baseline for this study.

With the limited literature gathered, a major bulk of the literature focused much attention on

having a list of effects and on the impact on children and wives who were left behind. Little

is known about the how the individuals involved make sense of the experience and about the

experience of other family members and of the family as a whole. There were only two

studies that provided insights about its impact on the family and other members.

Furthermore, most of the studies were conducted mostly abroad particularly in Argentina,

Nepal and Timor-Leste. In the Philippines, there was also very little literature. The center of

the studies was mostly about children in armed conflict; thus, this includes direct or indirect

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victims of political violence and human rights violations. The concerns about those exposed

in enforced disappearance were not clarified. The other two resources about effects and

experience of the disappearance were based only on encounters during rehabilitation

workshops. There appears to be a need to research on the topic further.

Theoretical Framework

The limited studies from both international and local fields and the failure to examine

other subjects, such as other family members and the family as a unit, and their experience

and influence appear to be the gaps in the literature. Given these gaps, the researcher

proposes a phenomenological means to understand the experience of ambiguous loss of

families of the disappeared. It is the intent of this study to examine the whole phenomenon

from the participants unique frame of reference and to have an in-depth analysis about it.

Therefore, among the phenomenological approaches, the researcher believes that

interpretative phenomenological analysis should be used, as it provides the right framework

and methodological tools to tackle such complex phenomenon.

Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis

IPA and its theoretical underpinnings

Unlike the established quantitative and deductive psychological research approaches,

Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) is a version of the phenomenological

approach that is concerned with rigorous exploration of subjective experiences with

implications of the participants view and the researchers own view of world (Smith et al,

2009). Phenomenology and the attempt to build a science of consciousness, hermeneutics,

which concerns interpretation, are the theoretical touchstones of IPA (Smith & Osborn,

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2003). It is also influenced by symbolic-interaction approach, which involves how meanings

are constructed by individuals within both a social and a personal world (Smith et al, 2009).

This concept is drawn from the belief that human beings interpret and understand their world

by creating their own biographical stories into a form that meaningful to them; hence, they

are active and involved perceivers in an objective reality (Brocki & Wearden, 2006).

IPA is considered phenomenological as it concern with individuals perceptions of

objects or events, as opposed to an attempt to produce an objective statement of the object or

event itself (Smith & Osborn, 2003) and thus, grasping the insiders perspective of the

phenomenon in question. Both Husserls and Heideggers phenomenological perspective

provided ideas to understand the lived experience. Husserls perspective proposed that

focusing our experiencing gazes inwards in our own psychic life necessarily takes place

through reflection (as cited in Smith et.al, 2009 and in Shinebourne, 2011). As applied in

IPA, researcher systematically and attentively reflects on lived experiences. As for

Heideggers influence, he asserts that persons are embodied and embedded in the world and

the meaning of the phenomenon lies in the interpretation. Hence, in the context of

psychology, IPA operates within these intellectual flows of phenomenology to understand the

insiders perspective of the experience and the meanings attributed to these experiences

(Shinebourne, 2011).

In relation to this, the participants lived experience is coupled with a subjective and

reflective process of interpretation, in which the analyst explicitly enters into the research

process (Reid et al, 2005). Smith et al (2009) asserts that it is possible to combine a

hermeneutic of empathy with a hermeneutic of questioning so long as it serves to draw out

or disclose the meaning of the experience. For this reason, the interpretation in IPA

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involves two stages, a double hermeneutics the interpretation of the researcher regarding

the participants understanding of his or her world and the participant interpretation of his or

her own world (Smith & Osborn, 2008).

Characteristics of IPA

There are three characteristics of IPA idiographic, inductive and interrogative. It is

an idiograpghic approach, as it aims for an in-depth and fine-grained analysis of a particular

instance (Shinebourne, 2011). This implies that in an IPA study, the researcher will be using

a sample size in order to for detailed analysis to be feasible. Thus, according to Smith,

individuals can become a unit of study, since they offer a unique perception as they engage in

the phenomenon. In such case, it is common to see a single case-study or studies of small

group cases.

Like other qualitative approaches, IPA is an inductive process (Smith, 2004). Instead

of inquiring about hypothesis based on established and existent literature, it is an approach

that allows unpredicted data to materialize in the study. Unrestrained by hypothesis testing,

extensive and detailed data can be uncovered. Also, like other research approaches, IPA is

interrogative, as it aims to contribute to the psychological body of knowledge. The in-depth

and emerging data is used to interrogate or illuminate extant studies and theories (Smith,

2004).

IPA and the current study

IPA provides the right theoretical outline for the study as it provides the researcher

and the participants to see through the phenomenon as seen in the participants perspective

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and context. Using IPA, ambiguous loss is framed as the phenomenon in question and the

incident of enforced disappearance becomes the context with which the family operates.

Seeing ambiguous loss as phenomenon connotes that it consists of facets of experiences

which interlocks and influence each other. Such complexity entails the researcher and the

individual to dive into the experience. Staying true to IPAs idiographic commitment, this is

done through eliciting in-depth information from the individual as he or she and the family

was engaged in the experience of ambiguous loss. Embedded in their lived experiences are

their views about the incident, personal reactions and behaviors, family dynamics and

influence and social environment. Besides inquiring about each facet that may influence the

individuals experience, the researcher will also see how these experiences unfold within the

family and across time. Hence, the whole process, including their affect, cognitions and

behaviors and the meaning of the experience becomes unveiled.

In order to comprehend the dynamics of the phenomenon, the researcher will need to

perceive the experiences through the lens of the individuals involved and through their

process of meaning making. For instance, a family member of the disappeared may harbor

feelings of being victimized. This is how the participant makes sense of their situation and

the researcher moves into an interpretative stance while still grounded in the participants

statements.

Statement of the Problem

The proposed study asks, What is the subjective experience of ambiguous loss of

Filipino families of the disappeared? The research problem is stated in such a way that it

encompasses the three main domains the experience of loss in situations like enforced

disappearance, the experience from the Filipino context and the experience of loss as

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experienced by a group, in this case, a family. As such, the following research sub-questions

are asked:

1. How do Filipino families make sense of their ambiguous loss?

2. How do they experience the psychological consequences of ambiguous loss?

3. How do they cope as they deal with the ambiguous loss?

Significance of the Study

This study hopes to contribute to the awareness of ambiguous loss in the context of

enforced disappearance as a social problem and a counseling predicament. By defining and

highlighting ambiguous loss and its effects, the difference between normal and ambiguous

loss is acknowledged. As social problem, the study attempts to raise awareness to the public

about the special case of such predicament. It allows the voice of a stigmatized group to be

heard and be recognized amidst the alleged opinion on the victims and their families. As a

counseling problem, the study aim to provide therapists groundwork in understanding the

experience of ambiguous loss in the context of families of the disappeared and Filipino

perspective. It will provide a different theoretical basis and therapeutic route to address

ambiguous loss case than the traditional use grief resolution work and PTSD intervention,

which do not fit such cases. Also, it may provide new insights regarding therapy of grieving

families and new implications about the Filipino grieving rituals and process. The application

of the results may eventually lead to practical contributions and implications to service

providers, health professionals, social workers and human rights organizations.

As for its theoretical significance, the study aims to add new information in the body

of knowledge regarding the topic and to address the gap between the literature and practice.

First, it aims to attend to comprehending the experience of loss among the families of the

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disappeared since few literatures have been published about it here and abroad. Second, the

study intends to explore and understand loss and grief from a stand point of a group a family

and from the Filipino culture. There have been many studies regarding individual

experiences but few for relational cases. Lastly, the study hopes to provide a foundation in

understanding other forms bereavement.

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CHAPTER II

METHOD

The whole inquiry process is outlined in this chapter. This comprises information

about the participants, process of selection and its criteria, method and instrument that will be

used in the conduct of this investigation. This study, which will be qualitative in nature, will

consist of semi-structured interviews with family members who have experienced ambiguous

loss due to the enforced disappearances. Following the essential information about the

participants, a section on the details about the data-gathering procedure and analysis

interpretative phenomenological analysis is also presented. Also in this section, a discussion

will be dedicated to the ethical considerations that will be observed in the study. Finally,

limitations of the study are also presented.

Participants

In line with the IPA framework, the participants of this study will be purposively

selected as this will provide homogenous sample. IPA aim is to select participants based on

their experience of the phenomenon in order to elucidate and understand a particular research

inquiry, and to develop a full and detailed interpretation of the data (Brocki and Wearden,

2006). Hence, to achieve this, the researcher will opt to have a small sample size. It is

suggested that 5-10 respondents will be enough for an IPA study (Smith & Osborne, 2003).

Participants will be recruited through the assistance of different human rights

organizations which deals with victims and families of enforced disappearance. From these

organizations, the researcher will request a list of families of victims from which information

regarding the year of the incident, family members, home addresses and other relevant facts

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about the disappeared will be obtained. Only the families who experienced the

disappearances in 2000 to 2010 will be approached. This criterion is due to impact of time.

Tubbs and Boss (2000) emphasized that the family system exist through time and that life

course concerns affect the perception of ambiguity, loss and adaptations and vice versa.

Taking this consideration, the researcher will select participants whose family member

disappeared within the last ten years, as this can be regarded as recent this type of loss.

Furthermore, it is also in this decade that there was a skew in the number of disappearances

in the Philippines as accounted by FIND.

There will be a total of six individual participants which will consist of a

parent/guardian and an adult child or two siblings from three families; hence a set from three

families. Instead of getting one individual per family, the researcher will opt to get a set

parents/guardian and adult child, as this will rope in the possibility of getting information

from two different perspectives. This criterion entails three possible set of participants. First

possible set will be those who lost their spouse or a parent. For their case, the living partner

and one of their children may be considered as participants. The second possibility will be

from cases of families with a disappeared son or daughter. The researcher may pick one

parent and a sibling. Lastly, for cases wherein both parents disappeared, two children may be

counted for the study. A guardian, an extended family member or social worker, may be

considered if available. The researcher aims to have each of the set to provide diversity of

experience; however, the availability of participants may hinder this goal. Hence, any of the

set criteria may be used to complete the three set of participants (or six individual

participants).

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The families will also be chosen according to the years of experience of the loss. It

has been decided that a three year gap after the disappearance for the first family and three

year gap in between the other two families will be used. The gap will account for the

different experiences of families across time. A three year gap was chosen since the

participants will be coming from the last ten years. The gap length is appropriate as it will

provide adequate time spacing for changes in the experiences of the families. Also to be

included, participants must be of legal age. The researcher will deliberately exclude children

from the study, as the procedure may put them in risk of trauma and other psychological

stressors. All information regarding children will be probed from the older family members.

Prospective participants will be offered free counseling and/or a modest honorarium for their

partaking in the study.

Measures

Smith (1995) suggests that semi-structure interviews are employed to gain a

comprehensive image of the respondents reports of a particular subject matter. Furthermore,

this method allows flexibility and opportunities to probe the responses. Hence, individual

interviews, using semi-structured schedule will be the data-gathering tool for this study. The

researcher will develop a semi-structured interview which comprises open-ended questions.

Item questions will center on the experience of loss of families of the disappeared from the

moment of the disappearance to their current state. The questions are formed in a manner

which elicits the experience of loss of the family as a group and not just as an individual

account of the experience. The conduct of the interview will follow a general flow however

the researcher may interject probing questions when the need arises. Variations and

departures from the interview schedule are also allowed provided that the main questions are

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answered and the center of the interview is still the phenomenon in question. The general

flow of the interview is as follows:

Part 1. Details about the family and the disappeared

1. Describe your family. Who are the members of your family? (Maari ninyo bang

ilarawan ang inyong pamilya. Sinu-sino ang mga miyembro ng inyong pamily?)

2. Please describe to me the family member who disappeared. (Maari niyo bang

ilarawan sa akin ang inyong nawawalang ka-anak.)

Part 2. Disappearance

3. Please tell me what happened to your parent/sibling/child. (Maari ninyo bang ikwento

ang mga pangyayari noong nalaman niyong nawawala ang inyong ka-anak.)

4. What was your familys reaction to the news of your parent/child/siblings

disappearance? Individual reactions towards the disappearance? (Ano ang nagging

reaksyon ng inyong pamilya sa balitang pagkawala ng iyong ka-anak? Ano ang

reaksyon ng bawat miyembro?)

5. What did your family feel when you first heard the news about the disappearance?

(Ano ang naramdaman ng buong pamilya noong una ninyong nalaman ang balita

tungkol sa pagkakawala ng inyong ka-anak?)

6. What were you thinking then? (Ano ang inyong mga iniisip noong itoy mangyari?)

7. What were the measures or actions that you did? (Anu-ano ang inyong mga ginawa?)

Part 3: Experience of families across time

8. Can you recount to the events that happened after realizing that one of your family

members disappeared? (Maari niyo bang isalaysay sa akin ang mga pangyayari

matapos niyong mapagtanto na ang inyong ka-anak ay nawawala?)

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9. While looking for the disappeared family member, what were you experiences? How

did your family and its members respond to the situation at this point? (Habang

hinahanap ninyo ang nawawalang ka-anak, anu-anong mga karanasan ang inyong

pinagdaanan? Papaano tumugon ang buong pamilya at ang bawat miyembro sa mga

pangyayari sa puntong iyon?)

10. After (a month/ six months) of searching, what has happened to each member of the

family and the family as a whole? (Pagkalipas ng [isang buwan/ anim na buwan],

ano na nangyrari sa bawat miyembro ng inyong pamilya at sa buong pamilya?)

11. (A year, Three years, Six years) after the disappearance, what has happened to your

family and each member? Please recount the experiences you encountered related to

the disappearance. ([1, 3, 6 na taon] mula noong nawala ang inyong ka-anak, anon a

ang nangyayari sa pamilya niyo at sa mga miyembre nito? Maari niyo bang

isalaysay ang mga karanasan na may kinalaman sa pagkawala ng inyong ka-anak.)

12. What is now happening in your family? (Ano na ang nangyayri sa inyong pamilya

ngayon?)

13. During these times (mention markers/timeline), what were you (family and each

individual) feeling? What were you thinking? How did you act on these situations?

(Sa mga panahong ito [markers/timeline], ano ang naramdaman ng bawat miyembro

at ng buong pamilya? Ano ang nasa isip ninyo? Paano kayo umaksyon o anu-ano

ang inyong mga ginawa?)

14. Was there a closure for your family? If yes, what brought about that closure? If no,

what do you think has keeps you from having a closure and what will give you the

closure that you need? (Mayroon bang closure ang inyong pamilya? Kung meron,

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anong nagdulot para magkaroon kayo ng closure? Kung wala naman, anong

pumipigil sa pagkakaroon ng closure and ano ang magkakapagbibigay ng closure?)

Part 4. Issues encountered

15. What was the effect of the disappearance in your family and its members? How did

this shape your family? Were there any changes? (Ano ang epekto ng pagkakawala

na inyong ka-anak sa inyong pamilya at ang bawat miyembro? Papaano nito

hinubog ang inyong pamilya? Maryoon bang mga pagbabagong naganap?)

16. Were there issues/concerns your family and its member encountered the news of

disappearance? During the (mention markers/timeline), what concerns have you

encountered? (Anu-ano ang mga isyu or problema na naranasan ng inyong pamilya o

ang bawat miyembro noong nawala ang inyong ka-anak? Noong nagtagal

[markers/timeline], mayroon bang mga problemang naranasan ang pamilya?)

17. How did you manage to solve these concerns? (Paano ninyo nagawan ng solusyon

ang mga problemang dumating na dulot ng pagkakawala ng inyong ka-anak?)

Part 5: Meaning of the ambiguous loss and family

18. How did your family see the disappearance/loss when you first found out about the

incident? (Ano ang pagtingin ninyo sa pagka-wala noong una niyo itong nalaman?)

19. How did your family see it now? Was there a change in perception? (Ano na ang

pagtingin niyo ngayon sa pangyayaring iyon? Mayroon bang pagkaka-iba sa

pagtingin noon at sa ngayon?)

20. How do you see your family back then and now? (Ano ang tingingin/pananaw niyo

sa pamilya niyo noon at ngayon?)

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Procedure

Pilot Phase

A pilot interview shall be conducted to ensure the accuracy and effectiveness of the

interview schedule. The researcher will approach a family member of a disappeared and

request for his or her participation for the pilot phase. The participant will undergo the every

procedure that will be used in this study. Results generated from the pilot will be reviewed by

the researcher. During the review of the pilot interview, the researcher will note the questions

that are not effective and appropriate and the possible concerns that could cause negative

impact on the respondents. Changes, adjustment, and improvement will be implemented

during the actual conduct of the interview procedure.

Recruitment

The researcher will contact several human right organizations and seek assistance

from them. A formal request will be given to gain access to the organizations database of

enforced disappearance incidents. Based on the criteria for selection, the researcher will

search for possible participants. Upon completing the selection process, participants will be

contacted though phone call, letter or email. A written or verbal informed consent will be

provided for the possible participants to give them a detailed account of the study. In the

written consent, the aims of the study, methodology and ethical consideration will be

presented. After obtaining the consent, the interview sessions will be scheduled. The

researcher will set the session at a time and place convenient for the participants and at a

setting that is conducive for data-gathering.

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Interview

The interview will take place in the schedule and place of which the participant and

the researcher had agreed upon during the initial contact. The conduct of interview will be as

follows:

The researcher will introduce herself as a counselor who aims to gain understanding

of the experience of ambiguous loss in the context of a disappearance of a family member.

Before the main interview is conducted, the researcher will restate the background of the

study, and provide an overview of the questions to be asked. The researcher will also

encourage the participants to ask clarifications regarding the study. Reassurance of the

confidentiality and professional conduct of the process will also be provided. Furthermore,

the participant will be reminded of his or her right decline an inquiry if he or she feels

uncomfortable providing an answer. After reiterating the details about the study, permission

to record the interview will be solicited.

Subsequent to the initial dialogue, the researcher will commence the main interview.

The entirety of the interview will be in accordance to the planned course of the interview

schedule. Since the topic is emotionally loaded, the researcher will be prepared to manage the

participants predicament when the need arises. If the interview schedule is not interrupted,

the researcher will proceed to debrief the participants and thank them for their time and

contributions. The researcher will also initiate an informal conversation with the participants

before finally terminating the meeting.

The estimated duration of the interview will be at least 90 minutes. A second or third

session may be scheduled, as a possible sudden discontinuation or unexpected situation may

occur.

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Ethical and Psychological Considerations

The level of sensitivity of this study is intense. Hence, the researcher will be mindful

of the conduct of the procedures of the study. There are several concerns that will be

considered during the implementation of the procedures. First, there is a need to help

participants understand the study and a need to secure an informed consent from the

participants. The study will be explained thoroughly to the participants. This is to foster a

better understanding of the participants involvement in the study. Additionally, the informed

consent will remain as the main reminder of rules that govern the methodological procedure

of the study. In this manner, the participant will be aware of his or her rights and that he or

she may able to assert these in uncomfortable circumstances during the interview.

Second procedure concern is the content of the responses. The responses of the

participants may contain political issues and certain personalities involve. This may be

threatening for the families as this will be against personalities in the government. Access to

such information will be handled with caution. To attend to this concern, the researcher may

use codes or concealment of identities and reassure the security of the collected data.

Therefore, a thorough screening of transcribers will be executed.

The last concern is the management of psychological crisis that may occur during the

study. The interview may trigger traumatization or re-traumatization of the participants. It

may also provoke other possible psychological problems like depression, anger and anxiety.

Addressing this situation, the researcher will devise a course of action. The researcher will

also ask a counselor to assist during the interview to handle cases of participant emotional

collapse. An immediate counseling plan will be prepared for this circumstance.

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Preparation for Data Analysis

The researcher will employ psychology students to help transcribe the data. These

transcribers will be screened and will be asked to sign an agreement to ensure security of the

data. All of the interviews will be recorded and transcribed. In IPA, the transcript should be

generally semantic and not prosodic (Smith and Eathough, 2007). Hence, the transcript

should present a detailed recollection of every spoken word, significant reactions such as

laughter and pauses, and other important features worth noting. Once transcribed, the raw

transcript will be sent to the participants for verification and clarification of their responses.

Upon validation, the researcher will prepare the raw transcript for reading and analysis. The

formatted transcript will be read and re-read by the research per case. In this manner, a

thorough review of each case will be made.

Data Analysis

Following the framework for this study, the methodological analysis for IPA will be

the procedure for analysis. Smith provided a four-stage process as a guide for the conduct of

analysis (Willig, 2001). First stage us the researchers initial encounter with the text. This

stage requires the researcher to read each case and notes remarks suggesting his or her initial

insights and observations. The second stage is the identification of meaning units and

creating themes. Here, the researcher conceptualizes a label that reflects the essential

characteristics of the section of the transcript and moves to the third stage which is making

clusters of themes. Lastly, the fourth stage involves organizing a summary table of the

clustered themes. The summary table includes cluster labels, themes, quotations and

references of extracts.

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The whole analysis is an iterative process. The researcher will have to move back and

forth between the stages of the process to secure the integrity of the data and analysis of a

case. Until such time that the researcher reached a saturation point, then the analysis can

move forward to the other cases. After the intensive analysis, an overall integration of themes

across all case will be generated to capture the essential content of the experience of

ambiguous loss in the context of disappearances. A list of master themes will be created out

of the integration of all cases. Patterns of similarities and differences among the experiences

of the families will also be accounted.

Limitations of the Study

Since the study is qualitative in nature, the applicability of the findings is

limited and relevant only among contexts that are similar with the study. The researcher will

also recognize the importance the role of the researcher and the reflexivity procedure. These

methodological aspects will be reported in the study, as it has implications on the validity and

reliability of the method and analysis.

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