Demonology and Magic Ritual Texts Kate a Reyes-libre

7/21/2019 Demonology and Magic Ritual Texts Kate a Reyes-libre

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Table of Contents

INTRODUCTION 2

Chapter 1. Narrative Texts: Demonology 3

1.1 Spirits of Bastards: An Enochic Demonology ....................................................... 3

1.2 Mastema, Prince of Demons: The Demonic Tradition ofJubilees ........................... 5

1.3 The Angel of Darkness: Understanding evil in the Treatise on the Two Spirits 7

1.4 Expelling a Demon: Exorcistic Rituals in the Book of Tobit ................................... 9

Chapter 2. Ritual Texts: Apotropaic Hymns and Prayers 10

2.1 Apotropaic Hymns Against Evil Spirits: Songs of the Sage (4Q510-511) ............... 102.2 Hymns and Curses: 4QIncantation (4Q444) ............................................................ 17

2.3 A Sectarian Apotropaic Prayer?: 6QHymn (6Q18) .................................................. 19

2.4 Conclusions .............................................................................................................. 20

Chapter 3. Ritual Texts: Magic Formulas and Exorcistic Incantations 21

3.1 A Magic Formula: 4QAgainst Demons (4Q560) ...................................................... 21

3.2 Incantation Ritual: 8QHymn (8Q5) .......................................................................... 23

3.3 Exorcistic Rituals in 11QApocryphalPsalms (11Q11) .............................................. 24

3.4 Conclusions ............................................................................................................... 26

CONCLUSION 28

BIBLIOGRAPHY 30

1

Demonology and Magic Ritual Texts

in the Dead Sea Scrolls

Kate A. Reyes


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Introduction

The magical texts discovered among the Dead Sea Scrolls bear witness to a Second Temple Jewish

community who had a deeply mystical outlook on life. This is particularly evident in the magic

ritual texts against demons. These texts not only attest to their firm belief in supernatural beings, but

also reveal that demonic influence and affliction was a genuine reality for this community. The texts

I will be discussing demonstrate the different rituals utilised by the Qumran community which were

believed to have magic power to protect against and even to exorcise evil spirits.

In Chapter 1 I will be examining the apocalyptic traditions of 1 EnochandJubileesand detailing

their perspectives on demonology in the ancient world. Then I will describe the dualistic beliefs of

the community at Qumran as narrated in the Treatise on the Two Spirits in the Community Rule.

Regardless of the provenance of these three narrative texts, they expose the beliefs and traditions

which underscore the ritual texts against demons in the Dead Sea Scrolls. Finally, although the

Book of Tobit is absent of a specific demonology, it must be addressed alongside the narrative texts

found in the Qumran corpus because it reveals a distinct magic ritual against demons in the ancient

world.

The subsequent chapters will deal with ritual texts among the Dead Sea Scrolls which indicate some

form of magic defence against demons. In Chapter 2 I will analyse the category of apotropaic

hymns and prayers which reflect protective measures taken by the community in order to prevent

and repel demonic assaults. These texts do not function as exorcistic rituals, but they illustrate the

initial form of defence against demons before they attack. In Chapter 3 I will explore the next level

of defence against demons, categorised as exorcistic incantations and magic formulas. These ritual

texts reveal the action taken after the protective barriers of the apotropaic hymns have been

infringed.

Therefore the ritual texts we will be surveying demonstrate a variety of protective and practical

methods applied by the community at Qumran in order to cope with the presence and activity of

demons in the world. The issue is not whether their belief in evil beings was rational, but how far

the demonology and theology of the apocalyptic traditions influenced the beliefs behind the ritual

texts.

2


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describes how the Watchers coveted the beautiful daughters of men and descended from heaven

to procreate with them (6:2). As a consequence of this illegitimate union, the Watchers begot half-

breed giants, or Nephilim. The Nephilim were uncivilised and anarchic, creating chaos on earth

and devastating Gods Creation. In response to the pleas of humankind, God commissioned the

Archangels to punish the Watchers and destroy their nefarious sons (10:9-15). Within this narrativeframework, the complex demonology of the Book of the Watchers begins to emerge. After the

slaughter and destruction of the Nephilim, evil spirits manifested from their bodies to perpetually

torment and assault the earth until the last Judgment (15:8-16:1). Therefore in the Enochic

apocalyptic tradition, the aetiology of demons begins at the fall of the Nephilim.

A critical point to be drawn from the Book of the Watchers is the ontological distinction between

two major categories of evil beings: demons and fallen angels. Fallen angels are the Watchers, who

were imprisoned and forced to watch the destruction of their sons (10:12). According to the Book of

the Watchers, the fallen angels have already been judged and bound, eternally unable to violate

earthly boundaries. In contrast, the Book of the Watchers is certain that the evil spirits are derived

from one species of being; they are not spirits of angels or humans, but spirits of the half-breed

giants. As a consequence of their half-human nature, the evil spirits remain on earth and exist as4

spirits of bastards. Creation imagery such as darkness and abyss, is deeply embedded in the5

Enochic demonology, emphasising their existence as a perversion of the natural order. The6

amalgamation of human and angelic beings created a species which violated natural harmony,

hence it unleashed chaos. As it was the inherent nature of the Nephilim to be lawless, so too their

disembodied evil spirits exist to torment and afflict creation. In recognition of this sophisticated

demonology we can begin to understand how and why the Qumran sectarians were motivated to

compose and recite magic ritual texts. They not only testify to their belief in the existence of

demons, but significantly they demonstrate the sectarians obligation to restore natural harmony andprotect the spiritual and physical well-being of the community.

4

Philip S. Alexander, Demonology of the Dead Sea Scrolls, in The Dead Sea Scrolls after Fifty Years: A4

Comprehensive Assessment Vol. 2, ed. Peter W. Flint and James C.VanderKam(Leiden; Boston, Mass.: Brill, 1999),338-9.

The epithet spirits of bastards is not explicitly used in 1 Enoch, however 1 En. 10:9 refers to the bastard offspring,5

from which later ritual texts and sectarian compositions likely derive this phrase.

Alexander, Demonology, 340.6


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1.2 Mastema, Prince of Demons: The Demonic Tradition of Jubilees

TheBook of Jubileesserves as a rewriting and embellishment of the biblical narrative from

Creation up to the transmission of the Law during the exodus. It is presented in the context of a

revelation that Moses receives upon Mount Sinai. In part,Jubileesretells the Book of the Watchers,detailing the descent of the Watchers (Jub. 4:15), their sin with the daughters of men and the

consequences of their half-breed offspring. DespiteJubileessimilarity to the Enochic tradition7

regarding the history of the Watchers (5:1-2),Jubileesrepresents a distinctive reinterpretation of the

role of demons and evil angels in the context of biblical history. Unlike the Book of the Watchers,

demons do not function as independent rebellious entities continuing the malevolence of the giants

(1 En. 15:11-16:1), rather they operate as foot-soldiers of the angelic figure, Mastema. The8

demonology ofJubileessignificantly deviates from the Enochic tradition by introducing the chief

of the spirits Mastema (Jub. 10:8) as the major antagonist in biblical history.

A detailed demonology is narrated inJubilees10, which serves as an extension of the Enochic myth

of the Watchers. After a retelling of the Flood which exterminated the corruption and lawlessness of

the Giants (5:1-12),Jub. 10 recounts Noahs sons grievances against demonic attacks. It is clear

that these unclean demons (10:1) are to be identified with the bastard spirits of the Book of the

Watchers.In response, Noah intervened and prayed to God for the destruction of these evil spirits

from the earth. Initially, God commanded all the spirits to be bound and condemned to the darkness

of the abyss. However theleader of these spirits, Mastema, negotiated with God on the grounds that

without the demons he would not be able to fulfil his purpose effectively, that is, to punish the

wickedness of the sons of men (10:8). As a result, God permitted a tenth of the demons to remain

under Mastemas jurisdiction. This extension of the Enochic myth is distinct toJubilees, revealinga

more sophisticated demonology which elaborates the function of evil beings in the divine economy.

In order to understand the demonology ofJubileeswe first have to examine the figure of Mastema.

By comparing Mastema to the figure of Satan as presented in the Hebrew Bible (cf. Job 1), it seems

likely that both titles refer to the same evil being. As a noun, "#$%#literally means enmity or9

5

Jacques van Ruiten, Angels and Demons in the Book of Jubilees, inAngels: The Concept of Celestial Beings -7

Origins, Development and Reception, ed. Friedrich V. Reiterer et al.(Berlin; New York: Walter de Gruyter, 2007), 602.

Alexander, 343.8

Ibid., 341.9


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animosity. In this case, Mastema is a proper noun denoting the chief evil being presiding over10

evil spirits. The significance of Mastema/Satan is that it certainly does not refer to a demon, or a

fallen Watcher. From the accounts ofJubilees and the Book of the Watchers, we are informed that

the fallen Watchers have been judged and imprisoned for eternity. In contrast,Jubileescharacterises

Mastema as active in human affairs under the appointment of God. In terms of the function ofMastema,Jubileesillustrates his divinely appointed duty through two major roles. First, Mastema11

is an Accuser who operates under divine authority and embodies the negative side of Gods

economy (10:8). Second, he is distinguished as the prince of demons, ruling over evil spirits and

responsible for their activities (10:8; 11:5; 19:28; 49:2). Therefore, although the causes of evil are

attributed to the demons, they ultimately function under the authority of Mastema. Notably,

Mastemas involvement in events narrated inJubileesare often reinterpretations of biblical history

which cause difficult theological implications for Gods benevolence. For instance, in Genesis12

22:2 God commands Abraham to sacrifice his only son Isaac. InJubilees, the instigator of this event

is revealed to be Mastema (Jub. 17:16), functioning in a role parallel to Satan in Job 1. Furthermore,

in a rewriting of Exodus4:24 where God tries to kill Moses,Jub. 48:9 recounts the story with

Mastema in the place of God. Therefore the figure of Mastema as portrayed in Jubileesis not an

enemy of God, but an alternative explanation for the seemingly sinister side of God in Genesis and

Exodus.

In addition,Jubileesdeviates from the Enochic tradition concerning the reason for the Watchers

descent. InJubilees,the original reason is explained as good, and possibly even a divinely13

appointed task.Jub. 4:15 explains that the motive of the Watchers descent was to teach mankind

and to do what is just and upright upon the earth. It was only after their descent that the Watchers

sinned (4:22) and evil ensued. The fall of the Watchers is in contrast to the Book of the Watchers,

which indicates that their rebellion began in heaven as a premeditated violation of Gods laws (1En. 6:3). The Watchers were aware that their desires were sinful, yet they knowingly descended to

earth with the primary intention of having intercourse with the daughters of men (1 En. 7:1-2). As

6

Loren T. Stuckenbruck, Demonic Beings and the Dead Sea Scrolls, inExplaining Evil: Volume 1 Definitions and10

Development, ed. J. Harold Ellens (Praeger: ABC-CLIO, LLC, 2011), 134. This meaning will be picked up by11QPsalms in Chapter 3.

Todd Russell Hanneken, Angels and Demons in the Book of Jubilees and Contemporary Apocalypses,Henoch 2811

(2006): 20. Ibid., 21.12

van Ruiten, Angels and Demons, 595.13


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we have already seen in our examination of Mastema, the supplementary elaborations distinct to

Jubileesare part of a broader concern to avoid misinterpretation of the biblical and Enochic

traditions. As an antediluvian retelling of the origins of evil,Jubilees deliberately illustrates that the

intention for the Watchers descent was originally positive. Hence the angelic rebellion which

followed does not impede Gods benevolence.14

1.3 The Angel of Darkness: Understanding evil in the Treatise on the Two Spirits

(1QS iii 13-iv 26)

Before looking at magical texts discovered at Qumran and how they propose to deal with demonic

activity, we must explain the basic dualism which influences these texts: good versus evil. This

basic dualism is articulated in the Treatise on the Two Spirits(1QS iii 14-iv 26), which provides an

elaborate account of the origins of evil. The Treatise on the Two Spiritsis not contained in all

available copies of the Community Rule, which has raised questions concerning its provenance and

redaction. In spite of this, the well-preserved Cave 1 copy of the Community Rule (1QS) gives us a

better understandingof the theological beliefs about good and evil of the Qumran sectarians. Unlike

the Book of the WatchersandJubilees, the Treatise on the Two Spirits does not present theology in

the context of biblical history. Instead, the Treatise on the Two Spirits communicates its explanation

of evil based on ontological, ethical and cosmic interpretations in the style of wisdom literature.

To explain the origins of evil, the Treatise on the Two Spiritsdescribes Gods division of

humankind into sons of justice and sons of deceit, who are governed by the Prince of Lights

and the Angel of Darkness, respectively (iii 20-21). However the manner in which humankind is

divided is unclear within the Treatise on the Two Spirits. On a cosmic level, the beginning of the15

account suggests that people are allotted into the hand of either the Prince of Lights or the Angel ofDarkness. However as the account develops into a psychological dimension, we learn that both

spirits exist within humans (iv 15-16). Therefore, the Treatise on the Two Spiritsidentifies two16

central conflicts between good and evil; the first exists between light and darkness and the second is

in the heart of man (iv 23).

7

Hanneken, Angels and Demons, 18.14

John J. Collins,Apocalypticism in the Dead Sea Scrolls (London; New York: Routledge, 1997), 39, accessed October15

28, 2012, http://lib.myilibrary.com/Open.aspx?id=32866.

Mladen Popovi&, Light and Darkness in the Treatise on the Two Spirits (1QS III 13-IV 26) and in 4Q186, in16

Dualism in Qumran, ed. Gza G. Xeravits (London; New York: T. & T. Clark, 2010),155.


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The Treatise on the Two Spirits is often described as embodying dualistic thought to explain the

present state of the Gods world, with a particular focus on the problem of evil. The imagery of light

and darkness characterising good and evil is certainly prominent in the Treatise on the Two Spirits,

however there is also a conscious effort to remain within the convictions of theism. Mladen17

Popovc defines dualism as two fundamentally opposed, causal principles which underlie the

existence of the world and its constitutive elements. In regard to the Treatise on the Two Spirits,18

it follows that the spirits are fundamentally in conflict, but they do not constitute all existence.

Significantly, the introduction states, From the God of Knowledge stems all there is and all there

shall be... He created man to rule the world and places within him two spirits so that he would walk

with them until the moment of his visitation: they are the spirits of truth and of deceit. (1QS iii

15-19). Therefore the Treatise on the Two Spiritsdescribes how the spirits of good and evil rule19

humankind, yet both paradoxically operate under the divine authority of the God of Knowledge.

It is true that the problem of evil potentially undermines the theistic ideal of a benevolent,

omnipotent God, however the Treatise on the Two Spirits embraces these realities and incorporates

them into a sophisticated perspective on the presence of good and evil forces in the world. This is

modified dualism. In spite of the conflict which governs the present state of humankind, the Treatise

on the Two Spirits reveals an optimistic eschatological worldview (iv 18-19). In the face of the

Angel of Darkness and his spirits of deceit, the Prince of Lights will reign victorious at judgment.

Although both spirits of truth and of deceit come from God, it is clear that God abhors the Angel of

Darkness and its subjects (iv 1). Therefore, evil is an ongoing reality in the present epoch, but it is

not an eternal state.

Although there is no explicit reference to demons, the idea that evil forces are prevalent within

humankind is key to the theology of Treatise on the Two Spirits.The text comprehensivelydescribes the attributes of the spirit of deceit (iv 9-11) and details its fate (iv 12-14). The latter

offers a compelling glimpse into how the community thought evil would be dealt with in an

eschatological sense. Even though both opposing forces have been set in constant conflict until the

final age, the textconfidently asserts that God will obliterate it for ever (iv 19). The optimism in

8


Popovi&, Light and Darkness, 149.18

Unless otherwise stated, translations of Qumran texts will be taken from Florentino Garca-Martnez, The Dead Sea19

Scrolls Translated: The Qumran Texts in English (Leiden; New York: E. J. Brill, 1994).


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the Treatise on the Two Spirits reflects the communitys belief that despite the existence of demonic

forces in the world, the Angel of Darkness is subordinate to God. This optimism concludes the

tractate, revealing that the rationale behind the allotment of conflicting spirits is so that humankind

may know good [and evil] (iv 26).

1.4 Expelling a Demon: Exorcistic Rituals in the Book of Tobit

Unfortunately, the fragments discovered at Qumran do not form a complete manuscript for the

Book of Tobit. In spite of this, its presence in multiple Aramaic and Hebrew manuscripts

(4Q196-200) indicate its value as a narrative text at Qumran. The Book of Tobit begins with the

story of Tobit who, despite his faithfulness to God, suffers an unfortunate blindness. Meanwhile the

Book of Tobitintroduces a parallel story about Sarah who suffers torment by a jealous demon.

Sarah is not directly attacked, but the demon Asmodeus indirectly afflicts her by killing her seven

previous husbands before the marriage could be consummated. In their suffering, both Tobit and

Sarah pray for death, however God responds favourably and sends down the archangel Raphael

disguised as a human, to free them from their suffering. Both stories are inextricably linked by the

protagonist Tobias, the son of Tobit and prospective husband of Sarah. The Book of Tobit provides

an optimistic explanation of innocent suffering and a distinctive magic ritual against a specific

demon.

Although the presence of the text in the Qumran corpus does not necessarily indicate the use of

technical magic ritualsat Qumran, it is an invaluable example of the materia magica accepted in the

ancient world. The exorcistic ritual is a decidedly minor part of the narrative, nevertheless the20

Book of Tobit contributes a detailed account of how this demon must be expelled. Raphael instructs

Tobias on the magical and medical qualities of fish entrails; the heart and the liver are burned asincense to expel a demon and the gall is used as ointment to cure blindness. Therefore the medical

ailment of Tobit and demonic torment of Saraare considered treatable by ritual practices. However,

the case of Asmodeus is a more elaborate ritual, with both Sarah and Tobias commanded to pray

before God for mercy and safety (8:5-8). Finally, in the case of Asmodeus, the Book of Tobit

reveals that the exorcising of demons is dependent on the authority of God. With the power and

authority of God, Raphael is able to instruct Tobias and restrain the demon.

9

Other narrative texts among the Dead Sea Scrolls which deal with exorcistic rituals include: 1QapGen xx 16-29 and20

4Q242 (Prayer of Nabonidus). I will not be discussing these texts in this paper, however they also illustrate prayer as amethod to exorcise evil spirits (Alexander, Magic and Magical Texts,EDSS, 503).


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Chapter 2

Ritual Texts: Apotropaic Hymns and Prayers

Before examining apotropaic hymns and prayers within the Qumran corpus, we must first define

what is meant by "apotropaic" and illustrate their distinction from exorcistic rituals and magic

formulas. A basic definition of "apotropaic" comes from the Greek apotropaios

which means "to

turn away" evil forces. Therefore apotropaic hymns and prayers are an important method of defence

against demons on the basis that they supposedly have the magic power to ward off evil beings. The

notion of preventing demonic influences is especially crucial for our understanding of these texts as

this function distinguishes apotropaic hymns and prayers from the exorcistic texts we will be

discussing in Chapter 3. The significance of apotropaic texts is that they are applied as preemptive

methods of protection against demons, in contrast to the confrontational style of exorcistic

incantations. In the following texts, 4QSongs of the Sagea-b, 4QIncantation and 6QHymn, the focus

is on prevention and protection through thanksgiving and exaltation of the power of God. Therefore

the hymns and prayers we will survey in this chapter do not directly engage with the demons who

are afflicting individuals. Instead their magic power is located in the participation of the community

during the recital. In this way, apotropaic ritual texts are characterised by their primary objective to

create a cordon around the congregation in order to repel all evil beings.

As we shall see, these apotropaic hymns and prayers are influenced by the ancient apocalyptic

traditions of 1 Enoch andJubileesand the dualistic outlook observed in the Treatise on the Two

Spirits.By recognising the ongoing presence of evil spirits and struggle between the forces of light

and darkness, these apotropaic texts prepare against demonic activity to avert their influences

before they breach the community. Finally, this group of apotropaic texts is reminiscent of the

ideology of Qumran community and will be considered as sectarian compositions.

2.1 Apotropaic Hymns Against Evil Spirits: Songs of the Sage (4Q510-511)

The Songs of the Sagesurvive in two extremely fragmentary manuscripts (4Q510 and 4Q511),

dated to the end of the first century B.C.E. The badly damaged condition of the extant manuscripts

make a complete reconstruction of the text impractical, however the general character of the Songs

10


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of the Sagerepresents a collection of apotropaic hymns. The reconstructed titles indicate that the21

hymns were recited by the Maskil, who used praise and exaltation of God as words of power.

The power of these thanksgiving hymns provided preemptive spiritual defence against demonic

attacks, in order to protect the spiritual welfare of the community. Qumran provenance is often22

assigned to the Songs of the Sagebased on the distinctive sectarian ideology and terminologypresent in the manuscripts. The evidence includes the dualistic outlook behind the hymns and the23

numerous sectarian epithets: Yahad (4Q511 2 i 9), men of the covenant (4Q511 63-64 ii 5; ii 5),

Sons of Light (4Q510 1 7) and the identification of the spiritual leader as the Maskil.24

The Songs of the Sagebear witness to the distinctive demonology at Qumran which is heavily

influenced by the mythology of the Book of the Watchers andJubilees. For instance, there are

multiple references in the hymns to the spirits of the bastards (cf. 1 En.10:9) and the scheme of

demons is to lead astray the spirit of knowledge (cf.Jub. 10:2; also 1QS iv 9-11). It is reasonable

to presume that these bastard spirits are referring to the spirits of the giants which remained after

the Flood to torment and afflict humanity. In addition to the demonology of the narrative texts in

Chapter 1, the list of evil beings described in 4Q510 1 5 (par. 4Q511 10 1-2) attests to the belief in a

diverse range of demonic enemies independent from the Enochic tradition. Within the hymns there

are generic references to '()"spirit" and *+,%"demons," as well as more specific designations:

"spirits of the angels of destruction," "Lilith(s)," "howlers" and "yelpers." First, it must be noted that

the identification "spirit" is used generically in ritual texts to designate an incorporeal being (e.g.

4Q560 2 6). Hence the term '()is ambiguous in the hymns, referring to angels, demons and25

humans (e.g. 4Q511 60 iv 2). Due to the ambiguity of this term, the Songs of the Sage qualify

"spirit" to clarify its demonic context, such as *+-."+'()vain spirits (4Q511 1 6), /%)+'()

11


Florentino Garca-Martnez, Magic in the Dead Sea Scrolls, in The Metamorphosis of Magic from Late Antiquity to22

the Early Modern Period, ed. Jan N. Bremmer et al. (Leuven; Dudley, M.A.: Peeters, 2002), 23.

Alexander, Wrestling Against the Wickedness, 321.23

The word -+0%#is used numerous times in Qumran literature to mean the Sage or Instructor. This title is24

sometimes used nonspecifically to refer to a person who is wise, however it is also used in a technical sense to denote aspecific role in the community. The precepts of the Maskil are articulated near the end of the Community Rule,revealing his duties to choose, teach and guide the men of the community (1QS ix 12-x 5).For an extensiveexamination of the Maskils function at Qumran see, Carol Newsom, The Sage in the Literature of Qumran: TheFunctions of the Maskil, in The Sage in Israel and the Ancient Near East, ed. J. G. Gammie and L. G. Perdue (WinonaLake: Eisenbrauns, 1990), 373-82.This is not the place to examine whether the Maskil was a historical figure or purelysymbolic, but we can say that the Maskil as presented by the Songs of the Sagewas a spiritual mentor responsiblefor defending the community against demons (Joseph L. Angel, Maskil, Community and Religious Experience in theSongs of the Sage (4Q510-511),Dead Sea Discoveries 19 (2012): 2).



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wicked spirits (15 5), "/)'()evil spirit (15 7; 81 3) and -.'+'()spirits of destruction (43 6).

Additionally, *+,%is extant in only one fragment and it is used non-specifically to designate

"demons" (4Q510 1 5). Alexander notes that the term is associated with false gods in the Hebrew

Bible (Deut. 32:17; Ps. 106:37), however its connotations in the Songs of the Sage are vague.26

Nevertheless, in hymns against demons in the Qumran corpus, the term is used in an absolute senseto mean "demon" (cf. 11Q11 II 4).

Moreover, the Songs of the Sagelist evil beings of a more specific character. The designation

"spirits of the angels of destruction" causes particular difficulty as we attempt to understand the

demonology of the hymns. In a genitival sense, the "angels of destruction" can rationally refer to

the Watchers of 1 EnochandJubileesand thus the "spirits" are their begotten bastard offspring.

Although this interpretation is reasonable, it does not explain why the hymns choose to make a

distinction between the spirits of the destroying angels and the bastards (4Q510 1 5). Alternatively,

the construct phrase could be rendered in an appositional sense, meaning the spirits, (who are) the

angels of destruction. We can see how this interpretation is difficult if we maintain that the

Enochic myth underscores the Songs of the Sage, since it implies that the fallen Watchers are still

active in the world. A third reading offered by Alexander interprets 12-#as messenger or27

agent according to its broader lexical meanings. Therefore on a basic level, the rendering of28

-.'+02-#+'() as "agents of destruction" would be referring to evil beings who cause destruction.

Despite the validity of the each interpretation, Andy Reimer highlights that Alexander is

inappropriately attempting to harmonise the spirits of the angels of destruction with the Enochic

myth of the Fallen Watchers in order to maintain a consistent demonology between the Book of the

Watchersand the Songs of the Sage. Regardless of this unresolved debate, the spirits of the29

angels of destruction clearly appear in the Songs of the Sageas a class of evil beings who are a

potential threat to the community.

12

Ibid., 335.26

See discussion on p. 5 concerning the apocalyptic perspective on the present state of the Watchers.27

Alexander, 334.28

Andy Reimer, Rescuing the Fallen Angels: The Case of the Disappearing Angels at Qumran,Dead Sea Discoveries29

7 (2000): 339-340. Reimer raises vital awareness about Alexanders tendency to negate the importance, and even the

existence, of evil angels in the Dead Sea Scrolls. Nevertheless, it is fair to say that the ritual texts discussed in this paperfocus on prevention and action against demons, not fallen angels. However we cannot assume that the sectarians had noreason to combat evil angels based on the traditions of 1Enoch andJubilees. Whilst it is true thatthese apocalyptictraditions underscore many of the texts in the Qumran corpus (e.g. 4Q180 1 7-10; 1QapGen 2; CD ii 17-19), not just themagic ritual texts, we have to be wary of forcing consistencies without convincing evidence.


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It is also unclear whether the identification of "Lilith/s" refers to a specific demonic figure or a

generic class of demons. Similarly, the occurrence of 3+-+-in Isaiah 34:14 is also ambiguous and

offers little clarification on the matter. On the one hand, in early Jewish folklore 3+-+-as a generic

term were believed to be night demons. On the other hand, later Jewish traditions believed the30

female demonic figure "Lilith" to be the first wife of Adam, who later became the Queen ofDemons. It is likely that the Songs of the Sage were referring to liliths in a broader sense as we31

begin to recognise the tendency to list unspecific classes of evil beings in the hymns. Finally, the

*+'2"howlers" and *++4"yelpers" allude to Isa. 13:21, in which they are associated with demons of

destitute lands (see context in Isa. 13: 20-22). Some translations render the words "owls and

jackals," which play on the onomatopoeic quality of the words. Like the spirits of the angels of32 33

destruction and liliths, the howlers and yelpers do not refer to specific demons, but a category of

evil beings. Therefore, this formidable list of evil beings alone points to the specific function of the

Songs of the Sage as apotropaic hymns against all categories and forces of evil. The enumeration of

evil beings communicates the sectarians' diverse and complex demonology which draws on a

variety of traditions, not just the apocalyptic tradition of the Book of the Watchers andJubilees.

Hence the function of Songs of the Sage is not a specific ritual or materia magica, but it serves as

general apotropaic protection against the vast array of evil beings which pose a threat to the

wellbeing of the community.

In terms of how the hymns enlighten the discussion of demonology and magic rituals within the

Dead Sea Scrolls, the Songs of the Sage incorporate the apocalyptic tradition which underscores the

Qumran corpus. Even more so, the dualistic outlook evident in literature at Qumran (e.g. 1QS iii34

15-19) is embodied by the Songs of the Sage.In view of the sectarians firm belief in the constant

struggle between the forces of light and darkness (1QS iii 22-23; iv 17-18), the instigator of the

hymns, the Maskil, emerges as responsible for defending the community against the demonic

13

Alexander, 335.30

Jay Jacoby, Literary Themes: Lilith in Jewish Literature,Judaica Librarianship 3 No. 1-2 (1986-1987): 79.31

See for example Garcia-Martinez,Dead Sea Scrolls Translated, 371.32

Bilhah Nitzan, Magical Poetry, in Qumran Prayer and Religious Poetry,trans. Jonathan Chipman (Leiden; New33

York: Brill, 1994),240.

Idem., Hymns from Qumran - 4Q510-4Q511, in The Dead Sea Scrolls: Forty Years of Research, ed. Devorah34

Dimant and Uriel Rappaport (Leiden; New York: E. J. Brill ; Jerusalem: Magnes Press, Hebrew University; Jerusalem:Yah Izhak Ben-Zvi, 1992), 56.


14/32

forces of darkness. As such, the Songs of the Sage are filled with references indicating that the35

ritual was intended for recital in a communal setting. For instance, there are multiple plural

imperative calls to praise : Rejoice, righteous ones, in the God of wonders (4Q510 1 8), Let all36

who know [righteousness] exalt Him (4Q511 2 i 2), Let them bless all Your works (4Q511 63 iv

1). More significantly, the final fragment, Blessed be Your name for ever and ever. Amen,amen. (4Q511 63-63 iv 2-3) is indicative of a communal response formula. Hence the context

implied by the Songs of the Sage is not a private exorcism, but a public apotropaic ritual. The

Maskils role as the spiritual leader and teacher of the community (i.e. 1QS iii 13) is especially

emphasised in the Songs of the Sageby the use of the first person singular. This reveals that it is the

Maskil who is actively reciting the hymns on behalf of the community (e.g. 4Q511 48-59 ii 2).

Throughout the Songs of the Sage there is an intense focus on the centrality of knowledge: 3/,

knowledge appears seventeen times; "5+.understanding appears six times; ")(.6associated with

powerful knowledge appears at least eleven times. Therefore the Maskil, as the wise leader,37

employs his gifted knowledge of God as ritual power against demons (cf. 4Q511 18 ii 8; 48-59 ii

1-5; 63-64 iii 1-2). By leading the recital, the Maskils role is paradigmatic, enabling the community

to share in his knowledge of God and participate in the apotropaic function of the hymns.

Compared to later Jewish magic formulas and amulets against evil spirits, we have seen that the

Songs of the Sage are less specific in terms of identifying individual afflicting demons. Instead they

focus on reciting proclamations of Gods power and majesty. While they each attest to the belief in

divine protection through the power of hymns and incantations, the very form and character of the

Songs of the Sageindicate a distinctive view on how words of power affect and repel the forces of

evil. First, the power invoked by the Maskil is effected by words of praise and glorification of38

God. The hymns in the Songs of the Sagedo not reflect adjurations as we will see in the exorcistic

incantations, but it is the recital of thanksgiving and glorification which repels the evil spirits.Therefore the Maskil reminds and warns all demons of the majesty of God, stating:

And I, a Maskil proclaim the majesty of His beauty to frighten and ter[rify] all the

spirits of the angels of destruction and the spirits of the bastards, demons, Lilith,

howlers and [yelpers...] (4Q510 1 4-6 par 4Q511 10 1-3).39

14

Joseph L. Angel, Maskil, Community and Religious Experience, 9.35

Ibid., 3.36

Ibid., 6.37

Nitzan, Hymns from Qumran, 54.38



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The Maskil highlights that the intention of his hymns is not to expel evil spirits, but to intimidate

them. The power of the word through thanksgiving is integral in the Songs of the Sageas it

demonstrates that the Maskil locates his entire confidence in the protective power of God.

Concerning the apocalyptic tradition as expressed in the narrative texts of Chapter 1, the Songs of

the Sage also reveal that the defensive power of the hymns is limited. For instance, the Maskils40

power to scare evil spirits is restricted to the present epoch, underscored by the negative formula

not for an everlasting destruction but during] the present dominion of wickedness (4Q510 1 7

and 4Q511 10 3). In the narrative texts, the demonology proclaims that evil spirits will be active41

in the world until Final Judgment (cf. 1 En. 16:1;Jub.10:1-11). The Songs of the Sage are

particularly conscious of this tradition because eschatological judgment emerges as a primary themethroughout the hymns. The apotropaic hymns of the Songs of the Sageprotect the community in

anticipation of the Final Judgment, yet the Maskil recognises that his power to deter demons is

temporary (4Q510 1 6-8). Despite proclaiming the ability to scare away evil spirits, the hymns

maintain that ultimate annihilation of evil beings lies with God. This theme of eschatological

judgment reinforces the power of God and functions to glorify His status as the ultimate Judge of

the cosmos. By appealing to the anticipated eschatological judgment, the Songs of the Sage

forewarn of the demons fate and invoke the terror of Gods judgment of vengeance to exterminate

wickedness as a method to frighten the evil spirits (4Q511 35 1-2; see also 10 11-12). Moreover,

the Maskil invokes Gods creative power and eschatological judgment throughout the hymns as a

means to threaten and overwhelm the demons (4Q511 10 1-12; 35 1-2, 6-7). The repetition of Gods

creative power to seal the deeps in 4Q511 30 1-3, alludes to the eschatological renovation of the

cosmos and serves as an ominous reminder that at the end days all evil spirits will be buried in the

abyss. In line with the apocalyptic tradition of the Book of the WatchersandJubilees, the Songs of42

the Sageassure that evil spirits will be eternally banished by God at the appointed time.

This apocalyptic perspective is in contrast to later Jewish incantations , which locate their43

exorcistic power in the invocation of the Divine Name. By relying entirely on the power of the

Divine Name, these incantations exhibit confidence that evil spirits will be permanently bound and

15

Angel, 5.40

Nitzan, 63.41

Ibid., 58.42

Bilhah Nitzan works from a hypothetical text based on Aramaic amulets and Rabbinic incantation texts (ibid., 55).43


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banished to the abyss. Therefore, by putting an immediate stop to demonic assaults, these later

incantations function as adjurations which solemnly command the eternal expulsion of evil spirits.

Although the absence of the Divine Name in the Songs of the Sage could be attributed to the

fragmentary quality of the manuscripts, Bilhah Nitzan rejects this possibility, stating that the hymns

are not typical of adjurations which employ the formula, I adjure you... in the Name of God.44

Instead we have statements by the Maskil such as, I am pouring out the fear of God (4Q511 35

6) and Blessed are Yo]u, my God, the glorious King (4Q511 52, 54+55, 57+59 iii 4). Hence,45

when invoking the power of God, the Maskil consciously avoids the Tetragram. Instead he prefers

epithets and title -2. This is perhaps related to the Qumran provenance of the text, as there is a

tendency in sectarian compositions to avoid using the Tetragram. Moreover, it is possible that the46

intensely pious sectarians at Qumran would strongly resist making the Sacred Name of God an

instrument in magic rituals. In any case, the formula, I, the Sage, declare the majesty of his47

radiance in order to frighten and terrify all the spirits ... not for an everlasting destruction (4Q511

10:1-5) is consistent with the apocalyptic tradition of the narrative texts. It reiterates the notion that

until the Final Judgment, evil spirits will be active in the present dominion of wickedness (line 4;

cf. 1 En. 15:8-16:1;Jub. 10:12). As an apotropaic hymn, the Songs of the Sage maintain that magic

power is effected through the praise of God, not His Divine Name. Ultimately, in contrast to later

Jewish incantations and exorcistic texts (Chapter 3), the Songs of the Sagefunction as preemptive

protection against demons and employ words of power in order to prevent, rather than drive out,

demonic forces.

In line with the Treatise on the Two Spirits,the dualistic outlook underlying the Songs of the Sage

addresses the deeper cosmological battle between light and darkness (1QS iii 20-24). As previously

mentioned, the apotropaic hymns do not address a specific demon, but all the evil spirits who seek

to harm the Sons of Light (4Q510 1 5-7). Despite presenting extensive knowledge of demonicbeings in the cosmos, the Songs of the Sage are not concerned with treatments for afflictions they

cause. Theprimary purpose of the hymns is prevention, not exorcism. Therefore, the anti-demonic

16

Ibid., 57.44

Donald W. Parry and Emanuel Tov, The Dead Sea Scrolls Reader: Additional Genres and Unclassified Texts (Leiden;45

Boston: Brill, 2005), 185.

Angel, 4. Also see discussion in Esther Eshel, Apotropaic Prayers in the Second Temple Period, inLiturgical46

Perspectives: Prayer and Poetry in light of the Dead Sea Scrolls; Proceedings of the Fifth International Symposium ofthe Orion Center for the Study of the Dead Sea Scrolls and Associated Literature, 19-23 January 2010, ed. Esther G.Chazon (STDJ 48; Boston: Brill, 2003),87.

Angel, 4.47


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hymns create a barrier around the community in defence against the forces of darkness which seek

to corrupt the Sons of Light.

The Songs of the Sageprovide an intriguing insight into apotropaic rituals against demons in the

Qumran corpus, yet it must be highlighted that the hymns are absent of any specific materiamagica. That is, though the hymns function as a form of defence against evil beings, they do not48

actively engage in technical magic and ritual practice. Hence, they do not serve as exorcistic rituals,

but general protection against demonic assaults. In particular, the hymnsare concerned with the

protection of the mind and soul, as opposed to the body. The Maskils hymns fortify the49

community against demons who lead astray the spirit of knowledge and make their hearts

forlorn (4Q510 1 6). In conjunction with the recurring theme of knowledge, the focus of the Songs

of the Sage is on psychological warfare against psychological assaults. The praise of God and the50

knowledge He imparts to the Maskil are key to this fortification, providing spiritual defence by

intimidating the evil spirits. Therefore the hymns of praise and thanksgiving become vital weapons

against demonic attacks.

2.2 Hymns and Curses: 4QIncantation (4Q444)

After an examination of the genre and content of 4Q444, it is no surprise that the text is often

interpreted in relation to the Songs of the Sage. In herDiscoveries in the JudaeanDesert

contribution, Esther G. Chazon speculates the possibility of a direct literary relationship or a

common author between the Songs of the Sageand 4Q444. As evidence, Chazon points to the51

linguistic, functional and thematic parallels between the texts, including the phrase -2+2)+#+52(

And as for me, because of my fearing God which is only found in 4Q444 1-4 i + 5 (Col. I) 1 and52

17


Ibid., 324.49

Idem., Demonology, 348.50

Esther Chazon et al., Qumran Cave 4 XX, Poetical and Liturgical Texts, Part 2(DJD 29, Oxford: Clarendon, 1999),51

371. Translations will be taken from this volume.

Ibid., 374. Chazon indicates that this phrase may be interpreted in a variety of ways. In her rendering, +2)+#is taken52

as the Qalparticiple or infinitive construct of 2)+, with a -#preposition and first person singular pronominal suffix.Therefore the phrase is a declaration of the speakers fear of God which qualifies him to receive the holy spirit and

combat demons (ibid., 370). An alternative rendering can understand the verb as apielparticiple of 2)+, thereforeimplying the causative meaning, to make afraid or to terrify (e.g 4Q511 8 4; 8Q5 1 1; also in biblical usage Neh.6:9, 14; 2 Chr. 32:18). Literally translated as the terrifier of God, the phrase would signify the reciter as the one whoterrifies demons through the fear of God. The nuances of this phrase are important, however the overall sense of theconstruction reveals that the apotropaic function of both texts depends on the power of God.


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4Q511 35 6, the apotropaic function of the laws of God and gifts of the divine spirit (4Q444 I 1-4

and 4Q511 48-49 + 51 ii 5), the identification of evil spirits as bastards (4Q444 I 8 and 4Q510 1

4-5; 4Q511 35 6-7 etc.), and the dominion of evil as limited to the present epoch (4Q444 I 7; 4Q511

35 6-8 etc.; cf. 1QS iii 21-3). This selection of parallels indicates the likelihood of a shared tradition

between the two texts, however Chazon states that 4Q444 must be appreciated and examined as anindependent apotropaic hymn. The poorly preserved condition of 4Q444 makes it difficult to53

identify significant divergences which indicate that it is indeed a separate text. Although the

evidence is limited, Chazon points to the alternative curse formula found in 4Q444. While the

curses of this text use the form )()2(I 5, 7; also possibly I 10), the Songs of the Sage apply the verb

--7]#to curse evil spirits (4Q511 11 3).54

In terms of the form of 4Q444, it is possible to identify two distinct parts of the prayer: a hymn

intended to frighten and fight against the spirits of wickedness (Col. I 1-4) and curses (I 5-11).

The purpose of both parts is to avert and protect against demonic influences, which is comparable to

the apotropaic function of the Songs of the Sage. The reciter of 4Q444 is unidentified, however55

the character and role described is reminiscent of the Maskil. Like the Maskil in the Songs of the

Sage,the magic power of the hymn is effected through the invocation of fear and gifted knowledge

of the laws of God. More specifically, 4Q444 appeals to the spirit of knowledge and

understanding, truth and righteousness (I 3) bestowed by God, which enables the speaker to

combat evil spirits. Following the curse formula, 4Q444 lists a number of evil beings including:

ba]stards and the spirit of impurity and the thieve[s? (I 8-9). Therefore like the Songs of the

Sage, the magic power of the apotropaic incantation is thought to protect against a multitude of evil

beings, not a specific demon.

Once again, undertones of the Book of the Watchers andJubileesare apparent in 4Q444, withreferences to bastards and the influence of evil beings only until the completion of its

dominion. The lack of context in the extant fragment makes it difficult to assess the extent to56

which 4Q444 is consistent with the apocalyptic tradition of 1 Enoch andJubilees. However we can

18

Idem., Hymns and Prayers in the Dead Sea Scrolls, in The Dead Sea Scrolls after Fifty Years: A Comprehensive53

Assessment Vol. 1, ed. Peter W. Flint and James C.VanderKam(Leiden; Boston, Mass.: Brill, 1998), 255.

Idem., Qumran Cave 4, 369.

54

Eshel, Apotropaic Prayers, 81.55

Chazon, Qumran Cave 4, 377.56


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certainly infer that the text incorporates its awareness of these apocalyptic texts into its apotropaic

curses against evil spirits. Hence the curse in 4Q444 I 5-11 does not proclaim the power to

permanently banish the spirits which threaten the community. In conjunction with its preceding

hymn, the curse sustains the apotropaic function of the text by averting a number of evil beings.

2.3 A Sectarian Apotropaic Prayer?: 6QHymn (6Q18)

The severely fragmentary condition of 6Q18 makes discussion about its demonology and features

of magic power futile. In terms of general textual observations, Esther Eshel speculates a sectarian

origin for 6Q18 based on expressions and terminology including Belial (6Q18 3 3), Angels of

Righteousness (5 3) and the paleo-Hebrew script for -2. Furthermore, the recurring sectarian57

belief in a dualistic struggle between the forces of light and darkness is evident in 6Q18 (cf. section

1.3). For instance, dualistic imagery can be detected among the few discernible phrases such as

eternal life and glo[ry ... darkness and glo[om (2 2-3). Although we cannot reconstruct the extant

fragments of 6Q18 to form a coherent framework, it is reasonable to suggest that the dualist

tradition we find in the narrative texts (Chapter 1) is also embodied by the prayer.58

It is true that the fragmentary quality of 6Q18 prevents a detailed examination of its apotropaic

function, however Eshel maintains its inclusion under the category of apotropaic prayers against

demons. Although the apotropaic language is difficult to detect, she indicates that 6Q18 2 4 contains

a quotation from the demons, darkness (is) our desire, which suggests that the text functioned as

some form of ritual against demons. Along with this, the hiphil infinitive /[+50"-to cause to59

submit implies a conflict, possibly between the Angels of Righteousness and Belial. These

interpretations are plausible, however 6Q18 lacks the overall context to corroborate them. The most

relevant piece of evidence for 6Q18s categorisation as an apotropaic hymn is the expression withe[ternal] praises (2 8). Eshel demonstrates that the term 3('.%3praises is found in titles of

amulets and magic bowls which are specifically used as apotropaic protection against evil forces.

Though Eshels argument for 6Q18s apotropaic function is possible, the evidence is not

compelling.

19

Eshel, 81.57

n.b. "#$%#enmity/Mastema in (9 1). This is the only discernible word in the fragment, therefore we cannot58

determine its context.

Ibid. Eshel reconstructs (537(%31%("-2[our] desire is [for] the darkness.59


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2.4 Conclusions

In summary, apotropaic ritual texts reveal a method of defence against demons which preemptively

wards off evil spirits before they attack. From the extant texts, it is possible to highlight underlyingand recurring themes which characterise these hymns and prayers. These underlying themes include

the apocalyptic and dualist traditions found in the Book of the Watchers,Jubileesand the Treatise

on the Two Spirits such as: the ongoing presence and activity of evil beings in the world, the deeper

cosmological struggle between forces of light and darkness, and the anticipated eschatological

Judgment. There is no doubt that the community was influenced to an extent by these apocalyptic

traditions and firmly believed in the reality of supernatural beings, including demons. However they

also demonstrate an even more elaborate and sophisticated perspective on the categories of demons

in the world. Their apotropaic function is not limited to the evil bastard spirits from the

apocalyptic traditions, but we have seen that it also includes a vast and varied array of evil beings.

Ultimately we cannot say exactly how these apotropaic ritual texts were utilised by the community,

nevertheless we can conclude that they primarily functioned to protect the Sons of Light against all

forces of darkness in the cosmos. The hymns, prayers and curses of these (sectarian) ritual texts use

words of power, that is, thanksgiving and glorification of God, as magic protection from evil

entities.

20


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Chapter 3

Ritual Texts: Magic Formulas and Exorcistic Incantations

In contrast to the apotropaic hymns and prayers, 4QAgainst Demons, 8QHymn and

11QApocryphalPsalms illustrate active engagement with evil beings. These texts contain formulas

and incantations of an exorcistic quality, intended to address afflicting demons directly and expel

them. That said, we will also observe their apotropaic obligation to protect against and ward off

demons. Despite these overlaps, the magic formulas and exorcistic incantations are characterised by

their efforts to confront and tackle demonic assaults which are occurring in the present time. The

following incantations contain many of the themes we have observed in the apotropaic texts,

however they do not apply them in the form of thanksgiving and praise. Instead, it is the terror and

majesty of God which is invoked as magic power to challenge and exorcise evil beings.

Finally, my discussion will treat 4Q560, 8Q5 and 11Q11 as non-sectarian texts, however their

presence among the Scrolls demonstrates that magic formulas and exorcistic incantations were the

next level of combative defence against demons once their preventative measures had been

violated.

3.1 A Magic Formula: 4QAgainst Demons (4Q560)

4Q560 is a fragmentary Aramaic manuscript containing two poorly preserved columns which

seemingly constitute a magic formula. Compared to the other ritual texts in the Qumran corpus, the

fragments reflect a distinct form of incantation closely related to Ancient Near Eastern magic

traditions and later Jewish amulets. Evidently, the fragments themselves do not form the amulet,60

rather Philip Alexander suggests that they most likely represent remnants of a recipe book

containing the texts of amulets. In this way, we can speculate that 4Q560 originally provided a61

collection of apotropaic incantations which could be copied, personalised and used as protection

against afflicting demons. Despite the apotropaic character of the text, the adjuratory style of the

incantations indicate some form of direct conflict with evil beings. Prior to the discovery of a

library at Qumran, examples of instructional magic books and amulets were indebted to the Cairo

21

Chazon, Hymns and Prayers," 264.60



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Geniza. Yet a closer examination of these medieval texts revealed that they were based on an earlier

Palestinian tradition. Therefore, despite the limitations of the surviving fragments, 4Q560 gives us62

an insight into the development of magic books and traditions from as early as the Hasmonean

period (c. 50 B.C.E).

If we acknowledge the fragmentary quality, it must be noted that reconstructions of 4Q560 remain

hypothetical. Nevertheless, it is possible to identify elements in the text which comply with certain

expectations of exorcistic magic rituals, namely the identification of specific (male and female)

demons (i 3; 5), the description of afflictions (i 3-5) and an adjuration (ii 6). Following the63

identification of these elements, we can surmise that the first column describes the demons and their

associated afflictions and the second column recounted the necessary adjuratory incantations.

In terms of the demonology of 4Q560, Douglas L. Penney and Michael O. Wise indicate that the

specification of male and female demons is typical of Aramaic magic texts and amulets. Even64

more so, Penney and Wise speculate that this construction is based on earlier Akkadian magic

formulas which identify evil spirits as male and female. They suggest that the inclusive language65

is probably intended to allow no loopholes for wily demons. It appears that 4Q560 goes further

and personifies the afflictions as male and female demons, for instance male and female

poison[ous substance] (i 3) and male and female crushing (i 5). Furthermore, in the66

enumeration of afflictions caused by demons, 4Q560 highlights iniquity and sin and fever and

chills (i 4). These pairs are particularly striking, revealing that assaults by demons are both

physical and spiritual. In contrast to the more general function of the apotropaic hymns, 4Q56067

explicitly identifies specific demons and describes their related afflictions. Therefore we can infer

that these evil beings had in fact affected an individual. It is difficult to ascertain the precise magic

ritual prescribed against the demons, however we can be sure that column ii preserves at least one

22

Joseph Naveh, Fragments of an Aramaic Magic Book from Qumran,IEJ 48 (1998): 252.62

Ibid., 257.63

Douglas L. Penney and Michael O. Wise, By the Power of Beelzebub: An Aramaic Incantation Formula from64

Qumran (4Q506),Journal of Biblical Literature 113 (1994): 628.

Ibid., 639.65

Translation from Naveh, Fragments of an Aramaic Magic Book, 257. There is dispute concerning how these66

phrases are best translated. Penney and Wise (p. 632) suggest the male Wasting-demon and the female Wasting

demon (line 3) and the male Shrine-spirit and the female Shrine-spirit (line 5). As I do not know Aramaic I cannotevaluate either reading, however both are attempts to capture the essence of personified demonic illnesses. For adetailed exegesis of the illnesses caused by the demons see Naveh, 259-260.

Eshel, Apotropaic Prayers, 84.67


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adjuration, I adjure you, O spirit (ii 6), which indicates some form of confrontation. If we are to

take 4Q560 as a magic formula to be inscribed onto an amulet, the purpose of the incantation is also

to prevent specific afflicting demons. Thus 4Q560 reflects the rituals of exorcistic texts in its68

application of adjurations (i.e. 11Q11, 8Q5), but it also integrates the preemptive action of the

apotropaic hymns. The form and style of 4Q560 make it difficult to assign it into a specific categoryof ritual texts. Although the style corresponds to the apotropaic hymns in many ways, the use of

adjurations is contrary to the purely preventative function of the texts discussed in Chapter 2. As

such it will be appreciated as a variation of magic incantation texts against demons among the Dead

Sea Scrolls. Regardless of its categorisation, 4Q560 discloses the early development of apotropaic

magic formulas which would later become key ritual defences within the tradition of Aramaic

amulets and magic bowls.69

3.2 Incantation Ritual: 8QHymn (8Q5)

8Q5 is critically damaged yet it has been identified as a magic incantation against evil spirits. In

contrast to apotropaic hymns, the style and content of 8Q5 distinguish it as an active exorcistic

ritual intended to confront and expel a demon. This purpose is highlighted in 8Q5 1 3, where the

reciter directly addresses the evil spirits asking, why do you cause his light to cease. Moreover,70

the exorcistic function of 8Q5 is illustrated by the invocation of the Divine Name (1 1). In this way,

it has been proposed that thepielparticiple 2)+#(lit. cause to fear; see fn. 49) should be

interpreted as in Your Name, O Mighty One, I exorcise. Nevertheless, the explicit invocation of71

the Divine Name separates 8Q5 from the apotropaic texts in Chapter 2, as well as points towards its

non-sectarian provenance. Although 8Q5 locates its primary magic power in the Name of God, we

cannot disregard the statements of Gods majesty which are also used as a weapons against demons

(1 1; 2 3). In contrast to the apotropaic hymns, however, 8Q5 does not use the praise andthanksgiving of Gods attributes to simply warn and prevent evil beings. The incantation actively

summons the power of God in order to drive out a demon. Regardless of its provenance, the

presence of 8Q5 in the Qumran corpus indicates that magic rituals which explicitly exorcised

demons were familiar, and likely used in the community.

23


For examples see J. Naveh and S. Shaked,Amulets and Magic Bowls: Aramaic Incantations of Late Antiquity69

(Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1985).

Eshel, 85. Translation from Parry and Tov, 215.70

J. M. Baumgarten, On the Nature of the Seductress in 4Q184,RevQ 15 (1991): 135.71


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3.3 Exorcistic Rituals in 11QApocryphalPsalms (11Q11)

Another incantatory text of significance discovered among the Dead Sea Scrolls is 11Q11. The

themes of glorification and eschatological judgment examined in the Songs of the Sageare alsoevident in this text, presenting another ritual text which incorporates the apocalyptic traditions we

have seen in Chapter 1. Yet, 11Q11 is distinct from the apotropaic hymns in terms of its context,

style and ritual practice.

Despite the poorly preserved fragments of 11Q11, it is possible to identify a collection of exorcistic

hymns against evil spirits, which are attributed to David. From the fragments, four psalms have

been distinguished which were recited as words of incantation (11Q11 Col. I 3). Notably, the72

final fragment preserves a version of Psalm 91 (VI 3-14). This psalm is customarily quoted in

Jewish amulets and incantations, and cited in Talmudic literature as a remedy against demonic

affliction. Thus, the presence of this widely known exorcistic psalm highlights the more specific73

magic function of 11Q11. That is, 11Q11 is likely the remnant of an exorcistic ritual. The tradition

underlying these Davidic psalms is often related to 11Q5 xxvii 9-10, in which it is said that David

wrote four songs to sing over the stricken. With this in mind, 11Q11 can be described as a74

genuine exorcistic text, intended to drive out a demon and cure an afflicted individual. However, the

manner of exorcism in 11Q11 is unconventional in the sense that the afflicted is not a passive

participant in the ritual, but is in fact being taught what to recite against his tormentor (e.g. V 5;

11). Thus, it is clear that 11Q11 does not form part of a communal hymnic ritual. For instance, the75

frequent use of the second person singular you shall [s]ay to him: Who are you..? (11Q11 V 5-6),

calls upon an afflicted individual to confront and intimidate the evil being personally. An element of

self-healing is prevalent in 11Q11, which encourages an individual to engage with his demonictormentor and expel it in the Name of God.76

24


Garca-Martnez, Magic in the Dead Sea Scrolls, 24.73

Nitzan, Magical Poetry, 233.74

Ibid.75

Alexander, 326.76


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In contrast to the apotropaic hymns and prayers, 11Q11 is distinguished by the invocation of the

Divine Name. Throughout the incantations, the Tetragram is written in full which is a significant

divergence from the deliberate avoidance we find in the Songs of the Sage. The use of Gods sacred

Name is often regarded as grounds for the non-sectarian origin of the manuscript. However like77

8Q5, the presence of 11Q11 among the Dead Sea Scrolls sheds light on the varied character ofmagic rituals included and valued by the sectarians. As we have discussed above, the Divine Name

is invoked to adjure and exorcise a demon. Whereas the apotropaic hymns function as non-

specific protection against demons, 11Q11 embodies a specific scenario and represents the action

taken once a demon has breached the protective defences established by the apotropaic rituals.

In conjunction with the Divine Name, the incantations utilise proclamations of Gods power and

authority to adjure an evil spirit. 11Q11 frequently alludes to the apocalyptic tradition, in particular

the creative power of God (II 10-13; III 2-4) and the anticipated eschatological destruction (III 10;

IV 4-8; V 8-10). Like the Songs of the Sage, 11Q11 forecasts the formidable judgment and

destruction which awaits the demons at the end days. The psalms invoke the power of God and78

His angels in order to threaten and terrify the demons, proclaiming:

YHWH will strike you with a [grea]t b[low] which is to destroy you. And in his fury

[ he will send ] against you a powerful angel [ to carry out] his [entire comm]and, who [will not show] you mercy, ... who [ will bring] you [down] to the great abyss [and to]

the deepest [Sheol.] (IV 4-8).79

The imagery in this passage is comparable to the psychological warfare described in the Songs of

the Sage. By appealing to the intimidating terror of God, 11Q11 typifies anti-demonic psalms

intended to frighten and expel evil spirits. The theme of eschatological judgment and punishment80

dominates the text, threatening the evil spirits with their determined fate and the horror of the

deepest Sheol. Yet it must be noted that 11Q11 does not claim to exorcise a demon for eternity.

Therefore, despite reflecting a different method of combative defence from the apotropaic texts,

11Q11 also integrates the apocalyptic tradition prevalent in the 1 Enoch andJubilees.

25

See fn. 44.77

Alexander, 327.78

Parry and Tov, 219.79

Gideon Bohak,Ancient Jewish Magic: A History(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 108.80


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Regarding the demonology of 11Q11, the psalms contain ambiguous references to spirits,

demons and sons of Bel[ial (VI 3). However the object of the exorcistic psalms, and the villain

commanding the evil spirits, is identified as the prince of enmity (II 4 see section 1.2 on

Mastema). Therefore, 11Q11 remains distinct from the apotropaic hymns in that its incantation is

directed towards a specific evil being and its related subordinate demons. The psalms confront andmock the evil being in the second person singular, for example Your face is a face of [delu]sion

and your horns are horns of ill[us]ion, you are darkness and not light, [injust]ice and not justice (V

6-8). This is in contrast to the different classes of evil beings enumerated and frightened in the81

Songs of the Sage and 4Q444. Unfortunately, the fragmentary nature of the text and obscure

references to the prince of enmity and the sons of Bel[ial make it difficult to discern the precise

demonology of 11Q11. Nevertheless it is within reason to suggest that 11Q11 alludes to the

apocalyptic tradition inJubilees, with the sons of Belial referring to Mastemas (the prince of

enmity) limited horde of subservient demons.

Like the other healing ritual texts we have discussed, 11Q11 is absent of any technical materia

magica. In our examination of ritual texts, we have found no comparison with the account of

magical praxis we find in the Book of Tobit. Although the ritual in Tobit includes prayer as part of

its exorcistic ritual, there is also a combination of materia magica. Instead, the exorcistic82

incantations of 11Q11 are replete with threats, terror and sovereignty over evil spirits, all of which

are considered equally effective methods of expelling a demon.

3.4 Conclusions

Unlike the apotropaic hymns and prayers in Chapter 2, it is difficult to distinguish the typical

elements of the exorcistic ritual texts. We have a combination of incantatory rituals and magicformulas, both of which directly confront and combat evil beings. Furthermore, the better preserved

text 11Q11 indicates an awareness of the apocalyptic tradition which has so far been a formative

source of demonology and theology for the ritual texts at Qumran.

26

Alexander notes that the description of this evil being in 11Q11 is potentially one of the earliest references to81

Mastema/Belial/Satan as a horned being (Alexander, Wrestling Against the Wickedness, 327).

Alexander, Magic and Magical Texts,503.82


27/32

In contrast to the apotropaic texts, the exorcistic incantations reflect the next level of defensive

action taken against demons once the apotropaic cordons have been breached and an individual has

been afflicted. Although these texts are considered non-sectarian, their inclusion among the Dead

Sea Scrolls indicates that the community saw it necessary to adopt and preserve them alongside

their own ritual texts against demons. Therefore, we can infer that the community at Qumran had avariety of preemptive and practical defensive measures at hand in order to satisfy their complex and

extensive beliefs about demons.

27


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Conclusion

The condition of the preserved ritual texts make it difficult to provide a comprehensive typology of

the various defensive rituals against demons. It is possible, however, to identify key defining

features between the categories of apotropaic hymns and exorcistic incantations. First, the83

terminology of both texts illustrates the different functions they are fulfilling. The apotropaic texts

are characterised by their absence of technical exorcistic language and non-specific references to

evil beings, whereas the incantations use the language of adjuration to address demons directly and

expel them. The list given in 4Q510 1 5 highlights the protective purpose of the hymns against a

diverse variety of evil beings. This differs from the identification of specific demons in 4Q560,

illustrating the more precise exorcistic function of the incantation. Second, the magic power is

effected in different ways. The Songs of the Sage typify the use of praise and thanksgiving to invoke

the protective power of God and terrify prospective demons. In contrast, the exorcistic texts utilise

the Divine Name and explicitly summon Gods majesty in order to drive out afflicting evil spirits.

We cannot go as far to say that the ritual texts maintain a consistent demonology with the narrative

texts because this simply is not the case. In fact, Reimer suggests that the Qumran sectarians had

little interest in a clearly articulated aetiology of demons. In all the ritual texts we have84

examined, the prayers and incantations are not concerned with illustrating detailed and coherent

demonologies. Instead, we have seen that the manner of magic rituals against demons is what

characterises these texts. This is no surprise when we consider the apocalyptic traditions underlying

the ritual texts which reveal that the presence and activity of demons is a very real threat. Therefore

we would not expect the sectarians to be concerned about outlining their demonologies, as much as

formulating the ritual action required to tackle the reality of demons.

Finally, the apocalyptic traditions of 1 Enoch andJubilees are not only fundamental for

understanding the mythology which underscores Jewish beliefs about demons in the ancient world,

but also the theology which characterises the ritual texts in the Qumran corpus. We have learnt from

the narrative texts in Chapter 1 that God is superior to all existence: the Book of the Watchers and

28

Eshel, 86-88.83

Reimer, Rescuing the Fallen Angels, 351.84


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Jubileesreveal that God is the ultimate judge of the cosmos; the Treatise on the Two Spiritsstates

that despite the opposing forces of light and darkness in the world, God is the basic source of

existence; and the exorcistic ritual in the Book of Tobit highlights that God is responsible for all

things. Therefore, in spite of the differences and inconsistencies between apotropaic hymns and

exorcistic incantations, we can posit one consistency between the ritual texts; the power of God isthe fundamental defence against all evil beings. Ultimately, it is God, not the reciter or the

congregation, who is responsible for the magic power of ritual texts. Whether it is through the

invocation of the Divine Name in exorcistic incantations, or through praise and thanksgiving of

Gods glory in apotropaic hymns, magic power against demons is located in the Divine.

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