American Journal of Humanities and Social Science (AJHSS) Volume 14, 2021

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Dance, symbolism and Pythagorean philosophy: The ritual of

"Kanilitsa" in the Greek community of NeaVyssa

Filippidou Eleni, Postdoctoral researcher, School of Physical Education and Sports Science,

National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, Greece

Koutsouba Maria, Professor, School of Physical Education and Sports Science, National and

Kapodistrian University of Athens, Greece

Tyrovola Vasiliki, Emeritus Professor, School of Physical Education and Sports Science,

National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, Greece

Abstract

Klidonas is one of the most known Greek dancing rituals, which is also celebrated in the

Thracian community of NeaVyssa under the name Kanilitsa. Though symbolism and dance

have been examined in various ways, yet their relationship through the Pythagorean

philosophy does not appear in the dance literature. This relationship constitutes the aim of

this paper. In particular, the aim of the paper is to study dance and symbolism in Kanilitsa

through the dimension of Pythagorean philosophy, and particularly, its dance forms in

relation to the musical and dancing tradition of NeaVyssa, as well as their symbolic function

within the ritual. Data was gathered through ethnographic method as this is applied to the

study of dance, while its elaboration with the comparative method. The dances of Kanilitsa

ritual was recorded and analyzed using the Laban notation system and the morphological

method. Finally, the symbolic function of the Kanilitsa dances was interpreted on the basis of

the Pythagorean philosophical tradition. From the data analysis was found that the dances of

the ritual do share common characteristics both in their form and in their way of

performance, and function in a symbolic way within the ritual that ratifies the magic-religious

ritual process. Dance within the ritual of Kanilitsa, in the base of symbolism through the

dimension of Pythagorean Philosophy, acts as a mean for preventing the evil, but also for

protecting the magic divination ceremony, through the protection of the sacred centre from

the evil eye and the devils.

Keywords: dance, symbols, Pythagorean philosophical tradition, Greece, Thrace.

Introduction

Ritual is the performance of an established sequence of standard acts (Paradelis, 1995), which

repeated periodically, linking them to a metaphysical order of existence (Erickson &Murphy,

2008) and through which they are transmitted messages in symbolic ways (Chronaki, 2012).

The concept of ritual has monopolized the research interest of many scholars from various

scientific fields. Initially, the concept of ritual attracted the interest of scholars of religion

(Durkheim, 1915; Frazer, 1890; Fustel de Coulages, 1963; Gluckman, 1963; James, 1955,

Smith, 1894), who assigned a secondary role to the ritual, giving a primary role to religious

faith. However, later on, the concept of ritual began to be of interest to sociologists and

anthropologists alike (Bloch, 1975; Geertz, 2003; Leach, 1968; Levi Strauss, 1977a,b, 1981),

who, in recent years, recognize its symbolism dimension (Crumrine&Crumrine, 1977;

Douglas, 1970; Rodríguez, 1991; Turner, 1967; 1969; van Gennep, 1960; Wilson, 1954).

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As constant channels of communication, symbols reflect the tactics by which ritual renders or

subverts social reality. On this basis, and according to Geertz, the importance of the symbols

in the meaning of human civilization is unquestionable (Geertz, 2003). Scholars therefore

consider symbols to be an important element of ritual, as the meanings in the ritual act

become meaningful through the use of symbols. Thus, they use symbols to reveal the

particular meanings of rituals and in addition they approach dance as a component of ritual

practices with emphasis on its symbolic dimensions (Broker, 1995; Buckland, 1995; Dunin,

1995; Grau, 2001; Hieb, 1974; Kaeppler, 1995; Lange, 1995; Snyder, 1986).

However, although researchers have dealt with the symbolism of dance in the context of

ritual practices, either at a purely theoretical approach or at an ethnographic level, is noted the

absence of their involvement with the symbolic dance through Pythagorean philosophical

tradition. This fact attempts to negotiate this study through the analysis of a dancing ritual

that performed throughout Greece at the birth day of Saint John the Prodromos (the

Forerunner) on the 24th of July.

In particular, one of the most known dancing rituals, which is celebrated on that day in

various versions in many regions of the Greece and is associated with the summer solstice, is

that of Klidonas. The word Klidonas has existed since the Homeric era and significated the

hearing of an omen or prophecy, as well as the combination of random or incomprehensible

words or acts during a divination ceremony, in which a prophetic significance was attributed

(Megas, 1963). The ritual of Klidonas is celebrated also in various communities of Thrace

prefecture in northern Greece. One of these communities is NeaVyssa, situated on the north-

eastern plain area of the Province of Evros and inhabited by refugees coming from Bosna of

Turkish Thrace, after the exchange of population between Greece and Turkey in 1923.

In NeaVyssa the ritual of Klidonas is known by the name Kanilitsa, which probably is a

version of the word Kalinitsa derived from Kali nifitsa (good bride), as on that day, young

girls used to dress up like a bride (Papachristodoulou, 1929; Thrakiotis, 1994). Kanilitsa is a

female dancing ritual, which is celebrated on the 23th, 24th and 29th of June in various

neighbourhoods of NeaVyssa and consists of a sum of symbolic actions that aim to the

revelation of the identity of the future husband of single women through magic-religious

rituals (Filippidou, Koutsouba, &Tyrovola, 2009).

Till the 1980s, the inhabitants of the community associated the birth day of Saint John the

Prodromos with the summer solstice on the 21st of June and practiced water divination

attributing to Saint John a divinatory capacity. Nevertheless, many of the NeaVyssa customs

were devised for a way of life very different to the one lived today. So, after the 1980s, the

ritual of Kanilitsa has not the same significance. After then, according to the inhabitants‟

comments, perform the ritual of Kanilitsa for keeping past memories alive, as well as, for

pleasure and entertainment.

The review of literature related with the Thracian dancing ritual of Klidonas, showed that a

number of researchers have studied it (Apostolidis, 1962; Kavakopoulos, 1959; Kiakidis,

1960; Kourtidis, 1897; Loukatos, 1978; Megas, 1963; Papachristodoulou, 1929;

Papaioannidis, 1929; Thrakiotis, 1994; Vozaklis, 1956; Vrachiologlou, 2000). However, the

majority of these studies have looked at the ritual as a survival of ancient religious practices

or as folklore, while reference to the accompanying dancing is only general and fragmentary,

while in some cases, there is no reference in dance at all. Moreover, as far as we know, the

study of dance symbolism in the Kanilitsaritual from a Pythagorean philosophical point of

view has not been found in the existing literature.

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Based on the above, the present study attempts to transcend the mere description of the ritual

and to render value to the role of dance within it. Thus, the aim of the paper is to study dance

and symbolism in the ritual of Kanilitsa, through the Pythagorean philosophical tradition, in

order to define the dances performed during it and their particular characteristics in relation

to the overall musical and dancing tradition of NeaVyssa, as well as their symbolic function

within the ritual.

Methodology

In order to examine the aforementioned, the methodological process consisted of three steps,

namely data collection, analysis and interpretation. Data were gathered through the

ethnographic method as this is applied to the study of dance (Buckland, 1999; Sklar, 1991)

and based on primary and secondary sources. Primary sources refer to data gathered through

fieldwork that was carried out at the region of Thrace, and particularly at the community of

NeaVyssa from December 2000 up to June 2019. Oral history was used as a method, through

which everyday memory is projected as a quest of social history (Thomson, 2002). The

overall course of field research was performed by the dual experience of the local culture

with reference both to the habitants of this particular community (carriers of the local

culture), as well as to the researchers (Erixon, 1967). Secondary sources refer to the review of

the related bibliography (Lampiri-Dimaki, 1996) that had been collected through archived

ethnographic research (Gefou-Madianou, 1997; Stocking, 1992) and includes analysis,

evaluation and integration of the published literature (Thomas & Nelson, 2003).

Collected data were classified according to the van Gennep methodological model (1960),

which can be implemented in all the manifestations of social life that function as custom

processes or rituals. In more detail, van Gennep was the first to describe three phases in all

rites of passage, underlining the importance of symbols in phase delimitation. In this way he

set a new direction in the approach of rituals, which until then were regarded as a simple

practice of traditional societies. According to the model, all rites of passage dispose of a

threefold structure and include three phases (van Gennep 1960): a) phase I: the preliminal

rites (rites of separation), b) phase II: liminal or threshold rites (rites of transition) and c)

phase III: the post-liminal rites (rites of incorporation). Though a number of other models

have been developed after the one of van Gennep, as it has already been mentioned, yet, the

choice of the particular model was in purpose. And this, because the model was applicable to

the data gathered while its threefold structure fit to the performance of the specific ritual.

The analysis of the data concerning dancing within the ritual of Kanilitsa was based on the

following parameters: the particular dances performed during the ritual, the dancers, the

dance paths, their music accompaniment and tempo, their context as well as their function.

Information for many of these parameters was gathered from the recording of the dances with

Labanotation (Hutchinson, 1977;Koutsouba 2005), as well as from the analysis of the their

structure and their form, as methodologically suggested by the IFMC ethno-chorological

group (I.F.M.C., 1974; Martin &Pessovar, 1961, 1963), as well as from the analytical

structural-morphological and typological model, as proposed and used in the analysis of

Greek traditional dance (Filippidou, 2011, 2019; Koutsouba, 1997, 2007; Tyrovola, 1994,

2001, 2010). Finally, the symbolism of dances in the ritual of Kanilitsa and more specifically

the symbolic meaning and the secret features of numbers 3, 4 and 7, as well as the figures of

circle and cross, which are appeared in the ritual are interpreted according to Pythagorean

philosophical tradition (Tyrovola, 2006, 2012).

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Specifically, the relevant arguments are developed on the basis of the fundamental principles

of Pythagorean numerology presented in the most comprehensible way, using primary

bibliographic references from the saved works (biographies and treatises) of important forms

of Pythagorean and neo-Pythagorean philosophy, such as NicomachosGerasianos,

Iamblichos, Porphyrios, Plutarch, Diogenes Laertius et al., from indirect or direct references

to other later Pythagoras philosophers, such as Plato and Aristotle, as well as to neo-

Platonists, such as Stoaios, Proclus and Plotinus. At the same time, Greek and international

bibliographical references (secondary sources) are used, coming from contemporary scholars

of Pythagorean philosophy.

In particular, the interpretation of the data with reference to the symbolic dance of the

Kanilitsa dances was based on the principles of philosophical research (Thomas & Nelson,

2003; Dimopoulos&Tyrovola, 2008; Tyrovola, 2012), and historical research (Hobsbawm,

1998). Philosophical research was developed in the context of critical exploration and

evaluation with the aim of examining reality through the use of stochastic procedures rather

than practical tools of empirical science. Philosophical research has followed by the process

of stochastic technique, which is necessary in measuring and analyzing concepts and values

as they are perceived by humans (Thomas & Nelson, 2003; Dimopoulos&Tyrovola, 2008;

Tyrovola, 2012). Historical research has been based on the identification of relevant primary

and secondary sources. In particular, it was based on the critical examination and reading of

written sources that give us information about the past, treated as an attempt to restructure

and interpret the past for the purpose of interpreting the present (Braudel, 2001).

The ritual of Kanilitsa

The ritual of Kanilitsa in NeaVyssa is celebrated for three (3) days that correspond to the

three phases of van Gennep‟ s model. The first day includes the rites of separation, the second

the rites of transition, whereas the third the rites of incorporation. All phases take place at the

well or the fountain of every neighbourhood of the community, or generally wherever there is

water.

Phase I: the preliminal rites (rites of separation)

Preparation begins the days before the 24th

of June, by finding the right persons to participate

in the ritual as importance is given to the girl that will embody the Kanilitsa, namely the

bride who has to be sibling, single and different each year. Each neighbourhood -there are

four in total that still perform the ritual nowadays, has its own Kanilitsa, who dresses a

wedding dress, a veil over her face and a twig of basil over her right ear. A different type of

preparation takes place on the eve of the ritual, on the 23rd

of June, which is a phase of purely

sacred character and includes the agermos (group visit paid to houses) and the

klidomatoumastrapa (“locking” of a sort of brassware mug).

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Figure 1: Kanilitsa ritual in 1960 and today

In particular, during the agermos on the eve of the feast of Saint John the Prodromosand after

the vespers service, four (4) single girls stand in front of the well of seven (7) houses in total

of Kanilitsa of every neighbourhood, holding a white sheet from its four corners over their

heads and sing at the same time: «…Κανιλίηζαμοςππωηοζηέθανεμάναμ’, μ’

έζηειλεγιακπύονεπόκαιγιαδποζεπό, ναποηίζοςμεηοβαζιλικόκαιηομάπανηο…» [My Kanilitsa,

first married, my mother sent me to get some cold and fresh water, to water the basil and

amaranth plants...]. After they finish the song, the landladies draw a bucket of water from the

well and pour it over the sheet.

Figure 2: The agermos

On the evening of the same day, the klidomatoumastrapa takes place. Kanilitsa draw down

from the well the “unspoken water”, puts it in a mastrapas (sort of brassware mug) full of

flowers and carries it to the place where the ritual will be performed. The water is called

“unspoken” because the girl who draws it must not talk to anyone until she leaves it to the

specific place. Following, the girls who will participate in the ritual of Kalinitsa throw inside

the mastrapastheir simadia (signs), i.e. jewels tied to a thread, close, i.e. “lock the

mastrapas”, with a red woven napkin and leave it open in the countryside during the whole

night, so as the stars could see their simadia, and cast a spell on them, thus acquiring

divinatory qualities in order to foretell the things that will come.

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Figure 3: The mastrapasand the simadia

Phase II: liminal or threshold rites (rites of transition)

The performance of the second phase of Kanilitsa begins on the morning of the following day

and finishes late in the afternoon. That time, also married women, relatives and neighbours,

join the company of the single girls, in order to act as witnesses of the divination process.

Likewise, that phase also has an exclusively sacred character and includes the mazoxi

(gathering), the xeklidomatoumastrapa(“unlocking” of the brassware mug) and the dance.

In particular, during themazoxi,the girls of the neighbourhood, aged between 9 and 12 years

old, who will participate, gather in the house of Kanilitsa where the ritual will be performed.

Along with them, there are six (6) Kanilitsoudia, little girls between 5 and 8 years old. After

the girls‟ gathering, Kanilitsa, with two friends of hers holding her one from her right arm

and the other from her left, come out of a flowered garden of a neighbouring house. The three

(3) girls walk towards the house of Kanilitsa, singing three (3) specific songs.

When Kanilitsa comes, the older girls and the Kanilitsoudia form couples and place

themselves in two homocentric circles. The six Kanilitsoudia stand in the interior circle

forming three (3) couples, while the exterior circle is formed by the older girls and Kanilitsa

sitting in a chair. In the centre of two circles the mastrapasis placed with the simadia inside

and according to the informants, “this is the spot where Saint John also stands”. Following, a

just married and sibling girl, opens the mastrapasand stirs the simadia with her right hand

singing the following: «ΆνοιξεΚλήδωμ’ άνοιξεν’

ανοίξειηοπιδικόμαρκιόζακαλάηερΒενεηιάρόλανα ’ναιδικάμαρ» [Open, my Klido, open, so that

our fate will open and may all the goods of Venice be ours]. Then, all the girls sing together:

«Μαράνοιξανηομαζηπαπάναπούμεηαηπαγούδια,

ναμαρακούζοςνοιέμοπθερκαιηαπαλλεκαπούδια» [They opened the mastrapas for us, to sing

the songs, so that the pretty girls and young men would hear us].

Afterwards, the first married girl “unlocks” the mastrapas, i.e. the xeklidomatoumastrapa,and

recites a mane -a song of four verses of mocking and humoristic character that refers to

passion, love and marriage; meanwhile, she takes out of the “unspoken water” the first

simadi, which is considered to be of great importance, because it is believed to bring luck to

its owner. Right afterwards, all the couples of participating girls successively sing their own

mane, while they pull the thread out of the mastrapasand take out a simadi. The procedure is

repeated until all the simadia to be taken out of the mastrapas. In that way, the “unspoken

water” does “speak” and foretells the fate and the future of each girl that takes part in the

ritual through the singing the mane, while she is being commented by the rest of the

participants. After the end of this procedure, Kanilitsa takes the mastrapasand the simadia to

her house, and she keeps them there until the beginning of the third phase of the ritual.

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Figure 4:The xeklidomatoumastrapa

Right afterwards, a closed circular singing dance is performed exclusively by the participants

of the ritual in the space where the two homocentric circles occupied before, around the

mastrapasfilled with the “unspoken water”. The dances performed are the following three

(3): syrtos (stavrotos), 7/8syrtos and kasapikos, danced in the order mentioned; every dance

is danced in form of three (3) circles. Following, the girls go to the well, cover their head

with a towel, and then try to recognise the face of their future husband by looking at the

bottom of the well.

Phase III: the post-liminal rites (rites of incorporation)

On the eve of Saint Apostles‟ day on the 29th

of June, Kanilitsiat’ka feast is celebrated; that is

the feast of Kanilitsa, which has a merely secular character. At this point, it should be pointed

out that, according to the sayings of the informants, the secular phase is celebrated one week

after the sacred week, due to the fact that it coincides with the Saint Apostles day on that

date. Moreover, as that period also coincides with the harvest time, people try to organise

celebrations whenever there is a feast day, even in the case of insignificant ones, with the aim

to propitiate the saints in order to contribute to a good crop. This is the reason why there is

such a long time distance between the third phase and the rest of the ritual. This phase

includes the Kanilitsiat’ka and the dance.

During the Kanilitsiat’ka, since early in the morning, all the mothers of the girls that

participated in the ritual gather in the Kanilitsa‟s house, where the ritual has been performed;

each one of them brings ingredients for making the milina (a sort of twisted cheese-pie), as

well as fruits and vegetables. When the preparation is completed, the girls who participated in

the ritual arrive to the house, bringing some coin that will offer so as to take back their simadi

in exchange. In this phase the dance has a purely festival character as it constitutes a secular

event for all the women of the neighbourhood, whether they participated or just acted as

witnesses in the second phase. The dancing repertory includes the dances of syrtos

(stavrotos), 7/8 syrtos, kasapikos and aligournos, which are danced in open circle, with song

accompaniment and in all sorts of repetitions.

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Figure 5:Syrtos (stavrotos) dance

Dance in the context of the Kanilitsa ritual

A precondition for the study of dance in the context of the ritual of Kanilitsa in NeaVyssa is

the overall image of the dance of that community. In particular, the dancing repertoire of

NeaVyssa consists of a number of dances, the forms of which are structured according to two

different principles of composition: a) the linking principle, which includes the chain forms

(homogeneous, heterogeneous, variations, rondo) and b) the grouping principle (two, three or

multi-segment forms) (IFMC,1974;Koutsouba, 1997, 2007; Tyrovola, 1994, 2001, 2007a),

which includes the forms of „closed‟ improvisation (Tyrovola, 2001, 2007a, b). Based on the

above, briefly, the dancing repertoire of NeaVyssa is divided in four categories:

Table 1: The dances of NeaVyssa

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a) the first one includes circle dances of statria type (Tyrovola, 1994, 2001), namely

syrtos (stavrotos) and kasapikos,

b) the second one consists of circle dances stadyo type (Tyrovola, 2003; Tyrovola,

&Koutsouba, 2006), namely 7/8 syrtos and aligournos,

c) the third one comprises the individual dances, the contra dances, as well as the

imitation dances, which are antikristos or karsilamas or tsifteteli, varysgissios, pidichtos,

ayntinkous or koutsos, arapikos or mavros, as well as the dance of kavrama and

dirmoniou and, finally,

d) the fourth one comprises the custom wedding dance simpitherahavasou or

sympithiritkous (Filippidou, 2010).

The dances of NeaVyssa are presented in the previous table (Table 1):

During the ritual of Kanilitsa, dances are performed only during the second and third phase,

and especially circle dances of the two first categories of the dance repertory of NeaVyssa. In

particular, four (4) dances are performed during the whole ritual. These are syrtos (stavrotos),

kasapikos, 7/8 syrtos and aligournos dances. In particular, during the second phase of the

ritual, which is exclusively sacred, only the three (3) first dances are performed in a form of

three (3) circles and in a strictly fixed order. Specifically, after the performance of the

established convention, syrtos (stavrotos) is danced, then follows 7/8 syrtos, while the last

dance is kasapikos. In the third phase of Kanilitsa, which constitutes the secular phase of the

ritual, all the four (4) aforementioned dances are performed, yet not in a fixed order and

without certain repetitions, as during this phase the sequence of the dances depends on the

mood and the dancing preferences of the participants. The dances performed in the kanilitsa

ritual are presented in the following table and figures: Table 2 is a concise table of dances

during the second and the third phase of the Kanilitsa ritual, Figures 6 and 7 are the

Labanotation of the dances, while Figure 8 includes the dance forms of the Kanilitsa ritual.

Table 2: Concise table of dances during the second and the third phase of the Kanilitsa ritual

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Figure 6: Labanotation of the dances of the second phase of the Kanilitsa ritual

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Figure 7: Labanotation of the dances of the third phase of the Kanilitsa ritual

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Figoure 8: Dance forms of the Kanilitsa ritual

Studying the role of dance in the context of the ritual of Kanilitsa in the community of

NeaVyssa, it was found that dance is inextricably linked to a specific custom and ritual frame,

which consists of a sum of dancing acts that may sometimes be performed according to a

specific formality, but some other times is incorporated in the entertainment and feast

process. Those dancing acts accompany the second and third phase of the ritual, having a

magic-religious (sacred) character in the first case and a secular character in the second case

(Karlis, Koutsouba, &Tyrovola, 2009).

In particular, the three dances, syrtos (stavrotos), 7/8 syrtos and kasapikos, performed during

the ritual-sacred process of the ritual and which are part of the dance repertoire of NeaVyssa,

in this case present certain characteristics that differentiate them for the rest of the

community‟s dances: all three are circle dances that are performed in a form of closed circle

exclusively by single women, their tempo is slow and they always have a singing

accompaniment. They are also performed at the holy ground of the divinatory ceremony,

around the sacred object that contains the „unspoken water‟ in three circles and in a strictly

fixed order. On the other hand, during the third phase of the ritual, the dancing repertoire is

extended, because of the additional performance of aligournos dance. In this case too, the

circular form of the dances still remains, but the closed circle changes into open, while

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participants may be not only single, but also married women. The tempo of the dances gets

faster while there is the possibility to accompany the singing with musical instruments. In

that phase, the duration and the order of the dances are not fixed as it depends on the dancers‟

mood and preferences.

The question raised at this point is which might be the reasons for the selection of those

dances for the ritual of Kanilitsa among the total of the dancing repertoire of the community.

First, those four dances are performed exclusively in circle and in open spaces, characteristics

that suit with the place of performance of the Kanilitsa ritual, which is the open air place.

Thus, dances performed in indoor spaces, as in the case of contra dances of the community

could not be danced during the ritual. Second, the function of some dances of NeaVyssa is

not consistent with the function of the ritual.

For example, custom dances, such as the wedding dance simpitherahavasou, which is

performed exclusively on the wedding eve along with the custom called Kna, could not be

incorporated in the ritual of Kalinitsa, due to its different function and significance. Likewise,

pidichtos dance is also excluded, due to the fact that it is a street dance (agermikos), that is

performed either on the way from the groom‟s to the bride‟s house or during the carnival

dancing ritual of Bei. A third reason, but just as important, is the dancers‟ sex. Due to the fact

that Kanilitsa is a female ritual, dances of the community that are performed exclusively by

men could not be included, as in the case of arapikos or the dance of kavramas and

dirmoniou. The fourth reason is associated with the tempo of the dances: fast tempo dances

are excluded from the sacred phase of the ritual, and therefore, aligournos dance is excluded

too. Nevertheless, aligournos dance is performed during the secular phase of the ritual,

during which custom and contra dances of the community still cannot be performed

(Filippidou, 2010).

Discussion – Conclusion

The issue raised in this point refers to the particular meaning of the aforementioned

characteristics of the dances that accompany the ritual of Kanilitsa. One of these is their floor

plan, as all four dances are circular. The circle evokes the concepts of incorporation,as well as

of „give and take‟ (Lampropoulou, 1986:551;Tyrovola, 1999:183). As a sacramental symbol,

the circle protects the sacred place, while it also enables the initiation into the religious

values. Moreover, the circle dances have always been considered especially significant by all

the ancient civilisations; in general, they used to be performed around an altar or a sacred

symbol, such as fire, therefore, a concept of magic circle was created while purification and

removal of every evil influence was attempted (Tyrovola, 1999). The circle is the most basic

floor plan in the Greek dance, and it is presented in two forms: the first one is the closed

circle, which creates the sensation of intimacy and immediacy among the participants and

expresses the exclusion of the rest of the world. In the primary communities, the centre of the

closed circle was occupied by the worshipped deity or the deity‟s representant, which

normally would be the priest or the shaman, and it was him who directed the whole process

(Tyrovola, 1999;Panagiotou, Papadopoulou, Νikiforidis,&Ζacharis, 2000). The second form

of the circle is the open circle. The open circle expresses the need for communication

(Tyrovola, 1999), having in this way an entertainment function and contributing to the

strengthening of ties among the participants.

As for the ritual of Kanilitsa, during the ritual-sacred phase, the dances are performed in a

closed circle around the mastrapasfilled with the „unspoken water‟, which has already

„spoken‟ and has revealed the girls‟ fate. Subsequently, dance reinforces the sacred centre,

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where the „unspoken water‟ is placed and, what is more, according to the sayings of the

informers, St John places himself there too. The closed circle of the dances protects that

sacred space from the evil eye and the devils, in order to purify and remove any evil

influence that could retract the magic process performed before (Filippidou, Koutsouba,

&Tyrovola, 2019; Nitsiakos, 2001;Oesterley 1923;Panagiotou, Papadopoulou,

Νikiforidis,&Ζacharis, 2000, Panopoulou,&Tsagnos, 2000; Tyrovola, 1999). The open circle

is prevalent in the secular phase of the ritual. In this case, attention is not given in the centre

of the circle, as it occurs during the ritual phase; but the significance lies in the direction of

the dance. In open circle form, the presence of the first dancing woman is very intense, as she

tries to get the attention of the spectators by using her dancing skills, since this kind of circle

gives place to the elaboration of the dances that become more vivid.

Another remarkable characteristic is the crossed-hand hold in the first dance of the second

phase of the ritual. According to Tyrovola (2012:160) “… the shape of the crοss […] is a

combination of the Pythagorean cube and the Pythagorean sphere. At a symbolic level, the

cross is a heptagonal symbol, containing the numbers 3 and 4 ...” .The crossed-hand hold

makes the dancers come closer and giving them the opportunity to fulfil their wishes

(Filippidou, Koutsouba, &Tyrovola, 2019; Panagiotou, Papadopoulou, Νikiforidis,&Ζacharis,

2001;Tyrovola, 1999), ratificating in this way the oracle that was given to them.

Furthermore, the ritual of Kanilitsa is carried out in three (3) phases; the second phase

constitutes the core of the ritual, where dancing activity is presented in form of three (3)

songs, three (3) dances and three (3) circles around a specific hearth that surrounds the sacred

object and Saint John. Among the three dances, the first and the third have a 3-bar motive,

that is to say, they are dances of statriatype, while the second dance is a 7/8syrtos. Apart from

the three dances, the ritual is framed by a fourth dance, the aligournos dance, that has a 4-bar

motive, such as the 7/8 syrtos and is listed among the dances of stadyotype. Therefore, it is

found that the numbers three (3), four (4) and seven (7) prevail in the ritual of Kanilitsa; the

presence of these numbers is neither random nor accidental, since the specific numbers have

always been connected with the sacred, the ritual and the rites of passage (Filippidou,

Koutsouba, &Tyrovola, 2012; Tyrovola, 2012).

In particular, the Orphic and Pythagorean philosophers rendered a symbolic meaning to

number three believing that it was sacred, perfect and the basis of everything (Tyrovola,

2001, 2006). According to the Pythagorean system, the odd number three has a privilegious

position, as it presents an entirety consisting of a beginning, a middle and an end, is

considered to be a symbol of fertility and prevails over the even number within the synthesis

(Tyrovola, 2004;Veikos 1988). According to Aristotle, the number three is the number of the

Universe, since Trittys (the Trinity) expresses the three homocentric circles or cosmos of the

Universe: the natural, the human and the divine(Tyrovola, 2006, 2012).

NicomachosGerasianos (neo-Pythagorean philosopher and mathematician), refers to the

number three as the required number of libations (spondee in ancient Greek) for the

fulfilment of the prayers (Veikos, 1988). Last, number three is considered to be the number of

the triangle, one of the most representative symbols of the triune deity, and it estimated that it

contains power and other magic qualities (Tyrovola, 2006).

Number four, according to Pythagorean, reflects the completion with the following progress 1

+ 2 + 3 + 4 = 10, giving the number ten (10), Pandelia (Tyrovola, 2006). It is considered to

be the creative principle, the cause of everything, as well as the dynamic expression of the

Trinity‟s creative energy (Tyrovola, 2006). The Tetrad is called by the Pythagoreans "the

greatest miracle" and "god otherwise" by the Trinity. And this is because, on the one hand, in

the Trinity the first perfect is visible, but in the Tetrad all the worldly natures are included

44

according to the principle of causality and, on the other hand, because the numbers 3 and 4

correspond respectively to the combinations of the triangle and the cross, symbols with

strong mystical references (Tyrovola, 2012, 2013). The Tetrad represents the perfection, as it

is expressed through the time circles and constitutes the completion of the group (Tyrovola

2001, 2006). For the Pythagoreans, everything, both physical and numerical, was completed

in the progress of one to four. They expressed it with the four seasons, the four elements

(earth, air, fire and water), the four vital musical intervals, and the four types of planetary

motion (Filippidou, Koutsouba, &Tyrovola, 2012, 2019).

Last, number seven was considered to be the image and the model of the divine order and

harmony in nature by the Pythagorean philosophers; it was the number who included twice

the sacred number three or the Trinity, in which number one, the divine entity is added

(Blavatsky, 1880). The denomination of the septet derives from the combination of the verb

sevo, that means respect, and the adjective septos, and it was associated with the worship of

the celestial phenomena. On this basis, it symbolises the communication with the divine, and

the union between the woman and the moon. The merger of the sacred numbers three and

four, acting as a symbolic unity between the absolute male (three) and the absolute female

(four), as well as the number of the seven days that correspond to the days that intervene

between two lunar phases and according to which fertile period of women is calculated,

contributed to the identification of the septet with the fertility process (Tyrovola, 2001, 2006).

Conclusively, this study analyzed the dances in the Kanilitsa event in the community of

NeaVyssa, which were found that constitutes of part of the dancing repertoire of the

community and present common characteristics, which differentiate them from the rest of the

dances of the community. These particular characteristics with regard to their form, but also

to their way of performance during Kanilitsa, enable the symbolic function of the dances

during the ritual, and, consequently, contribute to the ratification of the magic-religious ritual

process. In particular,the triple ritual performance of the dances -which comes back from the

archaic period, and is also substantially associated with the sacredness and the metaphysical

interpretation of number three (Tyrovola,2012), the dances of statria type, the 7/8 syrtos

dance, the closed circle of the dances, the crossed-hand hold that is used in one of the dances,

as well as the fourth dance that accompanies the ritual leading it to its completion, all those

constitute symbolic expressions of magical perceptions, through which an intervention of the

sacred power is solicited, in order to guarantee the fruitful completion of the ritual and the

integral fulfilment of the solicitation.

To sum up, dance within the ritual of Kanilitsa, in the base of symbolism through the

dimension of Pythagorean philosophical tradition, acts as a mean for preventing the evil, but

also for protecting the magic divination ceremony, through the protection of the sacred centre

from the evil eye and the devils. Although today's Kanilitsa event in the community of

NeaBysa is for memorable and entertaining purposes, it still retains its magical-magical

content through its celebration.

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