Direct versus indirect colonial rule in India: Long term consequences

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Direct verses Indirect Colonial Rule in India: LongTerm Consequences By Lakshmi Iyer Group Charlie: Goh Wei Ming Lee Na Ryung Lee Sze Zhin Nguyen Ai Nhi 1

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Presentation on Direct versus indirect colonial rule in India: Long term consequences

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Page 1: Direct versus indirect colonial rule in India: Long term consequences

Direct  verses  Indirect    Colonial  Rule  in  India:    

Long-­‐Term  Consequences  By  Lakshmi  Iyer  

Group  Charlie:  Goh  Wei  Ming  Lee  Na  Ryung  Lee  Sze  Zhin  Nguyen  Ai  Nhi  

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Research  QuesBon  

• What  are  the  long-­‐term  outcomes  of  areas  that  were  under  direct  BriBsh  Colonial  rule  in  India?  

 • Why  did  NaBve  States  provide  more  public  goods  than  the  BriBsh-­‐ruled  states?  

• What  are  the  paKerns  observed  in  the  postcolonial  period,  when  BriBsh  and  NaBve  States  were  subjected  to  a  uniform  system  of  administraBons?  

 *Na$ve  States:  Areas  of  India  that  were  under  the  administra$on  of  Indian  Kings  rather  than  the  Bri$sh  rulers  

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Research  Finding  

•  The  BriBsh  tended  to  selecBvely  annex  areas  with  high  agricultural  potenBal  

 

•  Directly  ruled  BriBsh  areas  have  persistently  and  significantly  lower  availability  of  public  goods  such  as  schools,  health  centers  and  roads  in  the  postcolonial  period  

•  Gap  between  direct  and  indirect  ruled  areas  on  human  and  physical  capital  is  expected  to  narrow  over  Bme  

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Timeline  

*Doctrine  of  Lapse:  Annexed  several  na$ve  states  where  ruler  died  without  a  natural  heir.  

1757:  Beginning  of  the  BriBsh  poliBcal  control  

1947:  End  of  colonial  rule  

1848-­‐1856:  Doctrine  of  Lapse  

1857:  End  of  annexaBon  

1757-­‐1847:  AnnexaBon  (SelecBve  annexaBon)    

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Direct  vs  Indirect  Colonial  Rule  

•  Direct  Colonial  Rule  -­‐  Excessive  taxaBon  to  extract  the  colony’s  resources  to  the  benefit  of  the  colonial  power  

Colonial  rulers  are  not  intending  to  seKle  over  the  long  term  -­‐  Poorly  protected  property  rights  -­‐  Insufficient  focus  on  Investment  

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•  Indirect  Colonial  Rule  (Na<ve  States)  

Ruling  families  of  the  naBve  states  were  acBve  in  the  poliBcs    

-­‐  PoliBcal  pressure  to  provide  public  goods    

-­‐  BeKer  incenBves  to  provide  public  goods    

Rulers  were  deposed  if  they  governed  the  state  badly  

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OLS  esBmates  of  the  impact  of  direct  colonial  rule  

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Yi:    an  outcome  variable  for  district  i      -­‐  agricultural  investments  and  producBvity    -­‐  public  goods  levels  

Briti:    a  dummy  for  whether  the  district  was  part  of    (directly  ruled)  BriBsh  Empire  

Xi:    other  district  characterisBcs  (mainly  geography)      i:    error  term      

ɛ  

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BriBsh  directly  ruled  areas  have  more  agricultural  investments  and  producBvity.  In  other  words,  the  impact  of  BriBsh  direct  rule  on  agricultural  investment  and  producBvity  is  posi<ve  and  significant.  

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OLS  esBmates  of  the  impact  of  direct  colonial  rule  

Bri<sh  Annexed  Areas    

Selec<ve  Annexa<on      

Higher  Agricultural  Investment    

•  Endogeneity:  -­‐BriBsh  annex  the  areas  with  the  greatest  agricultural  potenBal    à OveresBmate    -­‐BriBsh  annex  the  areas  with  the  least  agricultural  potenBal  à  UnderesBmate    

β  

β  

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BriBsh  annexaBon  policy  was  selecBve  and  geared  toward  picking  the  areas  with  more  potenBal  for  agriculture.    

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OLS  esBmates  of  the  impact  of  direct  colonial  rule  

•  How  to  deal  with  endogeneity?  à  IV:  Exogenous  determinant  of  annexaBon  (Doctrine  of  lapse)  

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Bri<sh  Annexed  Areas    

Selec<ve  Annexa<on      

Higher  Agricultural  Investment    

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Areas  annexed  through  either  cession,  misrule,  or  conquest  had  higher  agricultural  producBvity  than  areas  annexed  due  

to  lapse,  or  death  of  a  naBve  ruler  without  heir   11  

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Recall  Historical  Development  

Doctrine  of  Lapse  (IV):    •  Areas  where  ruler  died  without  a  natural  heir  were  annexed    •  Unexpected  event  for  naBve  states    •  Valid  exogenous  determinant  of  BriBsh  annexaBon  since  it  is  a  maKer  of  circumstance  rather  than  caused  by  systemaBc  factors  that  might  also  affect  long  term  outcomes.      

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1757:  Beginning  of  the  BriBsh  poliBcal  control  

1947:  End  of  colonial  rule  

1848-­‐1856:  Doctrine  of  Lapse  

1857:  End  of  annexaBon  

1757-­‐1847:  AnnexaBon  (SelecBve  annexaBon)    

Instrumental  Variable  

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Lapse  =  1  if  the  naBve  state  was  not  annexed  before  1848  and  the  ruler  died  without  a  natural  heir  between  1848  and  1856.    Lapse  =  0  if  the  naBve  state  was  not  annexed  before  1848  and  such  a  death  did  not  occur  during  the  period.    

Earlier:  

Introduced  Lapse  as  IV:  

Instrumental  Variable  

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IV  is  staBsBcally  significant  predictor  of  Brit  dummy  during  the  Bme  when  the  doctrine  was  in  force.  

Geographical  variables  do  not  predict  BriBsh  AnnexaBon  during  the  period  when  the  doctrine  was  in  force  

InteracBon  between  ruler  died  without  heir  and  ruler  died  during  the  period  

IV  is  relevant:  Cov  (z,  x)  =  Cov  (Lapse,  Brit)  ≠  0   14  

1848-­‐1856:  Doctrine  of  Lapse  

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Comparing  Lapse-­‐annexed  areas  with  naBve  states,  IV  esBmates  shows  that  Lapse-­‐annexed  areas  have  no  significant  advantages  over  directly  ruled  areas    

Evidence  of  Selec<ve  Annexa<on:  The  difference  in  significance  between  Full  Sample  OLS  and  Post-­‐1847  Sample  OLS  results  suggests  a  high  degree  of  selecBvity  in  BriBsh  annexaBon  policy.  High  quality  areas  for  agriculture  output  were  annexed   15  

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List  of  Possible  OmiTed  Variables  and  Findings    (1)   Was  the  Doctrine  of  Lapse  tailored  toward  acquiring  naBve  states  with  certain  characterisBcs?  •  No  historical  evidence  supports  that  the  doctrine  was  put  in  place  to  obtain  any  specific  states  (no  selec<ve  annexa<on)    

(2)   Was  the  death  of  certain  rulers  caused  deliberately  by  the  BriBsh?  •  The  death  of  certain  rulers  was  not  caused  by  the  BriBsh  and  the  colonials  were  not  suspicious  of  the  bona  fide  of  natural  heirs  

(3)   Is  it  possible  that  the  event  of  a  ruler  dying  without  an  heir  might  reflect  some  characterisBcs  of  the  areas  or  of  the  ruling  family,  which  might  arguably  affect  long  term  outcome  directly?  •  Regressions  was  rerun  by  the  author  but  results  are  staBsBcally  insignificant  

 

Validity  Of  IV    

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List  of  Possible  OmiTed  Variables  and  Findings    

(4)  Did  ruler  death  without  natural  heirs  has  any  long  term  impact  on  public  goods  availability  without  BriBsh  annexaBon?  •  The  author  used  a  fake  instrument  and  results  are  staBsBcally  insignificant.  

(5)  Was  the  territories  annexed  by  lapse  were  administered  differently  compared  to  areas  annexed  by  other  means?  •  No.  The  lapsed  areas  were  added  to  exisBng  BriBsh  provinces  and  bought  under  the  prevailing  administraBve  system  in  those  provinces.    

 Conclusion:    •  Cov  (z,  u)  =  Cov  (Lapse,  u)  =  0  (Exogenous)  •  Robustness  checks  support  that  BriBsh  rule  had  significant  negaBve  impact  on  the  availability  of  public  goods  in  the  postcolonial  period  

Validity  Of  IV    

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Results  (mean  of  1981  and  1991)  

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Since  end  of  colonial  rule  in  1947..  •  Persistent  negaBve  impact  of  direct  BriBsh  rule  on  availability  of  overall  public  goods  •  Especially  middle  school,  health  centres  and  roads  

yi    %  of  villages  having  public  goods    

Briti  Post-­‐1847  

Sample  OLS  

Briti  Post-­‐1847  

Sample  IV  

Primary  School   -­‐0.007   -­‐0.011  

Middle  School   -­‐0.047   -­‐0.091**  

High  School   -­‐0.061*   -­‐0.065  

Primary  Health  Centre  

-­‐0.015*   -­‐0.031**  

Primary  Health  Subcentre  

-­‐0.007   -­‐0.053**  

Canals   -­‐0.024*   -­‐0.043  

Roads   -­‐0.010   -­‐0.198***  

Combined  Public  Goods  

-­‐0.026   -­‐0.075***  

Controlled  for  geographical  factors  

Results  (mean  of  1981  and  1991)  

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     •  Long  term  impact  on  development  outcomes  

Results  (mean  of  1981  and  1991)  

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•  Significantly  higher  infant  mortality  rates  and  poverty  •  Significantly  lower  level  of  consumpBon  inequality  •  No  significant  difference  in  literary  rates  =>  difference  in  primary  schools  no  longer  significant  

Health  and  Educa<on  Outcomes  

Briti  Full  

Sample  OLS  

Briti  Post-­‐1847  

Sample  IV  

Literacy  Rate   0.017   0.019  

Infant  Mortality  Rate,  1981  

-­‐0.481   37.35**  

Infant  Mortality  Rate,  1991  

-­‐0.772   26.87**  

Poverty,  1983   0.093**   0.223**  

Poverty,  1987   0.048   0.139**  

Poverty,  1993   0.066*   0.123***  

Inequality,  1983   -­‐0.021*   -­‐0.064***  

Inequality,  1987   -­‐0.011   -­‐0.045*  

Inequality,  1993   0.002   -­‐0.079**  

Results  (mean  of  1981  and  1991)  

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• With  the  persistent  long-­‐term  impact  of  colonial  rule,  the  gap  between  areas  with  direct  and  indirect  BriBsh  rule  is  expected  to  conBnue  to  widen.  •  Eventually,  as  access  to  public  goods  is  fully  equalised,  we  will  expect  to  see  a  convergence  effect  on  public  goods  

Beyond  1991  

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n+δ  

k  

ϒakα-­‐1  

kbriBsh   knaBve  

𝑘 briBsh  𝑘 naBve  

K*ss  

Convergence  

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Why  did  the  NaBve  States  provide  more  Public  Goods?  

•  Type  of  land  revenue  system  -­‐  Similar  land  revenue  systems  between  BriBsh  and  naBve  states  à  Not  a  reason  -­‐  Within  BriBsh  states,  culBvator-­‐based  land  revenue  system  (more  equitable)  associated  with  beKer  outcomes,  relaBve  to  landlord-­‐based  system  

•  IncenBves  of  administrators  -­‐  Kings  have  longer  tenures  -­‐  Kings  are  liable  to  be  deposed  for  poor  governance  

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•  Colonialism  has  a  long  term  economic  impact  •  In  the  context  of  India,  it  has  long  term  hindering  effects  

•  Can  colonialism  bring  any  posiBve  long  term  economic  impact?  -­‐  Singapore  and  Hong  Kong  enjoy  a  long  term  posiBve  

impact  of  colonializaBon    

•  Why  is  there  a  difference?  -­‐  UlBmate  cause:  Difference  in  the  objecBves  of  colonial  

insBtuBons  

Conclusion  

QuesBon  

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ColonializaBon    

ExploitaBon  Colonialism      India  

SeKler  Colonialism      Singapore  

To  exploit  natural  resources  and  naBve  populaBon  

To  establish  a  geographically  strategic  trading  locaBon    

Lack  of  investment  in  infrastructure  and  public  good  

Significant  investment  in  infrastructure  and  public  good  

De-­‐ColonializaBon    

Upon  de-­‐colonializaBon,  the  states  of  the  countries  are  different      

Affect  the  governance  and  policies  of  new  insBtuBon      

Affect  the  speed  of  convergence