Did Robert Bork Understate the Competitive Impact of ... · determining which horizontal mergers...
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[ Journal of Law and Economics, vol. 57 (August 2014)]© 2014 by The University of Chicago. All rights reserved. 0022-2186/2014/5703-0028$10.00
Did Robert Bork Understate the Competitive Impact of Mergers? Evidence from
Consummated Mergers
Orley Ashenfelter Princeton UniversityDaniel Hosken U.S. Federal Trade Commission
Matthew Weinberg Drexel University
Abstract
In The Antitrust Paradox, Robert Bork viewed most mergers as either com-petitively neutral or efficiency enhancing. In his view, only mergers creating a dominant firm or monopoly were likely to harm consumers. Bork was especially skeptical of oligopoly concerns resulting from mergers. In this paper, we provide a critique of Bork’s views on merger policy from The Antitrust Paradox. Many of Bork’s recommendations have been implemented over time and have improved merger analysis. Bork’s proposed horizontal merger policy, however, was too permissive. In particular, the empirical record shows that mergers in oligopolis-tic markets can raise consumer prices.
1. Introduction
Merger enforcement by the U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ) and the U.S. Fed-eral Trade Commission (FTC) was extremely aggressive in the 1950s, 1960s, and early 1970s. In The Antitrust Paradox (Bork 1978), Robert Bork argued that U.S. courts and antitrust enforcers of this era were concerned about the consolidation of economic decision making into the hands of a relatively small number of cor-porations and the corresponding decline in the economic importance of small independent businesses (Bork 1978, pp. 202–5). As a result, U.S. merger policy was focused on maintaining low levels of market concentration rather than on determining how specific mergers would change the competitive environment in a market. While courts sometimes acknowledged that mergers could generate ef-ficiencies, efficiencies were not seen as being sufficient to overturn the competi-
The views expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of the Federal Trade Commission. We would like to thank Pauline Ippolito, Paul Pautler, the editors, and a referee for helpful comments.
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tive concerns caused by increased market concentration.1 Moreover, during this time period, the government was remarkably successful in challenging mergers. In United States v. Von’s Grocery Co. (384 U.S. 270 [1966]), the Supreme Court affirmed the FTC’s decision to challenge the merger of two Los Angeles grocery retailers with a combined market share of only 7.5 percent. In summarizing the (then) Supreme Court’s view of horizontal merger policy, Justice Potter Stewart wrote in his dissent to Von’s Grocery that “[t]he sole consistency that I can find is that in litigation under Section 7, the Government always wins” (384 U.S. 301).
By the late 1980s, the burden of proof required of the U.S. antitrust agencies to challenge horizontal mergers had dramatically increased.2 Establishing that a merger would increase market concentration in a well-defined market became the starting place for horizontal merger analysis rather than the end point. To successfully challenge a merger, the government was required to provide the Court with an economic theory that described how the transaction at issue would harm competition and extensive evidence supporting its theory. In addition, the government was now forced to show that market forces, such as expansion by rivals or the entry of new firms, would not be sufficient to maintain competition following a potentially anticompetitive merger. Finally, beginning with the 1984 revision of the Merger Guidelines (U.S. Department of Justice 1984), the U.S. an-titrust agencies formally acknowledged that mergers can generate important eco-nomic efficiencies. While the burden was on the merging parties to show that reductions in marginal costs resulting from the merger would offset the merged firms’ incentive to increase price, the government was now required to rebut an efficiency defense.
This increase in the evidentiary burden placed on the government has substan-tially limited its ability to challenge horizontal mergers. A series of major govern-ment losses of merger cases has led some scholars to conclude that the burden placed on the government is now too severe (Baker and Shapiro 2009). The gov-ernment no longer always wins.
Bork’s The Antitrust Paradox played an important role in moving horizon-tal merger policy from its strict emphasis on market concentration to its cur-rent application as seen in both the modern case law and the Horizontal Merger Guidelines. In The Antitrust Paradox, Bork challenges the logic underlying many prominent merger decisions and more generally, the (then) commonly held be-liefs underlying merger policy. He felt that most mergers were either competi-tively neutral or undertaken to generate economic efficiencies. Because mergers were frequently socially beneficial, Bork believed that merger policy should be much more permissive than it was in the 1960s and 1970s. While he conceded that some mergers could generate market power, Bork believed those problem-
1 For example, the Supreme Court majority opinion in Federal Trade Commission v. Procter & Gamble Co. (386 U.S. 568 [1967]) stated that “[p]ossible economics cannot be used as a defense to illegality. Congress was aware that some mergers which lessen competition may also result in eco-nomics, but it struck the balance in favor of protecting competition” (386 U.S. 580).
2 Kovacic (2003) provides an excellent discussion of the dramatic changes in merger policy and case law that took place between the 1960s and 1980s.
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atic cases were limited to the creation of either a monopoly or a dominant firm. Bork was especially skeptical that mergers could create or exacerbate competitive harm in oligopolistic markets.
While we agree with some of Bork’s critique of merger enforcement circa 1970, we believe that he went too far in dismissing likely competitive harm resulting from mergers that fell short of creating a monopoly or dominant firm. Subse-quent empirical studies examining the price effects of consummated mergers have shown that, contrary to what Bork believed, mergers in oligopolistic mar-kets can increase prices and harm consumers.
The goal of this essay is to evaluate how well the claims Bork made regard-ing mergers in The Antitrust Paradox are supported by the current empirical re-cord. To offer a fair criticism of Bork, however, it is essential to acknowledge how much antitrust analysis generally, and horizontal merger policy in particular, has changed since the publication of The Antitrust Paradox. Thus, we begin by briefly describing the U.S. merger policy to which Bork was responding by highlighting two key Supreme Court decisions from the 1960s: United States v. Von’s Grocery and Federal Trade Commission v. Procter & Gamble. We then discuss Bork’s cri-tique of merger policy and his suggestions for improvements. Next, we describe the dramatic changes in horizontal merger policy that followed the publication of The Antitrust Paradox, because these changes resulted in a very different com-position of mergers both allowed and challenged by U.S. antitrust authorities. Fi-nally, we turn to our review of ex post merger studies to evaluate Bork’s predic-tions regarding how mergers in oligopoly markets have affected competition and the importance of merger efficiencies.
2. Merger Policy prior to The Antitrust Paradox
Antitrust authorities in the United States were very concerned with the growth of large corporations and believed that the diminished role of smaller firms in industries would harm competition. As a result of this concern, antitrust author-ities aggressively challenged both mergers that increased market concentration and expansion by large firms into adjacent markets. The Von’s Grocery case ex-emplifies both the aggressiveness of horizontal merger policy and its focus on market concentration during this era. In 1960, Von’s Grocery, a supermarket chain operating in the greater Los Angeles area, purchased a rival chain, Shop-ping Bag Food Stores. At the time of the merger, Von’s Grocery and Shopping Bag Food Stores had a combined market share of 7.5 percent of grocery sales in Los Angeles, and the 10 largest firms had a collective market share of roughly 50 percent.3 The FTC claimed that the merger would harm competition by increas-ing market concentration in a market undergoing rapid consolidation and sued to block the transaction. The district court denied the FTC’s request to block the merger, and Von’s acquired Shopping Bag Food Stores (Von’s Grocery Co., 384
3 By modern terms, this market does not appear very concentrated. Ellickson (2007) reported that in 1998 the top six supermarket retailers in the average U.S. market captured about 70 percent of industry sales.
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U.S. 270 [1966]). The case was ultimately appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court, which reversed the district court’s decision and forced Von’s to divest the stores it acquired in 1966.
Surprisingly, the majority opinion does not cite evidence showing that the merger of Von’s and Shopping Bag created or enhanced market power, despite hearing the case 6 years after the merger was consummated.4 Instead, in conclud-ing its decision, the Court stated, “It is enough for us that Congress feared that a market marked at the same time by both a continuous decline in the number of small businesses and a large number of mergers would slowly but inevitably gravitate from a market of many small competitors to one dominated by one or a few giants, and competition would thereby be destroyed” (384 U.S. 278). The emphasis on market concentration and concerns of growing concentration in determining which horizontal mergers are likely to cause competitive problems were formalized in the first edition of the Merger Guidelines published by the DOJ in 1968 (U.S. Department of Justice 1968). In its “General Enforcement Pol-icy,” the DOJ stated that “the primary role of Section 7 enforcement is to preserve and promote market structures conducive to competition” (U.S. Department of Justice 1968, sec. 2). The guidelines implemented this policy by providing very explicit market-share thresholds that would likely generate enforcement action by the agency. For example, in a highly concentrated market (defined as one in which the top four firms amount to more than 75 percent of sales), the DOJ stated it would “ordinarily challenge” the merger of two firms each with a 4 per-cent market share and that in markets with a “trend toward concentration,” the DOJ will ordinarily challenge any acquisition by “any firm whose market share amounts to 2% or more” (U.S. Department of Justice 1968, secs. 5 and 7).
Regulators and courts were also concerned that mergers could provide firms with a cost advantage relative to rivals. Perhaps the most famous example of this concern can be seen in the Supreme Court’s 1967 decision in Federal Trade Commission v. Procter & Gamble Co. (386 U.S. 568 [1967]) (often referred to as the Clorox case). In the 1950s Procter & Gamble (P&G) was a very successful manufacturer and marketer of home-cleaning products including laundry deter-gents. However, it did not manufacturer or market a bleach product. In 1957, P&G chose to enter the liquid bleach business by purchasing the Clorox Chem-ical Company, the owner of the most popular bleach brand in the United States, Clorox. The FTC sued to break up the merger, arguing that P&G’s acquisition “might substantially lessen competition or tend to create a monopoly in the pro-duction and sale of household liquid bleaches.” This merger was not challenged because of a traditional vertical or horizontal concern. Instead, the FTC described this merger as a product-extension merger. It was concerned that because P&G was such a powerful producer of products complementary to bleach, the merger would cause the bleach market to become less competitive. The FTC won an
4 Justice Stewart noted in his dissenting opinion that “[t]here is simply no evidence in the record, and the Court makes no attempt to demonstrate that the increment in market share obtained by the combined stores can be equated with an increase in the market power of the combined firm” (384 U.S. 297).
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administrative trial and ordered P&G to divest Clorox. The court of appeals re-versed the FTC’s decision, but on further appeal the Supreme Court ruled in fa-vor of the FTC and forced P&G to divest Clorox.
The Court cited two primary reasons for challenging the merger. First, P&G might have entered the bleach market at some point in the future, and as a very successful producer of consumer products, its threat of entry may (somehow) have limited Clorox’s market power.5 Second, the merger would have allowed P&G to more effectively promote Clorox (through reductions in the cost of ad-vertising), and this decline in promotion costs would have harmed competition by causing entry to be less likely.6 In essence, the Court ruled that merger efficien-cies are illegal if they cause the merged firm’s costs to be so low that rivals cannot profitably enter.
3. Bork’s View of Effective Merger Policy
As he describes in the forward to The Antitrust Paradox, Bork completed his first draft in 1969, shortly after the Supreme Court’s Clorox and Von’s Grocery decisions, and the book reads as a vigorous response to these and other similarly aggressive antitrust actions. Bork frames his analysis of mergers using William-son’s (1968) classic paper that outlines the potential welfare trade-off resulting from horizontal mergers. Using a very simple model, Williamson described how mergers could simultaneously result in cost reductions and reductions in output. Williamson suggested that in determining which mergers to challenge, regula-tors should explicitly trade off the positive productive effects of mergers against the deadweight loss resulting from mergers that increase market power. As we discuss in more detail, Bork did not think that Williamson’s suggested trade-off could be effectively used in practice. However, Bork felt that Williamson’s model provided a very important insight for merger policy: mergers cannot be harmful unless they result in a reduction in output. If the government cannot produce a credible theory of how a merger harms competition, then it should allow the merger to proceed.7 Therefore, the primary focus of merger analysis should focus on determining whether there is a reasonable probability that the specific merger before the agencies will harm competition. While Bork’s policy recommenda-tion seems uncontroversial today, at the time it represented a significant break from a consensus view as seen in the 1968 Merger Guidelines and Von’s Grocery;
5 The Court cites the Federal Trade Commission’s statement that “prior to the merger, the Com-mission found, Procter was the most likely prospective entrant, and absent the merger, would have remained on the periphery, restraining Clorox from exercising its market power” (386 U.S. 575).
6 The Court wrote, “The acquisition may also have the tendency of raising barriers to new entry. The major competitive weapon in the successful marketing of bleach is advertising. Clorox was lim-ited in this area by its relatively small budget and its inability to obtain substantial discounts. . . . Procter would be able to use its volume discounts to advantage in advertising Clorox. Thus, a new entrant would be much more reluctant to face the giant Procter than it would have been to face the smaller Clorox” (386 U.S. 579).
7 “If a practice does not raise a question of output restriction, however, we must assume that its purpose and therefore its effect are either the creation of efficiency or some neutral goal. In that case the practice should be held lawful” (Bork 1978, p. 122).
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that is, showing that a merger either increased concentration or was taking place in a market that was experiencing consolidation was sufficient to show that the merger was anticompetitive.
While Bork conceded that some mergers could create market power and re-duce consumer welfare, he felt that such mergers were limited to those that cre-ated either a monopoly or a dominant firm. He was quite skeptical that mergers would create or enhance competitive problems resulting from oligopoly. For ex-ample, Bork writes, “oligopolistic behavior, to the extent that it exists at all (and I am not persuaded that such behavior exists outside of economics textbooks) rarely results in any significant ability to restrict output” (Bork 1978, p. 221). The difficulty facing regulators was in determining whether to challenge a merger when there was evidence suggesting that a merger would both increase market power and result in important efficiencies. Bork did not think that regulators would be capable of the balancing exercise suggested by Williamson because pre-cisely measuring either deadweight loss or merger efficiencies is extremely diffi-cult in the best of circumstances, and often impossible. A formal balancing exer-cise would require economists to know or estimate “the demand curve over all possibly relevant ranges of output and the marginal cost curve over those same ranges” (Bork 1978, p. 125). The subsequent “trial would then proceed to the measurement of efficiency and restriction of output under an imaginary set of circumstances: what would the net contribution to consumer welfare be if the two firms were merged into one?” (Bork 1978, p. 125). Bork also expressed the (in hindsight, prescient) fear that if courts and regulators attempted to engage in this balancing act, they would focus on only those efficiencies that can be measured, even though those efficiencies may not be the most important.8 Bork argued that the most important merger efficiencies, such as the transfer of assets to more ca-pable management, would not be considered valid under a balancing test.9
Bork did not provide a precise description of how to balance the efficiency ben-efits and competitive harms of proposed mergers. He argued that if the regulator believed that the chances that the merger was competitively harmful or beneficial were roughly the same, then the government should allow the merger to pro-ceed.10 For the remaining cases, Bork suggested that appropriately constructed
8 “Economists, like other people, will measure what is susceptible to measurement and will tend to forget what is not, though what is forgotten may be far more important than what is measured” (Bork 1978, p. 127).
9 “The most important thing about the Ford Motor Co. in its early years was the genius of Henry Ford, just as the most important efficiency of General Motors Corp. in later years was the organi-zational genius of Alfred Sloan. The acquisition of one of those companies of a rival would have ex-tended to a new group of resources a management that was enormously superior, even if there were no cost cuts to be expected but only the doing of better things at higher costs” (Bork 1978, p. 129).
10 Bork provides two economic justifications for his conclusion. First, he argues that because blocking mergers is costly, it does not make sense to invest resources where the expected value of harm is zero. Second, if a merger proves to be anticompetitive, market forces will eventually right the situation (Bork 1978, p. 133). The counterargument to Bork’s recommendation is that by suc-cessfully challenging these marginal mergers, the government can deter firms from filing mergers that might lead to small price increases. Over time, this deterrence effect could lower the agency’s
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market-share thresholds (much more lenient than those in the 1968 Guidelines) would minimize the harm from anticompetitive mergers. He stated,
My guess is . . . that mergers of up to 60 or 70 percent of the market should be permitted. . . . Partly as a tactical concession to the current oligopoly phobia and partly in recogni-tion of Section 7’s intended function of tightening the Sherman Act rule, I am willing to weaken that conclusion. Competition in the sense of consumer welfare would be ade-quately protected and the mandate of Section 7 satisfactorily served if the statute were interpreted as making presumptively lawful all horizontal mergers up to market shares that would allow for other mergers of similar size in the industry and still leave three sig-nificant companies. (Bork 1978, pp. 221–22)
Thus, if Bork was correct, a merger policy that banned three-to-two mergers but allowed four-to-three mergers would be sufficient to maintain consumer welfare.
Bork also devoted significant discussion to the federal government’s challenges of conglomerate mergers such as P&G-Clorox. Bork felt that there was “no threat to competition in any conglomerate merger” because conglomerate mergers do not change the incentives of the merged firm such that it would choose to reduce output (Bork 1978, p. 246). Most of the concern about conglomerate mergers in the 1950s and 1960s was that the acquisition of a (typically) smaller firm in an unrelated market by a very large corporation would harm rivals in the unrelated markets. For example, in the Clorox case, P&G with its deep financial resources would provide Clorox with access to capital that could be invested in advertising and marketing to the detriment of Clorox’s rivals. Under conglomerate theories, merger efficiencies (access to capital at lower prices or even superior manage-ment) were often viewed as harmful to competition because they harmed rivals. Bork strongly argued that this policy was sensible only “if ‘competition’ is de-fined as a comfortable life for competitors” (Bork 1978, p. 254). The one con-glomerate theory that Bork felt had some legitimacy was a threat to potential en-try. However, he argued strongly that this theory was really a horizontal theory: the merger caused the acquiring firm to not enter the market and expand output. Bork felt that in very limited circumstances the government would be justified in blocking mergers under a theory of potential competition.11
Bork’s views of conglomerate mergers have become the consensus view in the United States. While U.S. antitrust agencies periodically challenge mergers under theories of potential competition,12 to our knowledge, there have not been any challenges of true conglomerate mergers in the United States in the modern era.13
enforcement costs. Clougherty and Seldeslachts (2013) provide evidence on deterrence effects in the United States.
11 “If there are three significant firms, an outside firm should be permitted to acquire any of them. If there is one large firm and a scattering of small firms, the outside firm should be allowed to ac-quire any of the smaller firms, or it should be allowed to acquire the largest firm unless it has, say, over 70% of the market” (Bork 1978, p. 260).
12 For example, in challenging a merger of innovator firms in the pharmaceutical industry where both firms were attempting to develop a product to serve the same market, the government often re-quires the merged firms to divest one firm’s research programs before approving the merger.
13 Conglomerate mergers do appear to be challenged outside the United States, most notably in
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4. Changes in Antitrust Enforcement Post–Antitrust Paradox
Merger review has become both more systematized and fact intensive in the United States since the publication of The Antitrust Paradox. Both the federal antitrust agencies and the federal courts increasingly demand direct evidence demonstrating why a specific proposed acquisition will be anticompetitive (see, for example, Federal Trade Commission v. Staples, Inc., 970 F. Supp. 1066 [D.D.C. 1997]; United States v. Oracle Corporation, 331 F. Supp. 2d 1098 [N.D. Cal. 2004]). Except in extreme circumstances (mergers to monopoly or duopoly in undisputed markets), courts are unlikely to block mergers today solely because of an increase in market concentration. While there are undoubtedly many reasons for these changes in enforcement, we highlight three key changes that have, col-lectively, dramatically changed the composition of challenged U.S. mergers.
First, the market-share thresholds that generate competitive concern by anti-trust enforcers have increased substantially since Von’s Grocery. The 1968 Merger Guidelines stated that the DOJ would “ordinarily challenge” a horizontal merger of two firms each with a 5 percent market share in a “less highly concentrated market” (U.S. Department of Justice 1968, sec. 6). In contrast, the 2010 Horizon-tal Merger Guidelines state that only mergers taking place in highly concentrated markets (with a postmerger Hirschman-Herfindahl index [HHI] above 2,500) are “presumed to be likely to enhance market power” (U.S. Department of Jus-tice and Federal Trade Commission 2010, sec. 5.3). The change in the concentra-tion thresholds at which the federal antitrust agencies typically challenge mergers stated in the guidelines can also be seen in the agencies’ enforcement behavior. According to a recent report by the FTC, of all markets in which mergers were challenged between fiscal years 1996 and 2011, 85 percent were in markets with a postmerger HHI of more than 2,400 (Federal Trade Commission 2013, table 3.1). Thus, while not as permissive as Bork suggested, U.S. antitrust agencies now allow mergers in much more concentrated markets than at the time Bork wrote.
Second, and in sharp contrast to the Court’s opinion in the Clorox case, anti-trust enforcers now understand that merger efficiencies can offset a merged firm’s incentive to increase price. Mergers are now evaluated under the consumer- welfare standard: mergers that are expected to increase consumer prices (lower consumer welfare) are illegal.14 The 1984, 1992, 1997, and 2010 Merger Guide-lines each devote a separate section to the importance of merger efficiencies and describe the circumstances under which merger efficiencies will be considered as part of a merger investigation. Moreover, efficiency considerations can play an important role in the antitrust agencies’ enforcement decisions. According to the DOJ, the joint venture of Miller and Coors, which combined their U.S. op-
the European Union’s decision to block the GE-Honeywell merger in 2001. See Kolasky (2001) for a discussion.
14 This is a very different policy than the total-welfare standard endorsed by many economists, for example, Williamson (1968). Under a total-welfare standard, mergers that harm consumers by rais-ing prices are permissible so long as the gains in producer surplus are sufficient to offset the dead-weight loss caused by the price increase.
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erations and dramatically increased market concentration, was allowed, in part, because “[t]he Division verified that the joint venture is likely to produce sub-stantial and credible savings that will significantly reduce the companies’ costs of producing and distributing beer. . . . The large amount of these savings and other evidence obtained by the Division supported the parties’ contention that the ven-ture should make a lower-cost, and therefore more effective, beer competitor” (U.S. Department of Justice 2008, p. 1). Thus, unlike in the days of Clorox, it is no longer the case that merger efficiencies can cause a horizontal merger to be ruled illegal. Current enforcement behavior reflects Bork’s view that the overwhelming majority of mergers are either competitively neutral and/or efficiency enhancing: over the last decade (2003–12), 96.8 percent of the mergers filed with the anti-trust agencies were allowed to proceed without undergoing a full merger investi-gation.15
Finally, the major institutional change in merger enforcement—the govern-ment’s legal right to review and challenge proposed mergers prospectively as granted by the Hart-Scott-Rodino Antitrust Improvements Act (HSR Act)—has profoundly changed the process by which federal agencies review mergers. Prior to the passage of the HSR Act in 1976 (Pub. L. No. 94-435, 90 Stat. 1383), most companies were under no obligation to notify the government of their intent to merge or to delay a merger’s consummation to allow the government time to in-vestigate the proposed transaction.16 As a result, the government’s merger review frequently began after a merger was consummated, and in the event the merger was subsequently challenged, years would pass before the litigation was resolved. The social value of such litigation was dubious. Consumers experienced lost com-petition for up to a decade. Moreover, even following a successful trial, it was often difficult for the government and the combined firms to reconstruct a new entity to replicate the competition removed by the merger (Elzinga 1969).
The passage of the HSR Act eliminated these problems and greatly simplified merger review in the United States. The HSR Act established the government’s right to review mergers before they were consummated. Under the law, all firms participating in a merger of sufficient size must file an intent to merge with both the DOJ and the FTC that includes key documents describing the proposed transaction for all mergers of a sufficiently large size. The government then has 30 days to determine whether it requires more information to determine whether the merger is likely to harm competition. In that event, the government can issue a detailed request for documents from the merging parties (known as a second request). The firms cannot consummate their merger until the government has had 30 days to review all second-request material. After its review, the govern-ment can sue to block the merger in federal district court.
The effect of the HSR Act on merger analysis has been enormous. Because
15 That is, 96.8 percent of mergers were allowed to proceed without receiving a second request from the antitrust agencies (see the authors’ calculations using data in U.S. Department of Justice and Federal Trade Commission 2012, app. A).
16 See Baer (1997) for a discussion of pre–Hart-Scott-Rodino merger enforcement.
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merger review has been routinized, the federal antitrust agencies have been able to systematize merger review in a way that was not previously possible. Over time, the agencies have developed standardized methodologies for conducting merger review that are described in a set of formal guidelines. The post–HSR Act Horizontal Merger Guidelines and their revisions (1982, 1984, 1992, 1997, 2010) describe the key questions that must be addressed by the government before chal-lenging a horizontal merger: entry, efficiencies, market definition, and the articu-lation of the government’s theory as to how the merger will harm consumers. As the agencies have modified their procedures over time, the guidelines are updated to provide transparency to the antitrust community. The current (2010) version of the Horizontal Merger Guidelines, for example, provides a detailed description of the types of evidence that the agencies consider in evaluating the competitive effects of a proposed merger.
In evaluating Bork’s proposals for merger review, it is important to note how much the process of merger review has changed and how much more is required of the government to successfully challenge a merger. In particular, the set of mergers challenged by the federal agencies has changed substantially in the years following the passage of the HSR Act. While the Von’s Grocery decision has not been explicitly overturned by the Supreme Court, we would be very surprised to see either U.S. antitrust agency challenge a merger in such an unconcentrated market today. Bork’s prediction that the typically challenged merger in an oligop-olistic industry would not have harmed consumers may have been correct given the composition of mergers taking place in the 1960s and 1970s. As we discuss, given current enforcement thresholds, the empirical evidence shows that mergers can increase market power in oligopolistic markets.
5. Can Horizontal Mergers in Oligopolistic Markets Be Anticompetitive?
Whether U.S. merger policy has been effectively employed to maintain con-sumer welfare is an open and controversial policy question.17 To evaluate Bork’s claims as to the likely competitive effects of mergers and, more generally, to pro-vide evidence on the overall effectiveness of horizontal merger policy, we con-ducted a survey of the literature that estimates the price effects of consummated horizontal mergers.18 In conducting this survey, we exclude papers that have fo-cused on the vertical aspects of mergers19 and transactions involving horizontal
17 In their analysis of U.S. competition policy, Crandall and Winston (2003, p. 20) conclude “that efforts by antitrust authorities to block particular mergers or affect a merger’s outcome by allowing it only if certain conditions are met under a consent decree have not been found to increase con-sumer welfare in any systematic way, and in some instances the intervention may even have reduced consumer welfare.”
18 Given both the recent growth in this literature and the variety of industries studied, it is quite likely that we have inadvertently missed some studies and apologize for any omission. See Pautler (2003), Weinberg (2008), Hunter, Leonard, and Olley (2008), and Kwoka (2013) for other surveys of this literature.
19 For example, we do not include Hastings and Gilbert (2005) and Hastings (2004), which focus on the vertical aspects of transactions in the petroleum industry.
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agreements that fall short of complete integration.20 Our survey identified 49 dis-tinct studies examining mergers taking place in 21 industries published over the last 30 years.
The majority of papers reviewed in this essay have a similar study design.21 Un-der U.S. law, antitrust agencies are supposed to block mergers that reduce con-sumer welfare. If the agencies are operating effectively, on average, the marginal merger (the merger the agency is on the margin of challenging) should not result in a quality-adjusted price increase. Researchers test the agencies’ effectiveness by first identifying consummated mergers that were likely to be on the enforcement margin and then estimating how prices change following those mergers. If prices are found to increase systematically following marginal mergers, then enforce-ment has not been aggressive enough. Similarly, if prices, on average, fall follow-ing marginal mergers, then it follows that enforcement has been too aggressive. That is, the marginal merger allowed was one in which merger efficiencies more than offset the combined firm’s merger-induced incentive to increase price.
Most studies in this literature use a case study approach. The typical study examines one or a handful of mergers taking place in the same (or similar) in-dustries at roughly the same time and identifies merger price effects relative to some control product. A smaller number of studies attempt to measure the av-erage price effect of many mergers using a common methodology. Obviously, in this type of study it is impossible to provide much detail about the specific transactions being analyzed. Even in these broader studies, however, the authors frequently provide some evidence on the competitive significance of the merg-ers studied. For example, Prager and Hannan (1998) and Focarelli and Panetta (2003) both include estimates of merger price effects for those markets experienc-ing large changes in market concentration.
Unfortunately, the mergers studied do not constitute a representative sample of all potentially anticompetitive mergers. The set of mergers that can be stud-ied is severely limited by data availability. Most merger studies examine mergers in one of four industries that have experienced a large number of mergers and where data are available: airlines, banking, hospitals, and petroleum. The remain-der of the literature is quite diverse, reflecting circumstances where a researcher can identify both a potentially anticompetitive merger and data sufficient to esti-mate the price effects of the merger.
For each study we included in the survey, we identify the specific mergers stud-ied (when enumerated by the researcher), provide a terse description of the study, describe what (if any) evidence the author provides that the merger or mergers were on the enforcement margin, and state the study’s estimated merger price
20 Kwoka (2013) includes code-share agreements between airlines in his recent review of horizon-tal merger studies and concludes that most lower consumer prices. While code-share agreements do combine some aspects of competing airlines’ operations, these actions are quite different than merg-ers. Mergers likely offer significantly more opportunities for both anticompetitive effects (reductions in routes or coordination of pricing) and efficiencies (consolidation of operations).
21 See Carlton (2009) and Ashenfelter, Hosken, and Weinberg (2009) for a detailed discussion of the methodological issues involved in measuring the effectiveness of competition policy.
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S78 The Journal of LAW & ECONOMICS
effect. To facilitate comparison across studies, we group the studies together for the airline (Table 1), banking (Table 2), hospital (Table 3), and petroleum (Table 4) studies. The summary of the studies of other industries is shown in Table 5.
As can be seen by a quick review of the tables, the estimated price effects of mergers vary dramatically across industries and even across studies estimating the price effects of a given merger. Four studies estimate the price effect of the 1986 merger of Northwest Airlines and Republic Airlines, for example, and find price effects of 9.5, 5.6, −1.8, and 7.2 percent (Table 1). Because of important dif-ferences in methodology, industry, data, and time period across studies, we do not calculate aggregate estimates of the typical price effect of a merger. Instead, we present the findings of each study separately and then draw general conclu-sions about the competitive impact of horizontal mergers.
The empirical evidence that mergers can cause economically significant in-creases in price is overwhelming. Of the 49 studies surveyed, 36 find evidence of merger-induced price increases.22,23 All of the airline merger studies find evi-dence of price increases, although the magnitude of the price increases appears to be more modest following recent mergers (2–6 percent) when compared with the mergers that took place in the 1980s. Similarly, most of the banking (six of seven), hospital (five of seven), and “other industry” (13 of 18) studies find evi-dence that mergers have resulted in price increases.
It is unclear whether mergers in the petroleum industry have increased con-sumer prices. Of the nine studies that estimate the price effects of horizontal mergers, four (three examining multiple mergers) find that mergers increased prices, while the remaining studies find either no meaningful change in pricing associated with mergers or ambiguous results. Institutional characteristics of pe-troleum markets, in particular the sensitivity of gasoline pricing to supply shocks, make the results of these studies especially sensitive to modeling assumptions. While the literature is not able to tell us whether mergers at observed levels of market concentration have increased gasoline prices, it does provide information to bound the potential price effects of mergers. Of those studies finding price in-creases, most report very small price effects, on the order of 1–2 cents per gallon (see Table 4). Only one study, U.S. Government Accountability Office (2004), re-ports larger price effects, varying from 1 to 7 cents per gallon. Thus, relative to the typical price variation associated with gasoline prices, even the maximum esti-mated price effects associated with petroleum mergers are quite modest.
22 We define a merger as increasing price if the merger caused as least some product prices to rise and no product prices to fall. For example, Ashenfelter, Hosken, and Weinberg (2013a) find that the acquisition of Maytag by Whirlpool caused the prices of some dryers and dishwashers to increase while not lowering the price of other appliances. From this evidence we conclude that the Maytag-Whirlpool merger caused prices to increase. Similarly, if a merger lowers some prices and leaves other prices unchanged, we conclude that the merger lowered prices. A merger that raises some prices while lowering others as in, for example, Thompson (2011), has ambiguous price effects.
23 Because many of the studies examine multiple mergers, it is possible for a study to find ev-idence of both merger price increases and merger price decreases. For example, Hosken, Olson, Smith (2012) find that of the 14 supermarket mergers they examine, five led to price increases, five led to price decreases, and four resulted in no meaningful change in consumer prices.
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Impact of Mergers S79
Overall, the results from the retrospective literature on mergers show that mergers in oligopolistic markets can result in economically meaningful price in-creases. While some of the airline merger studies discussed examine mergers that reduced the number of airlines serving city pairs to one or two firms, many stud-ies in this literature find that prices increased in markets with at least three ma-jor firms operating postmerger (see, for example, McCabe 2002; Ashenfelter and Hosken 2010; Tenn 2011; Dafny, Duggan, and Ramanarayanan 2012; Hosken, Olson, and Smith 2012). Ashenfelter, Hosken, and Weinberg (2013a), for ex-ample, estimate the price effects of the 2008 acquisition of the major appliance manufacturer Maytag by Whirlpool. As predicted by a conventional unilateral effects theory, the authors find that for those appliance categories experiencing a price increase, the prices of products sold by the combined Maytag-Whirlpool in-creased more than those sold by rivals. Contrary to Bork’s prediction, three ma-jor firms in an industry are not sufficient to maintain competition.
While the literature shows that mergers on the enforcement margin increase prices more often than not, it is not the case that every marginal merger increases consumer prices. Of the 49 studies we surveyed, 13 find evidence of price reduc-tions following a merger and 13 find evidence of no meaningful change in price following a merger. Ashenfelter and Hosken (2010), for example, estimate the price effects of mergers in five consumer goods industries: liquor, feminine hy-giene, passenger car motor oil, breakfast cereals, and pancake syrups. While they find that prices rose in four of five markets, the market experiencing the larg-est increase in market concentration (pancake syrups) did not experience a post-merger price increase. Similarly, Haas-Wilson and Garmon (2011) estimate the price effects of two hospital mergers taking place in the Chicago suburbs in 2000. The first merger involved two hospitals located in the same city that were rela-tively distant from other hospitals. This merger did not increase prices. The sec-ond merger combined hospitals both more distant from one another and facing competition from rivals located closer than those in the first merger and resulted in a price increase. We highlight these two examples to show the importance of institutional factors in merger analysis. The ability to generalize findings from one market to another is limited. Markets facing what may appear to be simi-lar levels of premerger competition (for example, levels of market concentration) can experience very different postmerger outcomes. Thus, while market concen-tration can provide a useful screen in determining which mergers to investigate, case-specific evidence (such as industry documents or explicit estimates of con-sumer substitution patterns) are critically important to decision makers in mak-ing correct enforcement decisions.
The retrospective literature on mergers focuses almost exclusively on measur-ing the short-run effect of mergers on prices. This limitation is largely driven by data availability. Obtaining access to the detailed price data required to credibly estimate the price effects of mergers is difficult, and most often only relatively short price series are available. However, even in those cases in which relatively long price series are readily available, for example, banking or petroleum mar-
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S80
Tabl
e 1
Esti
mat
ed P
rice
Eff
ects
of C
onsu
mm
ated
Hor
izon
tal M
erge
rs in
the
Air
line
Indu
stry
Stud
ySt
udy
Des
crip
tion
Evid
ence
on
Enfo
rcem
ent M
argi
nM
erge
rPr
ice
Effec
ts R
epor
ted
Bore
nste
in (1
990)
Show
s how
airl
ine
fare
s on
rout
es
dire
ctly
affe
cted
by
mer
ger
com
pare
d w
ith o
ther
rout
es o
f sim
ilar l
engt
h
Nor
thw
est a
nd R
epub
lic h
ad
larg
e m
arke
t sha
res a
t M
inne
apol
is/St
. Pau
l, an
d TW
A a
nd O
zark
had
ver
y la
rge
shar
es in
St.
Loui
s
Nor
thw
est/R
epub
lic (1
986)
, TW
A/O
zark
(198
6)9.
5%, U
ncha
nged
Wer
den,
Josk
ow, a
nd
John
son
(199
1)U
ses a
fore
cast
ing
and
ba
ckca
stin
g m
etho
d to
es
timat
e m
erge
r pric
e eff
ects
“DO
J [D
epar
tmen
t of J
ustic
e]
conc
lude
d th
at th
e tw
o m
erge
rs w
ould
hav
e sig
nific
ant a
ntic
ompe
titiv
e eff
ects
on
man
y ci
ty p
airs
out
of
the
com
mon
hub
s” (p
. 342
)
Nor
thw
est/R
epub
lic (1
986)
, TW
A/O
zark
(198
6)5.
6%, 1
.1%
Kim
and
Sin
gal (
1993
)C
ompa
res m
ergi
ng fi
rms’
pric
es
with
thos
e on
rout
es n
ot
oper
ated
by
eith
er m
ergi
ng
firm
of s
imila
r len
gth
The
gove
rnm
ent d
id n
ot
chal
leng
e an
y ai
rline
m
erge
r dur
ing
this
perio
d (m
erge
rs w
ere
revi
ewed
by
the
Dep
artm
ent o
f Tr
ansp
orta
tion)
; thi
s allo
ws
them
to m
easu
re p
rice
effec
ts
of re
laxe
d an
titru
st p
olic
y
14 A
irlin
e m
erge
rsA
vera
ge m
erge
r effe
ct: 9
.55%
pric
e in
crea
se; n
orm
al fi
rms:
3.25
%
pric
e in
crea
se; fi
nanc
ially
di
stre
ssed
firm
: 26.
35%
Mor
rison
(199
6)Es
timat
es 6
8 se
para
te q
uart
erly
re
gres
sions
usin
g da
ta o
n 1,
000
larg
est U
.S. c
ity p
airs
; ex
amin
es h
ow m
arke
ts se
rved
by
mer
ging
par
ties e
volv
ed
over
tim
e; e
stim
ates
sepa
rate
lo
ng- a
nd sh
ort-
run
pric
e eff
ects
Des
crip
tion
of co
mpe
titiv
e co
ncer
ns re
gard
ing
Nor
thw
est/R
epub
lic a
nd
TWA
/Oza
rk; s
ugge
stio
n th
at a
t tim
e of
mer
ger t
hat
USA
ir/Pi
edm
ont w
as le
ss
cont
rove
rsia
l bec
ause
they
did
no
t hav
e ov
erla
ppin
g hu
bs
Nor
thw
est/R
epub
lic (1
986)
, TW
A/O
zark
(198
6), U
SAir/
Pied
mon
t
Shor
t run
: −1.
8%, l
ong
run:
2.5
%;
shor
t run
: 4.4
%, l
ong
run:
−1
5.3%
; sho
rt ru
n: 4
.4%
, lon
g ru
n: 2
2.8%
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-
S81
Pete
rs (2
006)
Cal
cula
tes t
he re
lativ
e pr
ice
chan
ge a
ssoc
iate
d w
ith th
e m
erge
r on
over
lap
rout
es a
s th
e di
ffere
nce
betw
een
the
obse
rved
pric
e ch
ange
and
an
ave
rage
indu
stry
-wid
e pe
rcen
tage
pric
e ch
ange
co
nditi
onal
on
rout
e di
stan
ce
“[A
]ntit
rust
enf
orce
men
t in
the
indu
stry
was
rela
tivel
y la
x,
with
eve
ry p
ropo
sed
airli
ne
mer
ger r
ecei
ving
regu
lato
ry
appr
oval
” (p.
629
)
Nor
thw
est/R
epub
lic (1
986)
, TW
A/O
zark
(198
6), U
SAir/
Pied
mon
t; D
elta
/Wes
tern
, C
ontin
enta
l/Peo
ples
Exp
ress
7.2%
, 16.
0%, 2
0.3%
, 11.
8%, 2
9.4%
Kw
oka
and
Shum
ilkin
a (2
010)
Estim
ates
mer
ger p
rice
effec
t by
com
parin
g pr
ices
with
oth
er
firm
s on
rout
es n
ot se
rved
by
eith
er U
SAir
or P
iedm
ont
prio
r to
mer
ger
Disc
ussio
n of
the
lax
enfo
rcem
ent o
f airl
ine m
erge
rs
durin
g th
is tim
e pe
riod
and
the
two
prev
ious
stud
ies o
f th
e m
erge
r and
find
s pric
e in
crea
ses
USA
ir/Pi
edom
ont
Estim
ate
pric
es ro
se 1
0% in
ov
erla
p m
arke
ts a
nd 6
% w
here
on
e of
the
two
firm
s was
like
ly
a po
tent
ially
ent
rant
Hüs
chel
rath
and
Mül
ler
(201
3)Es
timat
es th
e av
erag
e pr
ice
effec
t ca
used
by
a ho
rizon
tal m
erge
r (u
sing
info
rmat
ion
from
six
mer
gers
)
No
spec
ific d
iscus
sion
of
mer
gers
bei
ng m
argi
nal;
som
e di
scus
sion
of re
gula
tory
re
view
Del
ta/N
orth
wes
t (20
09),
Fron
tier/
Mid
wes
t (20
09),
US
Airw
ays/
Am
eric
a W
est
(200
5), A
mer
ican
Airl
ines
/TW
A (2
001)
, Am
eric
an
Airl
ines
/Ren
o A
ir (1
999)
, A
irTra
n/V
aluj
et (1
998)
Estim
ate
shor
t-ru
n pr
ice
incr
ease
of
5.6
%, m
ediu
m-r
un p
rice
incr
ease
of 4
.7%
, and
long
-run
pr
ice
effec
t of 2
.7%
(but
not
st
atist
ical
ly d
iffer
ent f
rom
zero
)
Luo
(201
3)Es
timat
es p
rice
effec
ts o
f mer
ger
hold
ing
com
petit
ion
from
ot
her fi
rms c
onst
ant
DO
J rev
iew
ed m
erge
r but
al
low
ed it
bec
ause
of m
inim
al
over
lap
and
likel
y m
erge
r effi
cien
cies
Del
ta/N
orth
wes
t (20
09)
No
pric
e eff
ect o
n no
nsto
p ro
utes
; 2.3
% p
rice
incr
ease
on
conn
ectin
g ro
utes
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S82
Tabl
e 2
Esti
mat
ed P
rice
Eff
ects
of C
onsu
mm
ated
Hor
izon
tal M
erge
rs in
the
Bank
ing
Indu
stry
Stud
ySt
udy
Des
crip
tion
Evid
ence
on
Enfo
rcem
ent
Mar
gin
Mer
ger
Pric
e Eff
ects
Rep
orte
dPr
ager
and
Han
nan
(199
8)Es
timat
es h
ow in
tere
st ra
tes
paid
to co
nsum
ers o
n sa
ving
ac
coun
ts ch
ange
d in
mar
kets
aff
ecte
d by
mer
gers
rela
tive
to
unaff
ecte
d m
arke
ts
Lim
ited
atte
ntio
n to
sign
ifica
nt
horiz
onta
l mer
gers
(tho
se
lead
ing
to re
lativ
ely
larg
e ch
ange
s in
mar
ket
conc
entr
atio
n)
Seve
n m
erge
rs ta
king
pla
ce
betw
een
1992
and
199
4N
OW
acc
ount
s: −1
7.7%
; mon
ey
mar
ket a
ccou
nts:
−9.5
%;
3-m
onth
cert
ifica
tes o
f de
posit
: −1.
7%
Sapi
enza
(200
2)Es
timat
es h
ow fi
rms’
loan
pric
es
chan
ged
follo
win
g a
mer
ger
as a
func
tion
of th
e re
lativ
e siz
e of
the
mer
ger
No
spec
ific d
iscus
sion
of
regu
lato
ry tr
eatm
ent o
f sp
ecifi
c mer
gers
138
Bank
mer
gers
taki
ng p
lace
in
Ital
y be
twee
n 19
89 a
nd
1995
Estim
ates
that
mer
gers
of fi
rms
of b
anks
with
smal
l mar
ket
shar
es lo
wer
ed lo
an ra
tes
(typi
cal r
educ
tion
41 b
asis
poin
ts),
whi
le m
erge
rs o
f fir
ms w
ith la
rge
mar
ket s
hare
s in
crea
sed
loan
rate
s (as
muc
h as
80
basis
poi
nts)
Foc
arel
li an
d Pa
netta
(200
3)Es
timat
es h
ow in
tere
st ra
tes
paid
to co
nsum
ers o
n sa
ving
ac
coun
ts ch
ange
d in
mar
kets
aff
ecte
d by
mer
gers
rela
tive
to
unaff
ecte
d m
arke
ts; e
stim
ates
sh
ort-
and
long
-run
pric
e eff
ect o
f mer
gers
Estim
atio
n of
the
pric
e eff
ects
of
all m
erge
rs in
dat
a; se
para
te
exam
inat
ion
of a
sam
ple
of
subs
tant
ial m
erge
rs (t
hose
ge
nera
ting
a la
rge
chan
ge in
m
arke
t con
cent
ratio
n)
Mer
gers
taki
ng p
lace
in It
aly
betw
een
1990
and
199
8A
ll m
erge
rs: s
hort
-run
effe
ct,
−13.
5%; l
ong-
run
effec
t, 12
.6%
; sub
stan
tial m
erge
rs:
shor
t-ru
n eff
ect,
−19%
; lon
g-ru
n eff
ect,
10.7
%
Cal
omiri
s and
Po
rnro
jnan
gkoo
l (20
05)
Estim
ates
how
loan
pric
es
chan
ged
in m
arke
ts a
ffect
ed
by th
e m
erge
r rel
ativ
e to
ot
her s
imila
r mar
kets
Bank
s wer
e re
quire
d to
div
est
bran
ch lo
catio
ns; d
espi
te
dive
stitu
res,
the
mer
ger
subs
tant
ially
incr
ease
d co
ncen
trat
ion
for m
ediu
m-
sized
firm
s nee
ding
ban
k lo
ans
Mer
ger o
f Fle
et a
nd B
ank,
Bo
ston
, 199
9M
ediu
m-s
ized
ban
ks lo
an ra
tes
incr
ease
d be
twee
n 80
and
100
ba
sis p
oint
s for
cust
omer
s in
New
Eng
land
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-
S83
Gar
mai
se a
nd M
osko
witz
(2
006)
Estim
ates
how
loca
l loa
n pr
ices
ar
e aff
ecte
d by
mer
gers
as a
fu
nctio
n of
the
rela
tive
size
of
the
mer
ger
Exam
inat
ion
of la
rge
mer
gers
of
finan
cial
ly h
ealth
y co
mpe
ting
bank
s; no
spec
ific d
iscus
sion
of a
ntitr
ust r
evie
w o
f mer
gers
st
udie
d
80 L
arge
ban
k m
erge
rs ta
king
pl
ace
betw
een
1992
and
199
9Fi
nds t
hat t
he la
rges
t ban
k m
erge
rs co
uld
incr
ease
loan
pr
ices
by
abou
t 40.
1 ba
sis
poin
ts
Mon
torio
l-Gar
riga
(200
8)Es
timat
es h
ow fi
rms’
estim
ated
lo
an p
rice
chan
ges a
s a
resu
lt of
hor
izon
tal m
erge
rs
in m
arke
ts o
f diff
eren
t co
ncen
trat
ion
leve
ls
No
spec
ific d
iscus
sion
of
regu
lato
ry tr
eatm
ent o
f sp
ecifi
c mer
gers
Bank
mer
gers
in S
pain
Estim
ates
that
loan
pric
es
fall
follo
win
g al
l mer
gers
; ho
wev
er, p
rices
fall
less
in
mar
kets
exp
erie
ncin
g la
rger
m
erge
rs; e
stim
ated
pric
e de
crea
ses v
ary
from
0 to
20
basis
poi
nts
Alle
n, C
lark
, and
Hou
de
(201
3)Es
timat
es h
ow m
ortg
age
pric
es
chan
ged
in m
arke
ts a
ffect
ed
by th
e m
erge
r rel
ativ
e to
m
arke
ts w
here
the
mer
ging
fir
ms d
id n
ot co
mpe
te
Gen
eral
disc
ussio
n of
how
th
e C
anad
ian
mor
tgag
e m
arke
t has
bec
ome
rela
tivel
y co
ncen
trat
ed; s
peci
fic
tran
sact
ion
is no
t des
crib
ed
in d
etai
l
A b
anki
ng m
erge
r in
Can
ada
Estim
ates
that
mor
tgag
e ra
tes
incr
ease
bet
wee
n 5.
7 an
d 7.
39
basis
poi
nts
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S84
Tabl
e 3
Esti
mat
ed P
rice
Eff
ects
of C
onsu
mm
ated
Hor
izon
tal M
erge
rs in
the
Hos
pita
l Ind
ustr
y
Stud
ySt
udy
Des
crip
tion
Evid
ence
on
Enfo
rcem
ent
Mar
gin
Mer
ger
Pric
e Eff
ects
Rep
orte
dC
onno
r, Fe
ldm
an, D
owd
(199
8)Es
timat
es h
ow m
ergi
ng
hosp
itals’
pric
es ch
ange
d re
lativ
e to
thos
e of
no
nmer
ging
hos
pita
ls
No
info
rmat
ion
prov
ided
on
indi
vidu
al m
erge
rs st
udie
d11
2 M
erge
rs ta
king
pla
ce
betw
een
1986
and
199
4Es
timat
es th
at, o
n av
erag
e,
mer
ging
hos
pita
ls pr
ices
fell
by a
bout
5%
; find
s evi
denc
e th
at p
rices
fell
less
in m
ore
conc
entr
ated
mar
kets
Kris
hnan
(200
1)Es
timat
es h
ow th
e pr
ices
of
high
-vol
ume
proc
edur
es a
t ho
spita
ls di
rect
ly a
ffect
ed b
y m
erge
rs ch
ange
d re
lativ
e to
ho
spita
ls in
the
sam
e m
arke
t an
d ot
her m
arke
ts
No
deta
iled
deta
iled
info
rmat
ion
prov
ided
on
indi
vidu
al
mer
gers
stud
ied
Exam
ines
chan
ge in
pric
es o
f 22
Ohi
o ho
spita
ls aff
ecte
d by
m
erge
rs in
199
4 or
199
5
Estim
ates
the
pric
e of
hig
h-vo
lum
e pr
oced
ures
incr
ease
d by
16.
5% a
t mer
ging
hos
pita
ls
Vita
and
Sac
her (
2001
)Es
timat
es h
ow m
ergi
ng
hosp
itals’
pric
es ch
ange
d re
lativ
e to
thos
e of
a co
ntro
l gr
oup
“Had
the
FTC
had
the
oppo
rtun
ity to
seek
a
prel
imin
ary
inju
nctio
n in
this
case
, it w
ould
hav
e do
ne so
” (p
. 68)
Dom
inic
an S
anta
Cru
z H
ospi
tal’s
acq
uisit
ion
of A
MI
Com
mun
ity H
ospi
tal (
1990
)
Estim
ates
Dom
inic
an p
rice
rose
by
23%
and
AM
I pric
e ro
se
by 1
7%
Daf
ny (2
009)
Estim
ates
how
riva
l hos
pita
ls ch
ange
d pr
ice
follo
win
g a
mer
ger
No
info
rmat
ion
prov
ided
on
indi
vidu
al m
erge
rs st
udie
dSa
mpl
e of
man
y m
erge
rs ta
king
pl
ace
betw
een
1989
and
199
6Es
timat
es th
at ri
val h
ospi
tals
incr
ease
d pr
ices
by
roug
hly
40%
Haa
s-W
ilson
and
Gar
mon
(2
011)
Estim
ates
how
mer
ging
ho
spita
ls’ p
rices
chan
ged
rela
tive
to th
ose
of a
cont
rol
grou
p
Mer
ger o
f onl
y tw
o ho
spita
ls in
W
auke
gan,
Illin
ois
Mer
ger o
f St.
Ther
ese
and
Vic
tory
hos
pita
ls (2
000)
Estim
ates
that
pric
e eff
ects
var
y by
cont
rol g
roup
, ins
urer
, and
es
timat
ion
met
hod
(−20
%
to 2
9%);
in m
ost c
ases
pric
es
decr
ease
d
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-
S85
Mer
ger c
halle
nged
by
Fede
ral
Trad
e C
omm
issio
n 4
year
s aft
er m
erge
r con
sum
mat
ion
Mer
ger o
f Eva
nsto
n N
orth
wes
tern
Hea
lthca
re
Cor
pora
tion
and
Hig
hlan
d Pa
rk H
ospi
tal (
2000
)
Estim
ated
pric
e eff
ects
var
y by
co
ntro
l gro
up, i
nsur
er, a
nd
estim
atio
n m
etho
d (−
2%
to 8
0%);
the
over
whe
lmin
g m
ajor
ity o
f est
imat
ed p
rice
incr
ease
s wer
e po
sitiv
e an
d ec
onom
ical
ly a
nd st
atist
ical
ly
signi
fican
tTe
nn (2
011)
Es
timat
es h
ow m
ergi
ng
hosp
itals’
pric
es ch
ange
d re
lativ
e to
thos
e of
a co
ntro
l gr
oup
Stat
e of
Cal
iforn
ia
unsu
cces
sful
ly a
ttem
pted
to
bloc
k m
erge
r
Sutte
r’s p
urch
ase
of S
umm
it H
ospi
tal (
1999
)La
rge
pric
e in
crea
ses f
or S
umm
it va
ryin
g by
insu
rer a
nd
estim
atio
n m
etho
d (2
3% to
50
%);
no sy
stem
atic
evi
denc
e of
a p
rice
incr
ease
or d
ecre
ase
for S
utte
r-ow
ned
hosp
ital
Thom
pson
(201
1)Es
timat
es h
ow m
ergi
ng
hosp
itals’
pric
es ch
ange
d re
lativ
e to
thos
e of
a co
ntro
l gr
oup
Mer
ging
hos
pita
ls m
uch
clos
er
to e
ach
othe
r tha
n riv
al
hosp
itals
New
Han
nove
r Reg
iona
l M
edic
al C
ente
r acq
uisit
ion
of C
olum
bia
Cap
e Fe
ar
Mem
oria
l Hos
pita
l (19
98)
Estim
ated
pric
e eff
ects
var
y dr
amat
ical
ly b
y in
sure
r (−
30%
to 6
5%);
two
insu
rers
ex
perie
nced
a p
rice
incr
ease
, on
e a
pric
e de
crea
se, a
nd o
ne
little
mea
ning
ful c
hang
e in
pr
ice
rela
tive
to th
e co
ntro
l gr
oup
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S86
Tabl
e 4
Esti
mat
ed P
rice
Eff
ects
of C
onsu
mm
ated
Hor
izon
tal M
erge
rs in
the
Petr
oleu
m In
dust
ry
Stud
ySt
udy
Des
crip
tion
Evid
ence
on
Enfo
rcem
ent
Mar
gin
Mer
ger
Pric
e Eff
ects
Rep
orte
dU
.S. G
over
nmen
t A
ccou
ntab
ility
Offi
ce
(GA
O) (
2004
)
Estim
ates
the
chan
ge in
w
hole
sale
pric
es d
ue to
m
erge
r; se
para
te p
rice
effec
ts e
stim
ated
for e
ach
spec
ifica
tion
of g
asol
ine
and
bran
ded
and
unbr
ande
d w
hole
sale
pric
e
Mer
gers
sele
cted
bec
ause
of
“the
ir tr
ansa
ctio
n siz
e, F
TC’s
revi
ew o
f the
m, o
r con
cern
s ex
pres
sed
by so
me
indu
stry
pa
rtic
ipan
ts a
nd st
ate
offici
als
we
[GA
O] i
nter
view
ed” (
p.
82)
Tosc
o’s p
urch
ase
of U
noca
l re
finer
y in
199
7
UD
S pu
rcha
se o
f Tot
al in
199
7
Join
t ven
ture
bet
wee
n M
arat
hon
and
Ash
land
Pet
role
um in
19
98
Shel
l Tex
aco
I (cr
eatio
n of
Eq
uilo
n) 1
998
Shel
l Tex
aco
II (c
reat
ion
of
Mot
iva)
199
8
Bran
ded
Cal
iforn
ia A
ir Re
sour
ces
Boar
d (C
ARB
) gas
: 6.8
cent
s pe
r gal
lon
(cpg
); un
bran
ded
CA
RB g
as: −
1.58
cpg
Bran
ded
conv
entio
nal g
as: −
.89
cpg;
unb
rand
ed co
nven
tiona
l ga
s: -1
.25
cpg
Bran
ded
conv
entio
nal g
as: .
7 cp
g;
unbr
ande
d co
nven
tiona
l gas
: .3
9 cp
g; b
rand
ed re
form
ulat
ed
gas:
.71
cpg;
unb
rand
ed
refo
rmul
ated
gas
: .86
cpg
Bran
ded
conv
entio
nal g
as: .
99
cpg;
unb
rand
ed co
nven
tiona
l ga
s: 1.
13 cp
g; b
rand
ed C
ARB
ga
s: −.
69 cp
g; u
nbra
nded
C
ARB
gas
: −.2
4 cp
gBr
ande
d co
nven
tiona
l gas
: −1.
77
cpg;
unb
rand
ed co
nven
tiona
l ga
s: −1
.24
cpg;
bra
nded
re
form
ulat
ed g
as: .
39 cp
g;
unbr
ande
d re
form
ulat
ed g
as:
.09
cpg
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-
S87
BP
-Am
oco
1998
Bran
ded
conv
entio
nal g
as: .
4 cp
g;
unbr
ande
d co
nven
tiona
l gas
: .9
7 cp
g, b
rand
ed re
form
ulat
ed
gas:
.55
cpg;
unb
rand
ed
refo
rmul
ated
gas
: .4
cpg
M
arat
hon
Ash
land
Pet
role
um
(MA
P)–U
ltram
ar D
iam
ond
Sham
rock
(UD
S)
Bran
ded
conv
entio
nal g
as: 1
.38
cpg;
unb
rand
ed co
nven
tiona
l ga
s: 2.
63 cp
g
Exxo
n-M
obil
2000
Bran
ded
conv
entio
nal g
as: 3
.71
cpg;
unb
rand
ed co
nven
tiona
l ga
s: 5.
00 cp
g; b
rand
ed
refo
rmul
ated
gas
: 1.6
1 cp
g;
unbr
ande
d re
form
ulat
ed g
as:
1.01
cpg
Cho
uina
rd a
nd P
erlo
ff (2
007)
Estim
ates
a p
rice
equa
tion
sepa
rate
ly fo
r ret
ail a
nd
who
lesa
le g
asol
ine
pric
es;
usin
g th
is m
odel
, aut
hors
es
timat
e th
e m
erge
r pric
e eff
ects
of t
he 3
1 m
erge
rs a
nd
repo
rt th
e m
ean
and
rang
e of
est
imat
ed m
erge
r effe
cts
rath
er th
an se
para
te p
rice
effec
ts b
y m
erge
r
No
info
rmat
ion
prov
ided
as
to w
heth
er m
erge
rs w
ere
mar
gina
l
Six
refin
ery
and
25 re
tail
mer
gers
taki
ng p
lace
bet
wee
n 19
89 a
nd 1
998
Reta
il pr
ice:
mea
n re
finin
g m
erge
r pric
e eff
ect:
.43
cpg;
m
ean
reta
iling
mer
ger p
rice
effec
t: −.
04 cp
g; w
hole
sale
pr
ice:
mea
n re
finin
g m
erge
r eff
ect:
.57
cpg;
mea
n re
taili
ng
mer
ger e
ffect
: −.0
6 cp
g
Tayl
or a
nd H
oske
n (2
007)
Estim
ates
chan
ge in
who
lesa
le
and
reta
il ga
solin
e pr
ices
re
sulti
ng fr
om th
e m
erge
r in
four
mar
kets
A p
ress
repo
rt st
ated
that
the
Fede
ral T
rade
Com
miss
ion
(FTC
) rev
iew
ed a
nd
allo
wed
the
mer
ger w
ithou
t co
nditi
ons
Join
t ven
ture
bet
wee
n M
arat
hon
and
Ash
land
Pet
role
um in
19
98
Who
lesa
le p
rice
incr
ease
s in
two
of fo
ur m
arke
ts; r
etai
l cha
nges
in
onl
y on
e of
thos
e tw
o, li
kely
be
caus
e of
a co
st sh
ock
Sim
pson
and
Tay
lor (
2008
)Es
timat
es ch
ange
in re
tail
gaso
line
pric
e re
sulti
ng fr
om
tran
sact
ion
in si
x aff
ecte
d m
arke
ts in
U.S
. Mid
wes
t
No
chal
leng
e; a
rgum
ent m
ade
that
the
mer
ger i
ncre
ased
m
arke
t con
cent
ratio
n m
ore
than
man
y ot
her p
rom
inen
t m
erge
rs in
pet
role
um
indu
stry
MA
P ac
quire
s Mic
higa
n A
sset
s of
UD
S (1
999)
No
mea
ning
ful c
hang
e in
reta
il ga
solin
e pr
ices
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-
S88
Tabl
e 4
(Con
tinue
d)
Stud
ySt
udy
Des
crip
tion
Evid
ence
on
Enfo
rcem
ent
Mar
gin
Mer
ger
Pric
e Eff
ects
Rep
orte
d
U.S
. Gov
ernm
ent
Acc
ount
abili
ty O
ffice
(2
009)
Estim
ates
the
pric
e eff
ects
of
seve
n pe
trol
eum
mer
gers
ta
king
pla
ce b
etw
een
2001
an
d 20
05; a
ll sp
ecifi
catio
ns
of g
as p
oole
d in
a si
ngle
re
gres
sion
Mer
gers
sele
cted
into
stud
y if
the
valu
e w
as g
reat
er th
an
$200
mill
ion,
occ
urre
d be
twee
n 20
00 a
nd 2
007,
and
ad
equa
te p
rice
data
wer
e av
aila
ble
Che
vron
/Tex
aco,
200
0: o
il an
d ga
s res
erve
sPh
illip
s Pet
role
um C
ompa
ny/
Tosc
o, 2
001:
eig
ht re
finer
ies
and
appr
oxim
atel
y 6,
400
reta
il ga
solin
e st
atio
nsV
aler
o/U
DS,
200
1: se
ven
refin
erie
s and
app
roxi
mat
ely
5,00
0 re
tail
gaso
line
stat
ions
Roya
l Dut
ch S
hell/
Texa
co, 2
001:
Te
xaco
’s sh
are
of M
otiv
a an
d Eq
uilo
n do
wns
trea
m jo
int
vent
ures
Phill
ips P
etro
leum
Com
pany
/C
onoc
co, 2
001:
oil
and
gas r
eser
ves,
refin
ing
and
mar
ketin
g as
sets
Prem
cor/
Will
iam
s, 20
02: o
ne
refin
ery
Val
ero/
Prem
cor,
2005
: fou
r re
finer
ies
Resu
lts n
ot st
atist
ical
ly si
gnifi
cant
Resu
lts n
ot st
atist
ical
ly si
gnifi
cant
Bran
ded
gaso
line
pric
e: 1
.06
cpg;
un
bran
ded
gaso
line
pric
e: n
ot
stat
istic
ally
sign
ifica
ntRe
sults
not
stat
istic
ally
sign
ifica
nt
Bran
ded
gaso
line
pric
e: −
1.64
cp
g; u
nbra
nded
gas
olin
e pr
ice:
−1
.14
cpg
Resu
lts n
ot st
atist
ical
ly si
gnifi
cant
Bran
ded
gaso
line
pric
e: n
ot
stat
istic
ally
sign
ifica
nt;
unbr
ande
d ga
solin
e pr
ice:
1.
13 cp
g
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-
S89
Hos
ken,
Silv
ia, a
nd T
aylo
r (2
011)
Estim
ates
chan
ge in
who
lesa
le
and
reta
il ga
solin
e pr
ices