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Defining local needs in Ethiopia 83

they were named after the chiefs two oldersons: Salata and Mad elcho.

The current population of Dangara Salataand Dangara Madelcho PA s is estimated to be9,537 and 8,600 people respectively, w ith anaverage household size of seven. Mostinhabitants are of Wollaita ethnic origin andare Christians who have affiliations withEthiopian Orthodox, Catholic, and ProtestantChurches.

Considerable change has occurred in thesocio-economic patterns of the people livingin the PA areas. There is now dense humansettlement, severe shortages of cultivable

land, and few opportunities for off-farmactivities. This was illustrated by the localpeople through a line history exercise.

Transect walk and work patterns

Alolla river, which is the main water-sourcefor both livestock and domestic purposes,forms the western boundary of the two PAs.Maps of the physical environment weredrawn with groups of men and women.

Available water sources, gullies, crop lands,trees, roads, offices, and residences ofTraditional Birth Attendants and circum-cisers were indicated on the maps.

An analysis of the agricultural productionsystems practised by farmers and the workpatterns and labour requirements ofcultivation was also compiled w ith groups ofmen and women. Four seasons were clearlyidentifiable, according to the work pattern ofthe predominantly farming households.

Most families tend to build their grass-thatched houses on their private farm land.Their landholdings do not usually exceed halfa hectare, which is apportioned to up to 18types of crops. Forexample,one farmer grow senset (false banana), taro, sweet potato,cabbage, sugar cane, banana, orange,avocado, hops, coffee, haricot bean, maize,teff, sorghum, barley, and various herbs.

Livestock herds of limited size graze on

common land. Small stock and calves weretethered around some ho mesteads.

Constraints on agricultural production

Groups of men and women identified theirmain problems as follows:

High population pressureCommunity groups pointed out that thenumber of families depending on availableland resources is greater than the carryingcapacity of the land. Most young men havelimited opportunities for farm employment.Out-migration, which was possible in the past,is now hampered both by limited employmentprospects in urban areas, and by lack of

confidence to move from one region to anotherbecause of the gov ernm ent's ethnically-basedregionalisation policy.

High rainfall variabilityThe PAs have experienced uncertain rainfallpatterns in the last two years, when theseasons have started and finished earlier. Thecomm unity g roups stated that this has causeda change of crops planted, and in their view awaste of agricultural inputs. Farmers have

adjusted to the changes by planting drought-tolerant crops of enset, sweet potato, bananaand coffee, by inter-cropping, and by relyingon more early-maturing crops which requirefertilisers.

Limited land holdingsThe average land-holding in the PAs does notexceed half a hectare per household. When amale family member marries, family land-holdings are re-apportioned. Out-m igration toseek seasonal farm-labouring work is used tosupplement production on the small land-holdings.

Cro p pests and diseasesSweet-po tato butterfly is a scourge of one ofthe staple crops in the two PAs. Pesticideshave to be purchased to control the larvae.

Loss of soil fertility

The farmers can neither expand their land-holdings nor exploit them. There is a generalunderstanding that better production could be


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84 Development and Social Diversity

achieved if land could be left fallow. Poorextension services, insecurity of land tenureand ownership, and the tripling in thepurchase price of fertiliser following thedevaluation of the Ethiopian Birr were allcited as constraints on land fertility.

Lack of o xenA draught animal is the biggest asset for ahousehold, as confirmed in the wealth-stratification exercise. Only five per cent offarmers in Dangara Salata and DangaraMedalcho PAs were estimated to have a pairof oxen for traction , and45 per cent of farmers

have no livestock of any kind and use handtools for cultivation. Hand tools are notefficient for digging out weeds, and the pricesof these implements are rising all the time.

Farmers without oxen either exchange twodays' labour for use of one pair of oxen from aneighbour, or rent their lands to share-croppers, or use mutual work groups(Debbo)to work with hand tools on a number of land-holdings on a rota basis.

Wealth stratification

The community groups set three criteria forwealth stratification: oxen, livestock, and landsize. On this basis, households in the two PA swere categorised into three groups.

Rich households comprised five per cent ofall the households ofthe area. They own a pairof oxen, a pair of cows, and threetimad of land(one timad = one-fifth of a hectare). Middle-

ranked households own an ox for share,a

cowto share, a donkey to share, and onetimad ofland. Fifty per cent of the households in thePAs were judged to be in this category.

Poor households had no livestock and nofarm land, except for a homestead and'garden' plot. Forty-five percent ofall house-holds in the PAs fell into this category.

diarrhoea, amoebic dysentery, pneum onia, andmalaria were common. Traditional practicescommon in the area are female circumcision(that is, female genital mutilation), cutting ofthe uvula (an extension of the soft palate, abovethe throat), and tooth extraction.

Malnutrition and diarrhoea were the maindiseases affecting infants. The disease calendarwhich was produced by women's groups alsoincluded scabies, respiratory infections, anddysentery. The women participating indiscussions understood the significance ofinadequate household and environmentalhygiene, poor sanitation, and limited diet as

causes of these diseases.Most peop le in the PAs want to use modern

health services when they fall sick, but theclosest clinic is at Areka, about two hours'walk away. In addition, people could notafford the high cost of drugs.

Mother and child health care

Mothers usually d eliver at home with the helpof friends and relatives. It is only when theyface a prolonged labour, or complications areexpected, that the Trained Traditional BirthAttendant (TTBA ) is called. There is only oneTTBA for both Dangara Salata and DangaraMadelcho PAs.

During discussions about health, most ofthe women's group (10 out of 15 members)said that they did not attend ante-natalservices. The distance to Areka Health C entrewas the main reason. Few women knew much

about family-planning services; and mostwant to have more children, primarily toreplace those who died in infancy.

Women's groups stressed the problems offetching water from the river, which is somedistance from most villages in the PAs.Grinding was also mentioned as a heavy partof their workload.

Health problems

Various communicable diseases werementioned as havinga major effect on p eop le'shealth. It was indicated that typhoid fever,

Problem ranking and analysis

After collating ranked problems from men'sand women's groups in Dangara Salata andDangara Madelcho PAs, it was clear that


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Defining local needs in Ethiopia 85

clean water (17 points), a health clinic (15points), and fertiliser (13 points) were thepriority needs.

Analysing the ranking by gender, we foundthat the women's priorities were associatedwith their heaviest work: fetching water andgrinding. An accessible health institution w asalso a priority. The men's groups felt thatwater and health were major problems, afterfertiliser.

Both PA comm unities fetch water from theAlolla river, which is contaminated and a longdistance from most villages. Many of thecommon diseases could be minimised by theprovision of safe drinking w ater.

The clinic at Areka town is too far away formothers, children, the elderly, and sickpeople, so strengthening local MCH servicesand health-education programmes was seenas a real priority .

Installing a grinding mill for the two PAs(and possibly for neighbouring PAs as well)could reduce women's work in processing

food, but it was recognised that this would bea major capital input.

The high price of fertiliser was not easy toaddress, as there is no strong local institutionwhich could supply it, or run a credit and loanscheme to assist the farmers.

Conclusion

The diagnostic survey undertaken withDubbo C atholic Missionis an example ofhowthe determinant factors of development in aparticular locality can be pinpointed throughthe use of diagnostic techniq ues.

The Dubbo Mission MCH team made thefollowing comment concerning the diag-nostic survey exercise in the two PAs in theirAnnual Report of30 April 1994:

Based on the results ofthis survey, we realisedthe greatest needs of the people a safe andadequate water supply and a health facility,as they were completely deprived ofboth.

A Health Committee at Dangara Salata wasformed on 19 January 1994, which waschaired by the Head of the Wereda HealthOffice. On 1 February 1994 a meeting washeld with the Regional Administrator on the[needs of] the local community at theDangara Salata site. They [the community]have worked and repaired the mostdangerou s parts of the roads leading into thearea. Also the Dubbo Mission Fathers have

repaired the bridge and made it safe for us.The Health Committee provided a large andspacious tukul [local thatched house] for ourwork.

Communities are dynamic, and developmentprogrammes must reflect this dynamism. Onlyby this means can development workers hopeto make a lasting improvement in the quality oflife of the community with whom they areworking.

The authors

Yezichalem Kassa is the Health Adviser andFeleke Tadele the Community DevelopmentOfficer in the Programm e Support Unit (PSU)of Oxfam UK/I's Addis Ababa Office. ThePSU is involved in all aspects of the develop-ment activities undertaken within Oxfam'sprogramme in Ethiopia and provides advice,training, and support where necessary.

This article first appeared inDevelopmentin Practice, Volume 5, Number 3, in 1995 .


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86

Empowerment examined

Jo Rowlands

Power and empowerment

The often uncritical use of the term'empow ermen t' in development thinking andpractice disguises a problematic concept.Many development practitioners and policy-makers will have come across the term inCaroline Moser's work (1989) on genderanalysis. However, development is not theonly context in which it is used. We now hearabout empowerment from mainstreampoliticians such as Bill Clinton and JohnMajor. Its use in some disciplines adulteducation, community work, and social workin particular is relatively advanced, thoughhere too there is room for grea ter clarity aboutthe concept and its application.

Some of the confusion arises because theroot-concept power is itself disputed,and so is understood and experienced indiffering ways by different people. In d e e d ,the person invoking 'empowerment' may noteven be aware of the potential for

misunderstanding . Power has been the subjectof much debate across the social sciences.'Some definitions focus, with varying degreesof subtlety, on the availability of one person orgroup to get another person or group to dosomething against their will. Such 'power' islocated in decision-making processes,conflict, and force, and could be described as'zero-sum': the more power one person has,the less the other has. Other definitionsdifferentiate between v arious kinds of power,

which can then be understood as servingdistinct purposes and having different effectsin or on society. These include 'a threat

power', 'economic power', and 'integrativepower'; or 'the power to create such

relationships as love, respect, friendship,legitimacy and so on'.2

Most frameworks for understanding powerappear to be 'neutral': that is, they make nomention of how power isactually distributedwithin a society. There is no consideration ofthe power dynamics of gender, or of race,class, or any other force of oppression. Thisabsence is tackled by a number of feministtheorists.3 Conventionally, pow eris defined inrelation to obedience, or 'power over', sincesome people are seen to have control orinfluence over others. A gender analysisshows that 'power over' is wieldedpredominantly by men over other men, bymen over women, and by dominant social,political, economic, or cultural groups overthose who are marginalised. It is thus aninstrument of domination, whose use can beseen in people's personal lives, their closerelationships, their com mu nities, and beyond.

Power of this kind can be subtly ex ercised.Various feminist writers have described theway in which people who are systematicallydenied power and influence in the dominantsociety internalise the messages they receiveabout what they are supposed to be like, andhow they may cometo believe the messages tobe true.4 This 'internalised oppression' isadopted as a survival mechanism, butbecomes so well ingrained that the effects aremistaken for reality. Thus, for example, a

woman who is subjected to violent abusewhen she expresses her own opinions maystart to withhold them , and eventually com e to


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Empowerment examined 8 7

believe that she has no opinions of her own.When control becomes internalised in thisway, the overt use of 'pow er ov er' is no longernecessary.

The definition of power in terms of dom-ination and obedience contrasts with onewhich views it in generative terms: forinstance 'the power some people have ofstimulating activity in others and raising theirmorale'.5 One aspect of this is the kind ofleadership that comes from the wish to see agroup achieve what it is capable of, wherethere is no conflict of interests and the groupsets its own co llective agenda. This model of

power is not a zero-sum: an increase in oneperso n's power does not necessarily dim inishthat of another. And, as Liz Kelly (1992)observes, 'I suspect it is "power to" that theterm "empowerment" refers to, and it isachieved by increasing one's ability to resistand challenge "power over".'

What is empowerment?

The meaning of 'empowerment' can now beseen to relate to the user's interpretation ofpower. In the context of the conventionaldefinition, empowerment must be aboutbringing people who are outside the d ecision-making process into it. This puts a strongemphasis on access to political structures andformal d ecision-making and, in the economicsphere, on access to markets and incom es thatenable people to participate in economicdecision-making. It is about individuals beingable to maximise the opportunities availableto them without or despite constraints ofstructure and State. Within the generativeinterpretation of power, empowerment alsoincludes access to intangible decision-mak ingprocesses. It is concerned with the processesby which people become aware of their owninterests and how these relate to those ofothers, in order to participate from a positionof greater strength in decision-making and

actually to influence such decisions.Feminist interpretations of power lead to a

still broader understanding of empowerment,

since they go beyond formal and institutionaldefinitions of power, and incorp orate the ideaof 'the personal as political'.6 From a feministperspective, interpreting 'power over' entailsunderstanding the dynamics of oppressionand internalised o ppression. S ince these affectthe ability of less powerful groups toparticipate in formal and informal decision-making, and to exert influence, they alsoaffect the way that individuals or groupsperceive themselves and their ability to actand influence the world around them.Empowerment is thus more than simplyopening u p access to decision-m aking; it must

also include the processes that lead people toperceive themselves as able and entitled tooccupy that decision-making space, and sooverlaps with the other categories of 'powerto ' and 'power from with in'.

These interpretations of empowermentinvolve giving full scope to the full range ofhuman abilities and p otential. As feminist andother social theorists have shown , the abilitiesascribed to a particular set of people are to alarge degree socially constructed. Empower-ment must involve undoing negative socialconstructions, so that the people affectedcome to see themselves as hav ing the capacityand the right to act and have influence.

This wider picture of empowerment can beseen to have three dimensions:

Personal: where empowerment is aboutdeveloping a sense of self and individualconfidence and capacity, and undoing theeffects of internalised oppressio n.

Close relationships: where empowermentis about developing the ability to negotiateand influence the nature of the relationshipand decisions made w ithin it.

Collective: where individuals worktogether to achieve a more extensive impactthan each could have had alone. This includesinvolvement in political structures, but m ightalso cover collective action based oncooperation rather than competition.Collective action may be locally focused for ex ample, at village or neighbourho od level


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or institutional, such as national networksor the United Nation s.

The profound but often unrecognised differences in the ways in which power isunderstood perhaps explain how it is thatpeople and organisations as far apart politic-ally as fem inists, W estern politicians, and theWorld Bank have embraced the concept withsuch enthusiasm.

Empowerment in practice

The idea of empowerment is increasinglyused as a tool for understanding what isneeded to change the situation of poor andmarginalised people. In this context, there isbroad agreement that empowerment is aprocess; that it involves some degree ofpersonal development, but that this is notsufficient; and that it involves moving frominsight to action.

In a counselling context, McW hirter (1991)defines empowerment as:

The process by which people, organisationsor groups who are powerless (a) becomeaware of the power dynamics at work in theirlife context, (b) develop the skills and capacityfor gaining some reasonable control overtheir lives, (c) exercise this control withoutinfringing upon the rights of others and (d)support the empowerment of others in thecommunity,(my emphasis)

She makes a useful distinction between 'thesituation of empowerment', where all four ofthese conditions are met; and 'an em powe ringsituation', where one or more of theconditions is in place or being develop ed, butwhere the full requirements are not present.

Through all these definitions runs the themeof understanding: if you understand yoursituation, you are more likely to act to dosomething about it. There is also the theme ofacting collectively. McWhirter's definitionmakes clear that taking action is not aboutgaining the power to dominate others. W riterson social group work also insist that

empowerment must be used in the context ofoppression, since empowerment is aboutwork ing to remove the existence and effects ofunjust inequalities (Ward and Mullender,1991). Empow erment can take place ona smallscale, linking people with others in similarsituations through self-help, education,support, or social action groups and networkbuilding; or on a larger scale, throughcommunity organisation, campaigning, legis-lative lobbying, social planning, and policydevelopment (Parsons, 1991).

The definitions of empowerment used ineducation, counselling, and social work,

although developed through work inindustrialised countries, are broadly similar toFreire's concept of conscientisation, whichcentres on individuals becoming 'subjects' intheir own lives and developing a 'criticalcons ciou sness' that is, an understanding oftheir circumstances and the social environ-ment that leads to action.

In practice, much empowerment workinvolves forms of group w ork. The role of theoutside professional in this context becomesone of helper and facilitator; anything moredirective is seen as interfering with theempowerm ent of the people concerned. Sincefacilitation skills require subtlety in order to beeffective, this has usually meant thatprofessionals must to some extent re-learn howto do theirjobs, and develop h igh-level skills ofself-awareness. In somecases, the professionalfacilitator has to become a member of thegroup, and be willing to do the same kind of

personal sharing as is encouraged from otherparticipants.

The outside professional cannot expect tocontrol the outcomes of authentic empower-ment. Writing about education, Taliaferro(1991) points out that true power cannot bebestowed: it comes from within. Any notionof empowerm ent b eing given by one group oranother hides an attempt to keep control, andshe describes the idea of gradualempowerment as 'especially dubious'. Realempowerment may take unanticipateddirections. Outside professionals shouldtherefore be clear that any 'po wer ove r' which


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Empowerment examined 89

they have in relation to the people they workwith is likely to be challenged by them. Thisraises an ethical and political issue: if thereality is that you do have 'power over' asis the case with statutory authorities orfinancially powerful organisations, such asdevelopment agencies it is misleading todeny that this is so.

Empowerment in a developmentcontext

How can the concept of empowerment be most

usefully applied in a development context?Most of the literature about empowerment,with the exception of Freire and Batliwala,originates from work in industrialisedsocieties. Do poor or otherwise marginalisedwomen and men experience similar problemsin developing countries? In both cases, theirlack of access to resources and to formal poweris significant, even if the contexts within w hichthat lack is experienced are very different.McWhirter's definition of empowerment

seems equally relevant to either context. Anydifference is more likely to show up in the wayin which it is put into practice, and in theparticular activities that are called for. This isconfirmed in one of the few definitions ofempowerment which has a specific focus ondevelopment (Keller and Mbwewe, 1991), inwhich it is described as:

A process whereby women become able toorganise themselves to increase their own

self-reliance, to assert their independent rightto make choices and to control resourceswhich will assist in challenging andeliminating their own subordination.

Srilatha Batliwala, writing about women'sempowerment, has made a detailed analysis ofwomen's empowerment programmes, lookingat Integrated Rural Development (IRD:economic interventions, awareness-building,and organising of women) and at Research,

Training, and Resource Support.7

She notesthat in some (especially IRD) program mes, theterms empowerment and developmentare used

synonymously. It is often assumed that powercomes automatically through economicstrength. It may do, but often it does not,depending on specific relations determined bygender, culture, class, orcaste. Economic rela-tions do not always improve women's econ-omic situation, and often add an extra burden.Often, development work is still done 'for'women, and an exclusive focus on economicactivities does not automatically create a spacefor women to look at their own roleas women,or at other problem atic aspects of their lives.

Econom ic activities and theempowerment process

Economic activities may widen the range ofoptions for marginalised people, but do notnecessarily enable them to reacha point wherethey can take charge of creating forthemselves the options from which they get tochoose. To do that, a combination ofconfidence and self-esteem, information,analytical sk ills, ability to identify and tap intoavailable resources, political and social

influence, and so on, is needed. Programmesthat build on the demands and wishes of thepeople who participate in them are a steptowards em powerm ent, but they do not in andof themselves tackle the assumptions thatthose people (and the people around them) arealready making about what they can andcannot do: the point where the internalisedoppression works in combination with theparticular economic and social context torestrict the options that peopleperceive asavailable, and legitimate. An empowermentapproach centred on economic activity mustpay attention to more than the activityitself.The processes and structures through whichan economic activity operates need to bedeliberately designed to create opportunitiesfor an empowerment process to happen.

The role of outsiders

The role of the professional or the outsider inthe development settingis just as important asin the social-work contexts described earlier.


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Price describes the crucial role played bywomen staff of an Indian NGO, giving anexample of an occasion when a key workertalking about her own personal experienceenabled other wom en to do likewise. This is instark contrast to the tendency in manydevelopment projects, as in Ngau's account(1987) of the Kenyan Harambee movement,for professional-client relationships to befostered by para-professionals, fuellingresentment and withdrawal among localpeople. This has implications for the way inwhich personnel in development programmesand projects as well as in aid agencies

perform their work. A process ofempowerment that seeks to engage poor andmarginalised people cannot be effective if themethodology is 'top-down' and directive, orencourages dependency. Empowerment is aprocess that cannot be imposed by outsiders although appropriate external support andintervention can speed up and encourage it. Itcalls for a facilitative approach and an attitudeof complete respect for and confidence in thepeople being worked with, or accompanied.8

It therefore makes great demands on thechange-agents, and may require (and feedinto) their own empowerment. Furthermore,since most professionals are trained to work inways that disempower and which tell otherpeople what they should do and think itrequires conscious and sustained efforts tomodify that pattern of behav iour and to clarifymutual expectations.

Individual empowerment

In discussing empowerment throughawareness-building and organising ofwomen, Batliwala highlights an aspect of anempowerment approach that poses adifficulty for many agencies working indevelopm ent: it can be desperately slow. Mostfunding agencies are understandablypreoccupied with showing results. Yet thework needed for raising levels of confidenceand self-esteem among poor and margin-alised people in such a way that will enhancetheir ability to take charge of their own needs

is necessarily time-con sumin g. It is a processfor each individual to do at her or his ownpace. Because of this, there is a temptation towork with people who have already a degreeof self-confidence. This is one reason whyeven empowerment-focused programmesoften fail to engage with the poorest and mostmarginalised. Even to participate in a group,you require a certain minimal sense of yourown ab ilities and worth, as well as being ableto overcome the obstacles to making the timeto participate.

Collective empowermentIn the context of development, whileindividual empowerment is one ingredient inachieving empowerment at the collective andinstitutional levels, concentration on individ-uals alone is not enough. Changes are neededin the collective abilities of individuals to takecharge of identifying and meeting their ownneeds as households, communities,organisations, institutions, and societies. Atthe same time, we must recognise that theeffectiveness of such group activity rests alsoon the individual empowerment of at leastsome people.

Professionals involved in suchempowerment work should repeatedly askhow the development interventionis affectingthe various aspects of the lives of the peopledirectly involved. A monitoring andevaluation process that reflects theempowerment process is essential. People

need to be involved in the identification ofappropriate indicators of change, and in thesetting of criteria for evaluating impact. Asthe empowerment process proceeds, thesewill inevitably need to be modified andrevised. Clarity about the dynam ics that pushpoor and marginalised people to stay withinwhat is safe and familiar is vital, in order toensure that the empowerment process is keptwell in focus. Qualitative indicators are,self-evidently, central to the evaluation of

empowerment.


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Empowerment examined 9 1

Conclusion

'Empowerment' has much in common withother concepts used by development practi-tioners and planners, such as 'participation','capacity-building', 'sustainability', or'institutional development'. There is,however, a worrying temptation to use themin a way that takes the troublesome notions ofpower, and the distribution of power, out ofthe picture. For in spite of their appeal, theseterms can easily become one more way toignore or hide the realities of power,inequality, and oppression. Yet it is precisely

those realities which shape the lives of poorand marginalised people, and the commun-ities in which they live.

The concept of 'emp ow erme nt', ifit is usedprecisely and deliberately, can help to focusthought, planning, and action in developm ent.However, when its use is careless,deliberately vague, or sloganising, it risksbecoming degraded and valueless.

Notes1 See, for example, Bachrach and Baratz

(1970), Lukes (1974), Foucault (1980),Giddens (1984), Hartsock (198 5 and 1990),and Boulding (1988).

2 These distinctions are from Boulding(1988) p.10.

3 See, for example, Hartsock (1985, 1990),and Starhawk (1987).

4 See, for example, Pheterson (1990), andJackins(1983).

5 Nancy Hartsock (1985) draws on thewritings of Hannah Arendt, Mary ParkerFollett, Dorothy Emmett, Hannah Pitkinand Berenice Carroll in her analysis.

6 I do not wish to imply here that there is one'feminist' model of power. Spaceconstraints have led me to generalise andleave out important variations in analysis.

7 Batliwala (1993).1 had access to the second

draft and not to the final version.8 Acompahamiento, or accompaniment, is aword widely used in Latin America to

describe an outside agent's sense ofsolidarity and willingness to share riskswith poor and marginalised people, and awillingness to engag e with the processes ofsocial change in which they are directlyinvolved. It contrasts with the position ofoutside agents whether these are churchworkers, development NGOs, or fundingagencies which maintain a greater senseof distance.

References

Bachrach, P. and M .S. Baratz (1970) Powerand Poverty: Theory and Practice, NewYork: Oxford University Press.Batliwala, S. (1993) Empowerment ofWomen in South Asia: Concepts andPractices, New Delhi: Asian-South PacificBureau of Adult Education and Freedom fromHunger Campaign.Boulding, K. (1988) Three Faces of Power,London: Sage.Foucault, M. (1980) Power/Knowledge:

Selected Interviews and Other Writings,ed.Colin Gordon, Brighton: Harvester.Giddens, A. (1984) The Constitution ofSociety, Cambridge: Polity.Hartsock, N. (1985) Money, Sex and Power:Towards a Feminist Historical Materialism,Boston: Northeastern University Press.Hartsock, N. (1990) 'Foucault on power: atheory for women?' in L.J. Nicholson, (ed):Feminism/Postmodernism, New York andLondon: R outledge.Jackins, H. (1983) The Reclaiming of Power,Seattle: Rational Island.Keller, B. and D .C. Mbwewe (1991) Policyand planning for the empowerment ofZambia's women farmers', CanadianJournal of Development Studies12/1:75-88.Kelly, L. (1992) 'The Contradictions ofPower for Women', paper presented at theNFHA Women and Housing Conference.Mimeo.

Lukes, S. (1974) Power: a Radical View,London: M acmillan.McWhirter, E.H. (1991) 'Empowerment in


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counselling', Journal of Counselling andDevelopment 69 : 222-7.Moser, C. (1989) 'Gender planning in theThird World: meeting practical and strategicgender needs', World Development, 17:11.Ngau, P.M. (1987) 'Tensions inempowerment: the experience of Harambee(self-help) movement, Kenya', EconomicDevelopment and Cultural Change35/3:523-8.

Parsons, R.J. (1991) 'Empowerment:purpose and practice principle in social w ork ',Social W ork with Groups14/2:7-21Pheterson, G. (1990) 'Alliances between

women: overcoming internalised oppressionand internalised domination' in A. Albrechtand R.M. Brewer (eds):Bridges of Power:Women's Multicultural Alliances,Philadelphia: New Society.Price, J. (n.d.) 'Women's Development:Welfare Projects or Political Empower-ment?', presented at Amsterdam conference.Mimeo.

Starhawk [pseud. M. Sim os] (1987)Truth orDare: Encounters with Power, Authority andMystery, San Francisco: Harper & Row.Taliaferro, M.B. (1991) 'The myth ofempowerment', Journal of Negro Education60/1:1-2.Ward, D. and A. Mullender (1991)'Empowerment and oppression: anindissoluble pairing', Critical Social Policy11/2:21-30.

The author

Jo Rowlands has worked for over ten years asa trainer and consultant for cooperatives andNGOs in Britain and Latin America. She isCo-director of Manantial Women's Inter-national Link, a British NGO that bringstogether women from industrialised anddeveloping countries.

This article first appeared inDevelopmentin Practice Volume 5, Number 2, in 1995.


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93

Some thoughts on gender and culture

Maitrayee Mukhopadhyay

In an article which appearedin Development inPractice, Volume 5, Number 3, Mike Powell

raised many issues about subjective percep-tions, mainly those of 'outsiders' who interferein cultures they do not fully understand. Suchdilemmas have implications for 'insiders' aswell as 'ou tsiders', because all practitioners arein some w ay intervening in processes of socialtransformation, and are involved in thebusiness of allocating resources.

I want to explore the issue of gender andculture: areas where the ways in whichdevelopment practitioners understand andintervene in a situation can further entrenchgender-based inequality, or demonstrate thepossibility that such inequalities are open tochallenge.

In India, I operate within my own society andculture, and so am an 'in sider'. But in my workfor gender equity, I have often experiencedallegations from different quarters that this isagainst our culture, violates our traditions, and(the worst criticism ofall in the Indian context)that it is 'Western ised'. It is common for genderand development practitioners to be labelled inthis manner, though the precise allegationsmay differ from one place to another. Genderrelations are viewed as among the mostintimate aspects of our cultural traditions, andchallenging them seems to challenge the verybasis of who we are.

In 1984, I published a book about womenand development in India, and undertook apublicity tour in the United Kingdom. Among

many presentations I made, the most memor-able for me was at the Pakistan Centre inLiverpool. Most of the predominantly male

audience were from India, Pakistan, orBangladesh.

The discussion that followed my talk waslively, to say the least, and abusive at its worst.My book criticised the Indian model ofdevelopment for working against women'sinterests, and Indian society for its treatment ofwomen. I was initially taken aback by thereaction, until it dawned on me what washappening. The Indians, Pakistanis, andBangladeshis had united (leaving aside, for thetime being, their bitter differences on the sub-continent) in a vigorous defence of culture and

tradition: a tradition which respected itswomen, a tradition which was protective of itswomen, and one in which women were thecentre of families which, in turn, were collect-ivities of co-operation, love, and sacrifice. Infact, they were drawing a simplified picture ofgender relations which amounted toa fiction ofa monolithic, timeless culture: an immutable,'South Asian ' culture.

I had offended my audience, first by 'turn ingtraitor' to my own culture, and raising doubtsabout women's position in Indian society.Secondly, I had done so in a Western countrywhich they had decided to perceive, in theinterests of preserving their own separatecultural identity, as a culture full of 'loose'women, and broken families.

There wasa sequel to this experience:a Paki-stani woman followed me out of the hall, andthanked me for my presentation. She had beenworking with Asian women facing domestic

violence, ever since her daughter committedsuicide, unable to endure further harassmentand torture in her marital hom e.


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I am often asked, usually by expatriatedevelopment workers, whether by interveningon wo me n's behalf w e are upsetting the genderroles and relations characteristic of the culture.The fear that we may be imposing our owncultural values by promoting gender equity inour development work is a real one. However,it is real largely because we allow our ownculture-based assumptions about women tocolour our response to alternative visions ofgender equality. And we fail to recognise theeveryday forms of resistance put up bysubordinated groups, because these do notcorrespond to our experience.

If gender relations are equated with the mostintimate aspects of our cultures, and if cultureand tradition are assumed to be immutable,rather than the site of resistance fromsubordinated groups, gender relations soonbecome a 'no-go area'; and allocatingresources in order to redress the imbalance ofpower between men and women is madepolitically difficult.

But cultures are not fixed or immutable.Contests to 'fix ' the meanings ofsocial entitiestake place all the time, leading to changes insocial practices. Development practitionershave to take sides in those contests which helpto dismantle hierarchies of genderand class. Byfailing to recognise that these are going o n, andlistening only to the voice of the powerful insociety, we are in fact taking the side of thefundamentalists, who render religion uniformthroughout the world by enforcing trad itions ofhierarchical gender roles and relations, and

presenting them as unchanging andauthoritative.

There are no hard and fast distinctionsbetween the material world and the world ofideas, values, and beliefs. We must work atboth levels to bring about the changes that aresupposed to be the purpose of development. Iend with a plea for development practitionersto use culture as a way to open up intractableareas of gender relations, and not to regard it asa dead end which prevents us from workingtowards more equitable relations betweenwomen and men.

The author

Maitrayee Mukhopadhyay is a Gender andDevelopment Adviser for Oxfam (UK andIreland), focusing on South Asia and theMiddle East. Her book,Silver Shackles, waspublished by Oxfam (UK and Ireland) in 1984.

This article first appearedin Development inPractice, Volume 5, Number 4 (1995). Theideas in it are developed more fully in a paperby the author, published in Gender andDevelopment,Volume 3, Number 1, pp . 13-18.


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W h o is the expert?

Valerie Emblen

95

Advisers: part of the prob lem, o rpart of the solution?

In 1990, I flew to Lao People's DemocraticRepublic (Lao PDR) to work as Pre-schoolAdviser to the Ministry of Education. It wasmy first time on extended work o verseas. TheMinistry of Education had asked for help indeveloping teaching methodology inkindergartens and training colleges for pre-school teachers. The project w as planned andsupported by the Save the Children Fund

(SCF/UK). When I arrived, I discovered thatthe Ministry expected me to write trainingmanuals, which they would translate into Lao,and then we would set up training courses onhow to use them. I had never had to considerhow to 'pac kag e' teaching metho ds, or even ifthere were any 'prop er' teaching methods thateveryone should know. Above all, I wasconcerned about the relevance of my E nglishknow ledge in this very different co ntex t. I hadan uncomfortable few months while I re-negotiated my role, all the time aware that Iwas not the adviser that was exp ected.

In the Lao language,seosan means adviseror expert; the word conveys a general respectfor learning. Both words,seosan and expert,convey the notion that a person can possessvaluable knowledge that is independent ofany particular context. Those trying todevelop an education system may wellbelieve that there is something that they don 't

know, some secret that they lack, which ishampering their development. I saw how, inan under-confident system, people are

tempted to search for the magic answer: the

methods and materials that are perfectlyteacher-proofed. This is a delusion, but themyth seems to be promoted by governmentsand funders alike.

I was the latest in a long line of advisers tothe Teacher Training Department: in theprevious ten years they had had a Russian, aCuban, and Vietnamese. I discovered onlyafter a long time in Laos that there was a veryambivalent attitude to foreign advisers. Iheard comments like: 'They get paid huge

salaries and we have to do the work' ... 'Wehad to rewrite the project completely afterthey went' ... 'They don't know about ourcountry: they've never been outsideVientiane, what do they know?' NGOadvisers don't escape scepticism, and therewas the feeling that they are not always verywell qualified: 'Advisers should have realexpertise in theirow n countries.'

Attitudes to new projects are ambivalent:they are started with high hopes and oftenunrealistic expectations, while, at the sametime, years of failure have made peoplesceptical about the possibility of success.They can be defensive and unwilling tocommit themselves in case of another failure.But advisers keep coming, and each new onerepresents a new start, while previous work isswept away. The stream of advisers has hadthe effect of disempowering local teachers.Curriculum documents are glossier now that

the Eastern bloc expe rts have left and W esternorganisations have taken their place, but theyare beginning to stack up high, the edges


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turning yellow. Meanwhile, children still goto school without books, and teachers go onteaching until the last bit of chalk is used upand, two years behind in their salary, they goback to work in their fields.

I have had constantly to remind m yself thatadvisers can be the problem as well as thesolution. Simply transferring kno wledge fromone place to another will not help, as wasmade clear to me one day when I wasapproached by a Lao teacher trainer whotaught the Child Health C ourse. She asked m eif we really feed babies with big spoons inEurope and, 'If so, how do you do it?' Her

teaching material, written by the Russianadviser, said 'Take three table-spoons of ..."and she had never used table-spoons asmeasures. She is an intelligent, professionalperson, and the story sho ws how it is possibleto get people to mistrust their owncommonsense knowledge.

In Vientiane, it is all too common forforeign developers to express poor opinionsof their Lao colleagues. One Ministry officialfelt the need to start a discussion with thecomment: 'I don't know if you know, but noteveryone in Lao Ministries is lazy.' AnNGO's report on its work in Indo-Chinaargues that more than usual numbers ofexpatriate advisers are needed, because of'low-calibre counterparts' (SCF 1992). Amyth is being built that 'under-development'(whatever that may be) is caused by gaps inskill and understanding, and that those gapscan be plugged by bringing in people from

places where they know more: a simplisticanalysis, which allows us to avoid much moredifficult issues of respect, equality, andjustice. Fortunately, my work in London hadmade me aware of the ways in which negat-ive views of other cultures are gen erated.

Social reality and cross-culturalcommunication

Interventions are designed to bring aboutchanges, but changes do not happen in avacuum: they have an impact on people's

lives. Soon after I arrived, the head -teacher ofthe Dong Dok kindergarten, who had beensupported and trained by SCF (UK), wasunceremoniously removed from her post bythe Dong D ok Teacher Training School. Theyfelt that preference had been given to her overmore senior people; she had been sent ontraining courses, and had been given amotorbike. The last straw was when herhusband was seen riding the bike to town. Itseemed a trivial incident and, from theoutside, an unreasonable and bizarrelyself-destructive decision. But this is the reality inwhich people live and work. Foreign ad visers

can be very egocentric, and fail to see thattheir work is located ina social context; pow ergames, jealousies, and battles to maintainstatus are common everywhere. Difficultiesfor foreign advisers are magnified, becausethey are not a part of the cultural context anddo not understand the social dynamics.Ignorance is not blame-worthy, but lack ofsensitivity to the importance of socialmeanings is.

Lao PDR is a non-confrontational society,and politeness demands that advisers are notcontradicted. Many outsiders are frustrated bythe fact that apparently agreed actions do notgo ahead; but the Lao people have developedtechniques which allow them to make theirviews known subtly, without overtlychallenging the adviser. They will avoiddoing things they think inappropriate;foreigners then accuse them of being lazy orlacking interest. And the frustration is two-

way. I also know that my style of commun-icating (I seldom answer questions directly)caused problems. For example, a Ministrycolleague quite uncharacteristically burst outat a meeting: 'T he adviser w on 't tell us all sheknows.' I had to recognise that neither sidewould fully understand the other'scommunication style in the short space of atwo-year contract, but we could learn tominimise the importance of misund-erstandings and to laugh at them.

Cross-cultural communication is challeng-ing, but I don't want to exaggerate itsdifficulty: we all have resources of human


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Who is the expert? 97

knowledge and empathy to draw on. Mostimportantly, I have seen how easy it is, whenyou misunderstand others' intentions, toattribute poor m otives to them.

Addressing the issues and takingrisks

A Lao colleague quoted a proverb to me :Youshowed us how to prepare the fish, but youdidn 't cook it for us. She was comment-ing onthe ways we had worked together. We, Laocounterparts andI, had to plan a way to initiatechange. D uring this time in Lao PDR, I had to

accept that some of my fundamental beliefswere, in fact, the product of a Westernconventional wisdom. Counterparts also hadtheir own cherished beliefs and conventionalwisdom. To illustrate differences inperceptions, I quote from the findings ofresearch I am currently undertaking in LaoPDR and England. Teachers of youngchildren are being asked what are the mostimportant things for young children to learn.In England, teachers stressed au tonomy ,self-

expression, and independence, whereas Laoteachers put social v alues at the top ofthe list:politeness, caring, and respect for oth ers. Thechallenge was to listen carefully to whatothers felt was real and important, withoutrelinquishing the right to suggest otherinterpretations and possibilities.

In the training colleges, teacher-trainerswould teach by reading out the curriculumdocuments for the students to write in theirown notebooks. We set out to find out fromthe trainers why they did it this way, what sortof teaching methods they wanted to achieve,and what they saw as the constraints. Itemerged that they, like all professionals,wanted to develop their teaching, but they feltdisempowered by many circumstances, somereal and some imaginary. Recently one of theteacher-trainers reminded me that she hadargued that students couldn't be allowed todiscuss ideas, because 'They are too stupid'.

She was happy to admit she had been provedwrong. The trainers said their only teachingaid was the blackboard; they could not alw ays

understand the content of the curriculum; andsome said they couldn 't allow studen ts to askquestions, because they didn't know theanswers them selves. It tooka degree of trust toreveal these things. From there, we couldidentify strengths on which we could build,and plan how to acquire the new knowledgeand techniques that were needed . The processwas slow and hard for those involved:learning in this mode is not a comfortableprocess; people are required to committhemselves, to challenge some dearly-heldbeliefs, and to take risks. Perhaps thereluctance to take risks is the most significant.Governments want certainties: measurableoutcomes in measured time-scales, to repaythe time and energy they have invested. Towant success is normal. But in the effort toensure it, officials may narrow their focus toleave nothing to chance, with the result thatthe new is practically indistinguishable fromthe old.

The processes were agreed with theMinistry and for some time were welcomed,as trainers' and teachers' confidence and

competence developed. However, otherprojects, with much bigger funding, includingone financed by the Asian DevelopmentBank, were the responsibility of the M inistry.The Bank employed expatriate 'experts' onsix-month contracts, one to write each subjectof the Primary Teacher Training Curriculum.They were offering certainties the correctpercentage of theory in proportion to practice,comprehensive lists of teaching methods,proper formats for lesson plans while thePre-school Project was still posing questions.I am convinced that our way of working isequally likely to produce long-term change,but the 'experts' had an aura of authorityconferred by their international status and,since the Lao government is paying theBank's advisers astronomically high salariesfrom loan money, it is quite understandablethat their work was accorded high credibility.

We are fortunate that we have had time to

show progress and that enough Ministryofficials are convinced of the benefits of ourway of working that the project will have the


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opportunity to carry on. What the long-termoutcom es will be, I don't know .

The place of overseas advisersIs there a place for the overseas adviser? Ithink there is. I have, throughout my career,welcomed help from those with relevantexperience. We all need new ideas, newchallenges and stimulation; but the way inwhich the advice is offered is imp ortant. I amconvinced that outside knowledge should becarefully negotiated and interlinked with localexpertise, and that local expertise should be

given greater respect.A story current in Vientiane, which is

probably apocryphal, concerns a primary-school science curriculum recently preparedby an Australian adviser which requires abeaker of ice and a thermometer. Mis-matchesare seldom so blatant, but bias can beexceedingly powerful. To illustrate this, Iquote a passage from a recent survey of Laochildren (Phanjarunti 1994) carried out forUN ICEF, who are using it to plan their EarlyChildhood programme:

Overall ... the level of [Lao children's]cognitive development appea red slow at eachag e around 76% of the internationalstandard norms. Children cannot tell theirage or last name, or know maths concepts(calculating) or colours as they shouldaccording to standard norms. Children haveslow responses to stimulation.

I suspect that questions more closely related totheir lives and interests might have evokedmore enthusiastic responses from thechildren. Sadly, their supposed deficienciescan easily become the focus of programmeplanning, and the good things which theirfamily and community provide are lost.

Sustainability: desiring and fearingchange

Everyone involved in an intervention musthope that it will have a long-lasting impact. Ifa programme is to bring about long-term

change, such change must be deeply rooted.Everyone must really want change, andrealistically face the problems involved. In apoor country, financial constraints are anintegral part of the work . The system has to bebuilt with what there is. Anything whichsuggests that change can come about withoutlove, commitment, hard work, and pain isunrealistic. A passionate commitment isneeded, for there will be few intrinsic reward s,either in pay and prestige or career prospects.Working with a Ministry where the approachis inevitably 'centre-out' if not 'top down',there is the possibility that change can be

brought about quickly; but there is the realpossibility of introducing unworkable modelsif they are not well matched to the reality ofthe country. Maybe the 'top-dow n' or 'centre-out' system remains unchallenged becauseblame can always be passed downwards: thecurriculum is good and the methods modern,so problems must lie with the teachers or worse still w ith the students or children.

There is, of course, a tension between thedesire for change and the fear of it, butbringing in an outsider is a strong statementabout the former. However, the conditions ofoverseas employment for NGO staff do notalways give the security and confidenceneeded to risk a really developmentalapproach. Short-term contracts, no propercareer structure, poor opportunities fortraining, and no opportunity to test your ownperceptions against those of others under-taking similar contracts can make one feel

isolated and unsupported and that iswithout all the additional difficulties of beinga woman in development work.

I am aware of the many things I failed toresolve; the role of adviser demand s a balancebetween giving people what they ask for andoffering alternatives, and I don't know if thebalance was right. The group I worked withdirectly feel good about what they haveachieved. On the whole, the Ministry supportsthe work, though som e officials wanted moredefinite rules and formats. The voices ofteachers, parents, and children have been littleheard, and they are the most closely affected.


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Who is the expert? 99

I will not be in Lao PDR in ten ye ars' time tosee what remains of what we started, but Iloved the experience for the friends I made,and for the opportunity to live in anothersociety and find out how it wo rks. I developedgreat respect for most of my Lao colleagues,and their ability to develop in the face of m anydifficulties. The experience has been verychallenging. I have been faced with the limitsto my own tolerance, my prejudices, andsticking points. I have had, abov e all, to thinkabout what it is that makes people want tolearn and change, and what the role of anoutsider can be.

ReferencesPhanjarunti, S., 1994, 'Traditional ChildRearing Practices among Different EthnicGroups in Houaphan Province, Lao People'sDemocratic Rep ublic', Vientiane: UNICEF.Save the Children Fund, 1992, Report ofRegional Planning Meeting, January 1992.

The author

After her work in Lao PDR, Valerie Emblenreturned to her p osition as Senior Lecturer inEducation at the School of Teaching Studies,University of North London.

This article first appeared inDevelopmentin Practice, Volume 5, Number 4, in 1995.


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100

Annotated bibliography

This is a selective listing of recent English-langua ge p ublications relating to social diversity inthe context of development and emergency reliefwork. It was compiled and annotated by

Deborah Eade and Caroline Knowles, Editor and Reviews Editor respectivelyo/Developmentin Practice.

Anderson, Mary B. and P. J. Woodrow:Rising from the Ashes: D evelopmentStrategies in Times ofDisasterParis: UNESCO//Boulder: Westview Press,1989Building on several case-studies, this bookshows that relief program mes are never neutralin their developmental impact. It presents adeceptively simple framework for understand-ing the dynam ic relationship between differentpeople's needs, vulnerabilities, and capacities.Analysing most current relief practice, theauthors show various p ractical ways in which itmight be improved.

Bangura, Yusuf: The Search for Identity:Ethnicity, Religion and Political Violence,

Occasional Paper6, Geneva: UN RISD, 1994This paper examines the complex ways inwhich ethnicity and religion shape socialidentities, and how people mobilise in supportof movements based on such distinctions. Italso reflects on the role of violence in socialconflicts, on why certain types of violence arepreferred by social m ovements, and on the wayin which violence structures the identities ofgroup actors and the dynamics of conflicts.Finally, it examines a range of policy issuesrelating to the resolution or management ofethnic and religious conflicts, and politicalviolence.

Blaikie, Piers et al : At Risk: NaturalHazards, People's Vulnerability an dDisasters,London: R outledge, 1994

This book reminds the reader that, for mostcountries, 'natural' disasters are a much moreconsistent threat than high-profile conflict or'complex emergencies'. These disasters neednot be major many occur on a local scale but are just as disruptive to local populationsand economies.The other important premiseofthe book is that the roots of vulnerability todisaster do not lie in the intensity of the hazardsolely, but rather in prevailing social andeconomic conditions in combination with theintensity of the hazard. The book usefully

models the complex economic and socialarrangements and interactions that relate tovulnerab ility, identifying areas where action toreduce vulnerability can be taken, and presentsprinciples and guidelines to steer this work.

Coleridge, Peter: Disability, Liberation, andDevelopment,Oxford: Oxfam (UKand Ireland), 1993The situation of disabled people provides amicrocosm of the whole development debateand process. Disabled people are oppressedand marginalised in every country of the world,both North and South. Their lives are


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Annotated bibliography 101

constrained by social attitudes which stemfrom fear and prejudice. By probing theseprejudices and studying cases where they havebeen overcome, we gain an insight into theprocesses of liberation and empowerment thatlie at the heart of any development process.This book provides an overview of the subjectand outlines the social, political, and develop-mental aspects of disability in general terms,illustrating these through case studies fromselected countries in Africa, Asia, and theMiddle East.

Cook, Rebecca J. (ed.): Human Rightsof

Women: National and InternationalPerspectives,Philadelphia: University of PennsylvaniaPress, 1994This book asks how human rights can make adifference in the lives ofwomen, given that thevery idea of human rights implies universalapplication to both men and wom en, across theworld. The authors argue that any attempt toaddress the human rights of women mustconsider how they can be protected in the

context of their own culture and traditions. Thebook looks at how international human-rightslaw applies specifically to women in variouscultures worldwide, and seeks to developstrategies to promote equitable application ofhuman-rights law at the international, regional,and domestic levels.

Eade, Deborah and Suzanne W illiams : Th eOxfam Handbook of Development andRelief,Oxford: Oxfam (UK and Ireland), 1995This three-volume reference book offers aguide to current thinking, policy, and practicein all areas of development and relief work inwhich Oxfam works in over 70 countriesaround the world. A central principle is thatpeople's social identities and hence theirperspectives, capacities, and needs areinfluenced not only by their economic status,but also by the ways in which social roles aredefined in relation to others; and by howsociety values the individuals comprising it.Chapter Two, 'Focusing on People', exploresthose aspects of human identity that should

inform all development and reliefwork. Theseinclude gender; ethnic, racial, and culturalidentity; childhood and old age; and disability.The practical relevance of these issues isdemonstrated in further chapters on Principlesof Development and Relief (including HumanRights), Capacity-building (encompassingeducation and training, as well as advocacy,and institutional development), Production,Health, and Emergencies. A 500-entry annot-ated Resources Directory comprises the thirdvolum e. The Handbook is written for policy-makers, practitioners, and analysts.

Ennew, Judith and Brian M ilne : The NextGenera tion: Lives of ThirdWorld Children,London: Zed Books, 1989This book examines the ways in whichchildren's rights are protected or violated. Thefirst part focuses on the Rights of the Child,featured in the 1989 UN Declaration, and thefrequent disparities between policies and theirimplementation. Inequalities between childrenin rich and poor nations and in different groupswithin particular national settings are also

considered. The second part of the bookcomprises a series of 12 case studies, drawingon a wide range of information, and considersthe issues raised in the first part.

Gurr, Ted Robert: Minorities at Risk: AGlobal View of Ethnopo litical Co nflicts,Washington: United States Institute of PeacePress, 1993Possible bases for communal identity includeshared historical experiences or myths,religious beliefs, language, ethnicity, region ofresidence, and, in caste-like systems,customary occupations. The key to identifyingsuch groups is not the presence ofa particulartrait or set of traits, but the shared perceptionthat these set the group apart. This booksurveys over 200 politically active communalgroups, with comparative case-studies fromEastern and W estern Europe, North Africa andthe Middle East, Sub-Saharan Africa, and

Japan. Examining their disadvantages andgrievances, the author asks: what communalidentities and interestsare most at odds with the


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structures and policies of existing states, andwhy? Answers may suggest strategies toreduce ethnic conflict, such as autonomy,pluralism, and formal power-sharing.

Jahan, RounaqThe Elusive Agenda: MainstreamingWomenin DevelopmentLondon: Zed Books, 1995This book reviews the progress achieved inmaking gender a central concern in thedevelopment process. It evaluates selectedleading bilateral and multilateral donoragencies, including the World Bank, which

have played a critical role in shaping thedevelopment agenda. It suggests an innovativeconceptual framework for analysing Women-in-Development objectives and strategies, andestablishing indicators for assessing progress.Policies and measures to promote genderequality and women's advancement arereviewed in a variety of development contexts.The book argues that, in spite of significantadvances, the fundamental objective oftransforming social and gender relations andcreating a more just and equitable worldis veryfar from being achieved. Why has progressbeen so elusive, for women in particular? It isthis question that becomes the central issueexplored in this study.

Kabeer, Naiia: Reversed Realities: Gend erHierarchies in DevelopmentThoughtLondon: Verso Press, 1994The authortraces the emergence of 'wo men ' asa specific category in development thought andexamines alternative frameworks for analysinggender hierarch ies. The household is identifiedas a primary site for the construction of powerrelations and compares the extent to whichgender inequalities are revealed in differentapproaches to the concept of the family unit.The inadequacies of the poverty line as ameasuring tool are assessed, and an overviewof the issue of population policiesis given.

Korten, David C : When C orporations Rulethe WorldLondon: Earthscan, 1995

This book documents the human andenvironmental consequences of globalisation.The globalisation of economic activity hashugely increased the profits and power ofmulti-national corporations and financialinstitutions which have superseded oldinstitutional structures based on the dominanceof nation states. Rootless and largelyunregulated, they are free to pursue theirfinancial aims regardless of the consequencesfor society. Th e author also examines w hy, andhow, people all over the world are acting toreclaim their political and economic powerfrom these forces, and he presents a policy

agenda for restoring democracy and rootingeconomic power in people and comm unities.

Miller, Marc S.: State of the Peoples: Aglobal human rights report on societies indanger,Boston: Beacon Press, 1993A resource book listing hundreds of indigenouspeoples, listedby geographical region, togetherwith articles on the critical issues facingdifferent indigenous peoples, especiallyhuman rights and environmental concerns.Compiled by Survival International, a researchgroup based in the USA .

Moghadam, Valentine: Identity, Politics andWomen: Cultural Reassertions and Feminismin PerspectiveBoulder: Westview, 1994'Identity politics' refers to questions ofreligious, ethnic, and national identity. Thisbook looksat political-cultural movem ents thatare m aking a bid for state power, for funda-mental judicial change, or for culturalhegemony. In particular, the contributorsexplore the relations of culture, identity, andwomen, providing vivid illustrations fromaround the world of the compelling nature ofWoman as a cultural symbol and W oman as apolitical pawn in male-directed powerstruggles. The discussions also provideevidence of women as active participants and

active opponents of such movements. Thebook offers theoretical, comparative, andhistorical approaches to the study of identity


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politics, together with13 case-studies spanningChristian, Hindu, Jewish, and Muslimcountries and comm unities.

Moody, Roger: The Indigenou s Voice: Visionsand RealitiesLondon, Zed Books, 1998A reader in two volumes containing hundredsof testimonies from indigenous peoples(mainly from North and South America, andAustralasia), providing an overview of theissues which they face, such as invasion,genocide, militarisation, mining and multi-

nationals, pollution, tourism, and racism.

Sen, Amartya: Inequality Re-examinedOxford: Oxford University Press, 1992A monograph in which Sen poses philo-sophical and moral questions about the notionof equality and inequality. He suggests that thewish for equality is common to virtually alltheories of social ethics, but considers that thecentral question is 'equality of whatV. Theimportance of this question derives from the

diversity of human beings: our individualcharacteristics (such as age, sex, generalabilities, particular talents), as well as ourcircumstances (social backgrounds, ownershipof assets, environmental predicaments, and soon). Diversity, he argues, is no secondary factorto be ignored, or introduced('later on '): it is afundamental aspect of our interest in equality.Contains an extensive and impressivebibliography.

Sen, Gita and Caren.Grown : DevelopmentCrises and Alternative VisionsDAWN, 1987A brief introduction to development econ-omics, written from a Southern feministperspective, which examines why strategiesdesigned to achieve overall economic growthand increased industrial and agricultural prod-uctivity have proven to be harmful to women.The authors argue that many long-term

economic processes have been indifferent (ifnot damaging) to the interests and needs of

poor people in general, and women inparticular. Women's contributions are centralto the ability of households, communities, andnations to survive, and a much-neededreorientation of developent analysis can beachieved by starting from the perspective ofpoor women. The authors also emphasise thediversity which exists among women, andargue that it is necessary and legitimate todefine feminism so that it includes the struggleagainst all forms of oppression.

Stavenhagen, Rodolfo: The Ethnic Question:

Conflicts, D evelopment, and Human RightsTokyo : UN University Press, 1990This book presents a com prehensive picture ofcontemporary ethnic issues as manifested inmost of the world 's major regions. Followingadiscussion of ethnic issues in relation to thetheories of nation, State, modernisationprocesses, andclass, and from the point of viewof several social science approaches, the caseof Latin America is presented as an example ofthe preceding theoretical considerations. The

author also examines the extent of ethnic-rightsprotection in the United Nations and otherinternational systems: the special problems ofindigenous and tribal peoples, increasingracism in Western Europe, and, finally, thecultural and educational policies of govern-ments in relation to ethnic minorities.

Stiefel, Matthias and Marshall W olfe: AVoice for the Excluded: Popular Participationin DevelopmentUtopia or Necessity?London: Zed Books/UN RISD, 1994Participation, Ijke sustainable development,has become a catchword widely advocated,seldom defined, and rarely put into practice.After reviewing various conceptions ofparticipation, this book pulls together thefindings of original field studies. In addition tofocusing on the organised efforts of the'excluded', it analyses other relevant actors NG Os, the State, and international agencies

as they encourage, co-opt, or undermineparticipatory struggles and initiatives.


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Tinker, Irene (ed.): Persistent Inequalities:Women and W orld DevelopmentOxford: Oxford University Press, 1990This collection ofessays introduces the field ofwomen in development and offers an overviewof debates that have challenged many earlierassumptions about development and the realityof wom en's w ork and lives within and outsidethe household. In addition, the book shows theconnection with the global women's move-ment and the impact of these advocates andnew scholarship on the policies and manage-ment of development policies. The authorscome from both developed and developing

countries; among them are practitioners,development economists, and feministscholars and each one has ina different wayaddressed the question that runs throughout:why do ineq ualities persist?

Tout, Ken: Ageing in Developing C ountriesOxford: Oxford University Press withHelpAge International, 1989This book aims to set out the available factsabout forecast increases in longevity and topresent a positive view, based on a number ofpilot programmes, of the ways in whichpotential problems associated with ageing canbe met. It therefore proposes a new approach tothe problems of older people in developingcountries: the intentionis to build structures forthe future, which means stimulating awarenessof this incipient but rapidly developingproblem, and providing local communitieswith the resources to take their own actions.The author also stresses the importance ofmobilising and maximising the many talentsand the wealth of experienceo elderly peoplethemselves into productive programm es.

Tout, Ken: Elderly Care: A WorldPerspectiveLondon: Chapman and H all, 1993At a time when the population of almost everycountry is ageing rapidly, new approaches arecalled for to meet the problems of caring for theelderly. Many older people can no longerdepend on extended family support. This is aproblem of current concern in industrialised

countries, and the same trend is now evident indeveloping co untries. The essays in this bookgive examples of ageing programmes from allover the world, with studies from nearly 40countries, covering a wide range of subjectsincluding care at home, community support,elders' empowerment, elder participation,income generation, environment, andwom en's ageing.

UN Centre for Human R ights, The HumanRights Fact Sheet series(Available free of charge in English andFrench, on application to the Centre for Human

Rights, UN Office at Geneva)This series deals with selected questions ofhuman rights that are under active consid-eration or are of particular interest. The series(with over 20 titles) offers an informed accountof basic human rights, what the UN is doing toprom ote and protect them, and the internationalmachinery availableto help realise those rights.Titles include The Rights of IndigenousPeoples, The Rights of the Child, Th eCommittee on the Elimination of Racial Dis-crimination, Contemporary Forms of Slavery,Minority Rights, Discrimination AgainstWomen: The Convention and the Comm ittee,and Harm ful Traditional Practices Affectingthe Health of Women and C hildren.

UNDP: Human Development ReportOxford: Oxford University Press (available inseveral languages including Arabic, English,French, Spanish), 1995

Established in 1990, theHuman DevelopmentReport is an annual publication focusing on acritical area of human developm ent, suchas theconcept and measurement of human develop-ment, people's participation, and humansecurity. The 1995 Report addresses genderdisparities (in education, health, and employ-ment), the nature and extent of male violenceagainst women, and the inadequate represent-ation of women in public life. Building on itsHuman Development Index (HDI) (theaverage achievement of a country in basichuman capabilities), the 1995Report intro-duces the Gender-related Development Index


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(GDI) and the Gender Empowerment Measure(GEM), in order to disaggregate the HDI bysex. These dramatically demonstrate the extentto which women systematically fall belowaverage achievement in terms of humandevelopment, throughout the industrialisedand developing worlds. The findings of theReport also demonstrate that gender equitydepends not on wealth, but on politicalcommitment. The 1995Report is unequivocalin placing gender equity at the heart ofdevelopment: 'human development must beengendered. If development is meant to widenopportunities for all people, then continuingexclusion of women from many opportunitiesof life warps the process of dev elopm ent.'

UNESCO: The Cultural Dimension ofDevelopment:Towards a Practical Approa chParis: UNESCO Culture and D evelopmentSeries, 1995This book explores what UNESCO considersto be the 'one important imponderable' in thedevelopment process which has yet to gaingeneral recognition. This has to do with

collective motivation of a community, whichis, to a large extent, culturally determined, andwhich has to be mobilised if a developmentprogramme is to achieve more than mereeconomic growth and modernisation. Thebook represents a significant step towardsdeveloping some basic knowledge about thecultural factors that determine development. Itis an attempt at a state-of-the-art presentation,based on experience gained both inside andoutside the UN system, as well asa first outlineof a possible methodology for integrating thecultural dimension into developmentprogrammes and projects.

UNHCR: Refugee Children: Guidelines onProtection and CareGeneva: UNHCR, 1994 (available in Englishand French)Fully revisedto reflect the 1989 Convention onthe Rights of the Child, and UNHCR's 1993

Policy on Refugee Children, the Guidelinesoutline principles and practice for theprotection and assistance of refugee children.

Emphasis is given to children 's developmentalneeds, their cultural context, the specialrequirements of unaccompanied minors, andissues arising from repatriation andreintegration.

UNICEF: The State of the W orld's ChildrenOxford: Oxford University PressAn annual report on development through itsimpact on children. Supported by charts andstatistical information, the report is not only avaluable source of information, but also offerscritical analysis of development practice andpolicy from the perspective of children and

their needs. Recent issues have focused on theneed to eradicate 'the apartheid of gender', andon the devastating effect of 'pain now, gainlater' macro-economic policies on the healthand well-being of children and their fam ilies.

UNRISD: Ethnic Conflict and DevelopmentResearch Paper series, Geneva: UN RISDIncludes case-studies of 14 countries, in manyof which ethnic diversityhas been a componentof violence. It examines the various forces that

shape ethnicity, including economic factors;and shows the ways in which ethnicities are'constructed', 'invented', and 'imagined'under specific circumstances.

UNRISD: States ofDisarray: The SocialEffects o f GlobalisationGeneva: UN RISD (available in English,French, and Spanish), 1995An examination of critical social problemssuch as poverty, unemployment, inequality,crime and drugs, and the themes of identitycrisis, violent conflict, weakening of socialsolidarity, and the declining responsibility ofpublic institutions. Part I discusses global-isation, in terms of its impact on impoverish-ment, inequalities, work insecurity, weakeningof institutions and social support systems, andthe erosion of established identities and values.Part II explores these developments in relationto crime, drugs, ethnic conflicts, andreconstruction of war-torn societies. PartIIIlooks at the policy environm ent and the impactof the principal forces shaping contemporary


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societies on a variety of institutions, stressingthe links between misery and insecurity andsocial conflicts, includingthe rise of extremistmovements.

UNRISD: Technical Co-operation an dWom en's Lives: IntegratingGender intoDevelopment PlanningGeneva: UNR ISD,1995A research program me focusingon two criticalthemes: inequality in women's access to andparticipation in the definition of economicstructures and policies and the productive

process itself; and insufficient institutionalmechanisms to promote the advancement ofwomen. A series of ten papers by leadingscholars assesses the efforts of major donoragencies (suchas the World Bank, the ILO, andUNDP) and governments to integrate genderissues into their activities; including case-studies of Bangladesh, Jamaica, Morocco,Uganda, and Vietnam.

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights(1948)(Available free of charge, in several languages,from the UN Department of Public Informa-tion, New York)Adopted and proclaimed by the GeneralAssembly of the UN on 10 December 1948,this is the clearest and most authoritativestatement of the principle upon which mostdevelopment and humanitarian relief workrests: that all human beings are born with equaland inalienable rights and fundamentalfreedoms. The Declaration is legally bindingon member states of the United Nations.Subsequent Conventions, such as theIndigenous and Tribal People's Conventionand the International Convention on theElimination of All Forms of DiscriminationAgainst Women, have to be ratifiedindividually by each member state.

Werner, David: Disabled Village Children

Palo Alto: Hesperian Foundation,1987This is a book of ideas and information for allwho are concerned about the well-being of

disabled children, especially those who liveinrural areas or are involved with community-based programmes. It gives a wealth of clear,simple, but detailed information coveringthemost common disabilitiesof children. It alsogives suggestions for simplified rehabilitation,low-cost aids, and ways to help disabledchildren find a role and be accepted in thecommunity. Above all, it stresses that mostanswers for meeting these children's needs canbe found withinthe community, the family, andin the children themselves.

W illiams, S uzanne et al.: Th e Oxfam Gender

Training ManualOxford: Oxfam (UK and Ireland),1993This resource book for gender and develop-ment trainers draws on the work of gendertrainers all over the world. It offers tried andtested activitiesand handouts, gathered fromawide range of sourcesin Africa, Asia, and LatinAmerica and shaped into a coherent trainingprogramme. The manual includes activitieswhich explore gender-awareness and self-awareness; gender roles and needs; gender-

sensitive appraisal and planning; gender andmajor global issues, strategiesfor change.

Women and DevelopmentSeries (1989-95)London: Zed BooksPrepared under the direction of the UN NGOLiaison Service, a series consisting of tenvolumes which focus on women and each ofthe following: human rights; empowerment;refugees; employment; literacy;." the family;health; disability; world economic crisis;theenvironment. Providesa detailed overviewofwomen's exclusion from the benefits ofdevelopment, and of ways in which women'sorganisations and NGOs around the world, aswell as the UN system, have attempted to'mainstream' w omen 's rights.


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Journals

Ageing and Society(ISSN 0144-686X)(published quarterly by Cambridge UniversityPress)Editor: Peter G Coleman, University ofSouthampton, UKAn international journal devoted to publishingcontributions to the understanding of humanageing, particularly from the social and behav-ioural sciences and humanities. Its interpreta-tion of ageing is wide and includes all aspectsof the human condition, whether they relate toindividuals, groups, societies, or institutions.

AgewaysEditor: Alison TarrantA quarterly news pack produced by HelpAgeInternational, coveringthe organisatio

Development and Social Diversity

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