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Journal of Social Review Volume 3 (1) - December 2014

Journal of Social Review Volume 3 (1)

December 2014 Department of

Social Sciences

56

IMMIGRATED NATIONAL IDENTITY:KARAVA AND SINHALESE MASK DRAMA(KOLAM)

Jayantha Amarasingheand Saman M.Kariyakarawana

Abstract

M.D Raghavan, who made a study of native races and castes expresses that the mask drama,a kind of folk drama existed and in fact still existing to some extent in west and south coast ofmaritime regions in Sri Lanka is related with the Karava caste which is one of the majormigratory castes of the island. The objective of this study is to launch a deep investigationinto the observation he made with special reference to the Tukkavadu Kolamancestry ofMaha Ambalangoda which belongs to Karava caste. The study revealed the followingimportant points. The commencement of mask drama in Sri Lanka is associated with theKarava caste army brought from Kanchi puram,Kilakkare,Kaveri Pattanam when Puttalamwas seized by Mukkaras, a group of invaders in the reign of king Parakramabahu-vi ofKotte. Those peoples were the believers of the Godess Kali at that time even the local peoplehad already been performing variety of dancing by way of offering to demons and deities.It seems probable that the Kolam nataka came to being as a result of blending of Kolamthullaldance performed by Keralas on behalf of the Goddess Kali with the kind of dancing alreadyexisted in the island. Adoption as an entertainment of early practice performed for Kali inthe colonial politico-economic context could be examined later.

Carpentry was the duty assigned to Karava caste in the feudal system. Thus they were inbornartists in carving masks. The most significant fact came to light out of this investigation doneinto the history of Tukkawadu ancestry of Maha Ambalangoda which attracted the attentionof a large number of those who studied the mask is this it was the ritual dancers or gurunnanses-devil dancers- of Thunduwa and Suddagoda, two villages of Berava (tom-tom beaters)caste in Bentota, who contributed singing, playing, words and verse to the mask drama.Though at the begging people belonging to different castes performed just the particularduty entrusted to him in time to come they took part in many other trades without distinction.Accordingly those who belonged to Karava caste took part in singing and playing where asthat of Berava practiced carving masks. On the basis of the above inquiries the followingfindings were reached. Namely the origin of mask drama cannot be traced by means of oneparticular caste. It is an admixture of multi-ethnic and multi-religious cultural elements.While changing its form in accordance with time and tide mask drama under went influenceof various cultures in its mode from exorcism to delight full and incidental art. Even in caseof Tukkavadu ancestry which is the subject of this study a singular contribution has beenmade by both the castes Karava and Berava to the continuity of the mask drama. Although itis invariably associated with the migration of Karava caste the mask drama cannot be brandedexclusively as a heritage of their own. It can be observed that following the nationalindependence without resorting to cast issues there is a tendency towards continuity ofperforming art such as mask drama as one of the national symbolism. This approachdiminished caste identities further.

Journal of Social Review Volume 3 (1) - December 2014 57

Introduction

Mask drama or Kôlam (mockery) is a kindof folk-drama solely native to maritimeregions of south and west lowland (see Map1) of Sri Lanka. Performance done wearinga mask, playing the low-country drum andthe trumpet, performance of all men’s andwomen’s parts exclusively by men,inclusion of a long-pre performance and agroup of common characters, 1 andperformance of one or two episodesfollowing the pre performance 2etc. are theidentical features of the mask drama.

Map 1: Law country and Up country inCeylone

M. D. Raghavan who made a study of ethnicgroups of Sri Lanka also investigated intoarts and crafts associated with its variousethnic types. Among the special issues thatattracted his attention are the relationsbetween Sokari drama and kinnara (matweavers) tribe3 (1951:237- 248) and that ofmask drama and the Karava caste (1961).Ambalangoda was the place most popularfor mask drama in the decade 1960. Among

the people of Karava caste in Ambalangodathere had already prevailed characteristicfeatures of a tradition of mask drama datingback to some centuries at the time whenRaghavan carried out his study. The studytries to examine most thoroughly the issuepointed out by Raghavan, i.e. the relationsbetween Karava caste of Ambalangoda andthe mask drama on the one hand and toidentify the caste background with specialreference to mask drama of Ambalangoda onthe other. Accordingly the object of this studyis to try to solve the two basic problems, i.e.first how mask drama came to be connectedwith the Karava casteAnd second whether itis an art related exclusively to that particularcaste as Raghavan surmises ?

Methodology:

Data has been collected mainly from literarysources dealing with various spheres onKolam drama. Eight interviews withimportant individuals and artists wereconducted by adopting the Snow BallSampling Method. A Snow ball growsgradually through accumulation of snowaround it. The number of persons whom Ishould interview also was determined in thesimilar way. Once a first group of personswere interviewed, it was they who suggestedthe next group who should be interviewed,like this the process went on. For thispurpose two Tale Phone conversations wereemployed and in addition World Wide Webalso was used.

Discussion:

Composition of the caste and the Karavain Sri Lanka following the Kotte rulingPeriod

There is a multitude of studies carried outon diversity of castes that existed and thatstill exists in the Sinhalese society. Ryan hassummarized the classifications pertaining to

Immigrated National Identity: Karava and Sinhalese Mask Drama (kolam)


the subject made by Europeans (1993:65-72). Coomaraswamy’s view of theSinhalese caste system is as follows: TheSinhalese since remote past were havingintimate and uninterrupted ties with SouthIndians. As a result it is not the castedifference of Aryayans but that of Tamilswhich has come to exist among the Sinhalese(1962:20). Various tribes that had migratedfrom South India of a later date were foundliving as diverse castes in the Sinhalesesociety (Ryan,1993:11). Ariyapala studyingthe Medieval Sinhalese Society gives adescription of the composition of the castein the contemporary army which is foundin Dambadeni-Asna(epistle). In it 57 casteswhich differ from one another on the basisof their duty or profession are given. In hisstudy two professionals called Balibatuvoand Kâli natanno (Kâli dancers) are alsomentioned.

These two professionals can be taken as twosubordinate groups who helped the army.Both these groups would have fulfilledreligions needs. (1956:161-166) R.Pierishas done an authoritative theoretical studyof establishment of the caste system in theSinhalese society. He examines in detail thebackground of caste system taking intoconsideration the facts given in the NîtiNighanduwa and the Jana-vansa.(1964:181- 190) All these studies confirmthat the history of Karava caste does not gobeyond the Kotte Period. How the Karavacaste having arrived here came to the foreamong the lesser castes is described byR.Pieris in the following manner:“Nawandanna caste (blacksmiths) wasrecognized as the dominant one among thelesser castes in the 17th century. Thenfollowing one and half a century Daveprepared a document according to which itwas the Karava that occupied the prominentposition among the lesser castes. However,as some people viewed that the AcâriKulaya (the caste of blacksmiths) was the

dominant one among the lesser castes thenotion that the Karava was prominentremained as a matter of opinion. In hisdescription of their honorary titles anddesignations it is noteworthy that even anominal reference not been made to theKarava caste by Knox. It was in Dutch areaslying outside the control of the king of Kandy(capital city of up country) that Karavapeople were living. “As they committedkilling fish” the Karava caste people hadbeen up to the latter part of Kandy Period,treated as a mean caste but were givenrecognition for it was they who supplied saltand dry fish to the sovereign. Those who fledfrom maritime regions and settled down inKandyan areas were admitted to veryimportant Madige or transport agency owingto the Dutch policy of obstructing thehighway” (1964:188).

Description of Coomaraswamy based on theSinhala poem titled “the Jana Vansaya”written by kessallena Sinha on castes andtheir Hierarchy following Kotte Period drawsin excellent picture of the caste diversityprevailing at that time.

According to the “Jana Vansa” casteprocedure is as follows:

Goviyo(Handuruvo-knoxs “Hondroos”-Wellâlayo)(cultivators)

Pçsakâroyo (Salâgomayô “Hâli” viyanno)(chalias, cloth weavers)

Kamburu (Navandanno, Galladdo)(goldsmiths, stone workers )

Waduvo (Carpenters, blacksmiths etc.)

Hannâli (tailors)

Radavu (washers)



Embättayô (Karanävämiyô)(barbers)

Sommarayô (Ham wäda karannô)( leatherworkers)

Durâvô (Râmâdinnô)(toddy drawers)

Kumbhakârayô (Badahälayô)(potters)

Karâvô (Mâlu allannô)(fishers andCarpenters )

Väddô (Dadayam Karannô)(hunters)

Beravâyô (Tûryavâdakayô, Redi viyannô,very often Näkätiyô)(tom-tom beaters)

Hakuruvô (jaggery -makers)

Hunnô (lime burners)

Pannayô (grass cutters)

Yamannô (iron smelters)

Väl waduvô(basket -makers)

Gahalayô (lower labours)

Paduvô(Slave farmers, sedan carries)

Mâlâkârayô (lower florist, rangers)

Kinnarayô (mat weavers)

Rodiyô (ropes makers, leather tanners)

Oliyô (dancers)

Indrajâlikayô (magic showers )

Candâlayô (beef eaters, scavengers)(1962:20.21)

Raghavan’s study:

“Kolam as an art has passed through severalstages until it has evolved into the colorfulfolk play that it is today, in the hands, largely,of the Karava of Ambalan goda. A well-knownexponent of the art here is J. W. AriyapalaAmbalangoda has a rich heritage of the artand men of all ages practice it here(1961:126p).

“Social Arts” is how Raghavan calls thechapter VII his work titled” Karava .Describing these facts in great detail he giveshis account of kolam under subtopic “Thekolam, the art of Ambalangoda”(1961: 125-132). Information Raghavan has givensuggests that kolam play is a cultural featureof the Karava . In addition to kolam he givesinformation even about Nâdagam (a kind ofdrama) which is also as an art belonging tothe Karava . Nâdagam play is also anincidental art that developed in the hands ofthe Karava.

“Rt. Rev. Dr. Edmond Peiris, OMI, FormerBishop of Chilaw, who carried out variousresearches in areas where catholic faith hasbeen wide spread, says that the first Sinhalanâdagama was written by Mr. MihinduKulasooriya Gabriel Fernando of Chilaw. Itis the Purâna Raja Tunkattuwa.

The year 1746 A. D. as the date of this play isgiven in a diary of a person of this caste. Thesame author has also written another worktitled “Marigidâ Nâdagama” (Pieris,Edmond, 1958:10.14 was quoted byKariyawasam, T,1979:12).

“Raja Tun Kattuwa” (Three kings), all threecognomens Mihindukulasooriya, Varnakulasooriya, and Kurukulasooriya are treated asbelonging to Karava caste. Thus both kolam(mask drama) and Nâdagama (stage play) thetwo kinds of incidental arts are understood tobe associated with the Karava caste.



Kolam Tullâl and the local yaknätuma (devil dance)

Referring to the Indian influence on kolamdrama Raghavan puts forward the followingview:

“The Kolam is obviously a child of the cultof demons. That it comes in direct heritagefrom the demon Cult is what I am led toconclude from my observations of thetraditional Cult of the Kolam Thullal ofrural Malabar.Kolam Thullal literallymeans “dis guised dances” weird dancesby the devil-dances of rural Malabar,in aritual ceremony against evil influences. Thedancers wear grotespue masksimpersonating the spirits. The masks arecrudely made of the broad leaf sheath ofthe Arecanut palm” (1961:125-126).

This is the information M. H. Goonatillekegives in respect of kolam Thullal: “Atpresent a kind of dance called kolam Thullalis found in kerala in South India. This danceis described by M. D. Raghavan (1964: 129)and Râgini Devi (1966:48) as follows:

“Mr. Raghavan says that kolam Thullal ofkerala is a “Vrutha châritra” (cult) whichprotect man from evil forces. Therefore ittakes the form of defensive (yâtu karma)sorcery. Kolam tullal which commences inparticular in mid-March is a danceperformed in kovils which the Goddess Kâliguards. This dance goes on till mid June.

During this period the whole place fills withfestivities. As Ragini Devi asserts actorswho disguise themselves as spirits of theGoddess kâli perform dances imitative ofthem in order to drive away the harmfulspirits.” (Goonatilleka, M. H. 1968:23-24).

C. de S. Kulatilleke who examines intokolam (mask drama) and the kali faithexpresses his opinion on kolam Thullal

drama and its migration to the west coast ofSri Lanka.

“It was by “Vedar women” who wore masksthat the “Kolam Thullal” dance wasperformed in Kerala so as to make harvestrich. Masks have been worn in order todisguise themselves as the Goddas Kâli.Dance performance by women in faiths inIndia is invariably a custom associated withsacrificial ceremonies aimed at fertilizingharvest” (1968:28).

“Soldiers Parakramabahu VI of Kotte gotdown from Kerala settled down in lowlandregions in Sri Lanka. It is probable that theKâli temples erected in maritime regionswere meant for these soldiers. Kolam Thullaldance performed in Kerala in order to getgood harvest may have been performed evenhere (in these kovils)” (ibid:29).

The Venerable Weligama Sumangala Theraby using an old palm leaf manuscript as asource makes the following analysispertaining to (i) soldiers got down fromkerala at the time of Parakramabahu vi, (ii)the places where they settled down and (iii)the origin of the Karava in Sri Lanka:“Anarmy force called Mukkura came and seizedPuttalam in the reign of Sri Parakramabâhuof kotte. Then the king Parâkramabâhu wroteto the three countries, kâncipura-kâvçri-Pattanama-kîlakkarç and got down troopscomparing 7740 men and defeated theMukkura force and captured the fort(Puttalam). The names of those who lead thetroops are also known, namely, VaccanâttuDçvarîr, Kurukulanâttu Dçvarîr, MânikkaTalavçn, Adi Arasa Adappa Unnähç,Varnasooriya Adappa Unnähç, kurukulasooriya, Mudiyansç, Arsakula sooriyaMudiyanse, Arasanila Itta Mudiyanse and 18Arachchies. This book says that the officercalled Mânikktlavçn was slain by Mukkarusin the battle. Even Simon Casie ChittyUnnähe records that Mânikka Thalavçn was



slain by Mukkarus. It seems that the kingrejoicing at the victory of those who defeatedMukkarus bestowed upon them the landscalled Mädinnôruwa, Ânaolandâwa,Munnçssarama, Kammala, Thambarâwila,Hunupitiyç Vîdiya, Periyâmulle Vîdiya,kammalavîdiya, Kolompiti Maha Vîdiya,Vällçvîdiya, kurana Vîdiya and Mîgomuwaby way of copper sannasa (grant written oncopper plates), and Râvana kodiya (Râvanaflag), Ira Sanda kodiya (Flag of the sun andthe Moon) and Makarâ kodiya (Flag ofCapricorn) also were conferred on them.(Sri Sumangala therunnanse, Weligama,1876:60).

Simon Casie Chittywho made an analysisof Tamil caste system says The differenttribes of fishers and boatmen and which arecommonly called kurukulan: that is theprogeny of the planet kuru, or Jupiter andfurnishes groups of some eightcastes(1834:223). It is evident from theabove reference that even in the Tamil castesystem Kuru Kulaya (karâva vansaya)- theKarâva caste- is associated with fishery. Hehas given further information about theKarâva under the caption. “The mookawasof Ceylon” (1834:276).

The Karava thus arrived in here has becomethe major group engaged in fishery of SriLanka by kotte period. Ambalangoda, oneof the maintenance villages of king Wimaladharmasooriya has become one of theirresidences because it is rich in salt waterfish. These keralas believed in the GoddessKali. It is said that there were old kali kovilseven in Ambalangoda. (Kulatilleke, C. deS. 1968:29). This is how the PareviSandesa (The Dove’s Message Poem)refers to the kali kovil situated in Bentota.

Ran täti ayuru nägu pin piyovuru upu - laMan päti karana anganan ranga dena ipi - launsäti balâ siti salelun no pä ä - laBentota netera sätapeva kâli kovi - la(Wijesooriya,S,2004: verse 70,)

(Like gold plates with bright breast ascendingwhile watching women dance like floatingtheir lovers watch them. Cross over the fordBentota and sleep in the Hindu Temple CalledKali Kovila).

An agreeable account in respect of this veryKali temple is given even by ArthurJayawardane (1884:434-439). It is evidentfrom the above verse that there had been adance by women similar to Dig-geNartanaya(naked bust dance of women) inthese Kali temples. According to Callaway’scopy of Kolam there seems to have been akind of dance performed by women calledthe Pancha Nârî Ghata (five woman pot)even in kolam drama at the beginning (Verses42 to 49 and Pages 45-46). The Dig-geNartanaya is a custom which belonged toworshippers of local demons (Kumara,Wasantha, 1990:46-48). As Pertold pointsout at his date (1930) the very dance wasperformed by five males disguisedthemselves as women (1973:80). BothKolam Thullal dance and Dig-ge dance ofthe demon tribe of Kerala were performedby women. Kali temples of Sri Lanka areassociated with these soldiers who came fromKerala. Even prior to Kotte period the faithof kali had been in Sir Lanka.4 It was withthe arrival of Keralas that the faith of kalibecame widespread. It is due to this veryreason that Kali temples are widelydistributed in west coast or regions near it isthe lowland of Sri Lanka.

Kolam Thullal dance is performed in Keralafor fortune. It is performed Kerala bywomen. But those who came to Sri Lankafrom Kerala were just men who weresoldiers. It is not known whether women alsocame along with those soldiers. Thus whenSinhalese women were performing dancesat Kali temples in Sri Lanka on the one handtheir husbands who were Kerala menthemselves would probably have performedKolam Thullal dance which gave birth to the



Kolam dance. Although there Nartana(dance) such as Pancha Nârî Ghatta in thebeginning even a report relating to aremnant of it comes only from the collectionof masks that belongs to UdupilaKalâSangamaya(Art society,Udupila) ofMirissa (Sarachchandra, 1999:240). Kolamdance seems to have been first a mere dancewhich subsequently developed as arepresentation performed in accordancewith singing. The whole vocabulary of theKolam (mask drama) is taken from the devildance. For instance, the rhythms played inthe Hevâ kôlama (lascar) when the rotationtakes place are just the same as that ofplayed for the Rîri yakâ (Demon of blood)in the Sanni yakuma (Devil Dance of theDemon Sanni). The rhythm played for theGurula (a mythical bird) in the kolama isjust the same rhythm played for the poemsof the God Vishnu occurring in the yahankavi of the Sanni yakuma (Norbert, 63).The same played for rhythm the Dunu Pâliof Sanniyakuma are played for the Sinhakolama.

Rhythms played for the walking rhyme inthe Mudali kolama are the same as thatplayed for the Giri Devi in Shanti karma.(Ceremonial dance) (Pathmasiri, 57).

It was according to a copy of kolam foundin Talapitiya, Galle prior to 1829 that JohnCallaway did his study. The playwright ofTalâpitiya who was the object of Callaway’sstudy was a man belonging to the Berawacaste (Tom- Tom beater’s caste). Callaway’snote in regard to it is as follows: “Whenengaged in this work accompanied by DonNicholas Perera, the translator repeatedlyvisited the chief of the Galle tong. tong.beaters at Tallapittea for the purpose ofsketching the masks alluded to in thispoem… On inquiring after masks used indevil-workshop, he disclaimed all concernin such employments” (1829: x) asCallaway says this artist is the head ofdrummers. According to him (Callaway) he

has nothing to do with devil dancing. At thisd a y kolam may have been performed as adrama of entertainment. That is the reasonwhy they had nothing to do with ceremonialdancing. Still there are people belonging toberawa caste in this locality and many ofthem have also changed their surnames. Stillthere is a famous member of the Berawacaste called Hîn Aiyâ engaged in exorcismand living in Talapitiya. Now the majorityin this locality is Muslims. (Ajith kumara,Village headman, Talapitiya).

Otaker Pertold who studiedkolam in 1930says that there is dialogue even betweencharacters of kolam (1973 : 66-67pp). Itmay be a modernization caused byNâdagama. (A kind of stage play) kolamacame to being as an admixture of variousfaiths of the karâva and the natives of Keralaarrived in Sri Lanka. Later it developed as aresult of both influence of Portuguese, theDutch and the English and of Catholic andsocial drama such as nâdagama. Inconsequence there can be seen a multi-cultural origin in it.

The form of the evolution of the kolam dancecan be identified by a comparison of the copyof Callaway (1829) and the copy of T. W.Gunadasa of Ambalangoda (1950-60) withthe book titled “Maname kolama” publishedby Tissa kariyawasam in 1986, i.e. the workwhich was based on Maname kolam danceperformance led by Mr. Thomas Edlin, kapurâla (officiating priest of the Devalaya)organized by the Rattanaptiya mortalitywelfare Society on 26.01.1980 and byResearch and Publication Committee ofInstitute of Aesthetic Studies on 17.06.1985.Information in respect of kolam dance as tohow it was used as an exorcism cannot begathered out of all these three copies (ofpublication). Callaway copy contains justdialogue of Hewa kolam only. All othercharacters do not converse. But accordingto the copies of both Gunadasa and TissaKariyawasam the kolam has developed as an



extremely incidental art. It contains butnominal ritualistic features. Kolam is anadmixture of multi –cultural elements. It hasbeen developed to the present state throughmixing it with various cultural elementsfrom time to time. Presence of animisticelements, the southern Indian influence andthe influence of western Europeans culturealso can be found in it. Therefore, kolamdoes not indicate identity of one ethnicgroup.

To comprehend this fact more clearly let usstudy the evolution of Tukkâvadu pedigreeof kolam dance. Then we can find outwhether kolam is exclusively art belongingto the Karave or else it is an art associatedwith multi-cultural background.

Tukkâ Wadu linage of masterartists of Maha Ambalangoda

Information pertaining to the contemporaryartists who took part in kolam dance ofAmbalangoda can be obtained out of studiesdone by Sarachchandra and M. H.Gunatilleka in the decade 1950-1960. Thereare two generations involved in kolam dancein Ambalangoda, i.e. Tukkâ wadu generationand Juvan wadu generation. Tukkâ wadugeneration has been used as the basis of thisstudy because it is with which a multitudeof scholars have dealt since 1950. It is theleading generation which not only goes onpreserving this wit but also the owners ofthe most popular kolam tradition. It is the

Pic.1:T.W Gunadasa and his Kolam group.Source:Facebook

kolam belong to this generation thatSarachchandra the foremost researcher ofkolam has studied.

The following are the notes Beryl De Zoetemakes about the kolam group of the TukkaWadu Gunadasa having arrived in Sri Lankain August 1948 and after seen his kolamdance and after meetingPelis Silva, who wasan octogenarian at that time. “The dancersall belong to the family they are working atvarious contracts up-country. They arebuilders, masons, carpenters and maskmakers. Then belong to the kuruwanse castea warrior tribe of North India, who werefetched down as mercenaries presumablyabout two thousand years ago to support aCeylonese king” (1957: 191). The reference“two thousand years ago” made above is anexaggeration. What is referred to above isthe Mukkara fight.

Râjakâriya (duty) rendered by people ofKarava caste to the state in kotte period wascarpentry. They (carpenters) had talent forcarving things in wood and wood craft(Vimalananda, Tennakoon, 1963:274). It wasthese carpenters who carved the mostbeautiful and colorful masks. But on theother hand it was the artists of the Berawacaste that contributed verse, singing rhymes,dance as well as play to the kolam to developit as a drama.

It was the artists of the two Berawa castevillages Suddâgoda and Tundûwa in theregion Bentara that contributed playingdrums playing the trumpet dance and singingfor the kolam drama to both Juwan Wadufamily of Hirewatte, Ambalangoda andTukka Wadu family of Maha Ambalangoda.(Patmasiri 57 yrs) Even in Bentara the sameartists (of Berava caste) in collaboration withJindasa Jayasekara took part in (Nûrtiperformances) plays accompanied by masksin 1960s. Though the one extremely attachedto religion on the other hand they are not



Pic.2 :C arving a Mask By norbet (Beravacaste). Source : Facebook

eager for entertainment. Bentota Majorityof residents of are of Govigama caste. Sowhat took place here in the merging ofgroups of the Berava caste who possess bothability and ardency with regard to of courseincidental arts which are also their heritagewith the Karava caste groups of Ambalangoda who possess a similar appreciation ofarts and also a very pleasant culturalbackground.

Merging of these two castes has been behindthe development of kolam dance even sincethe early part of the 19th Century. What thefollowing table 01 shows is the paralleldevelopment the history of kolam drama ofTukka Wadu family of Maha Ambalangodato that of the artists of the Berava caste ofvillages Suddaged and Tunduwa in Bentota.

Even today very often there exists therelationship between these two casteswhenever the kolam drama is performed.While T. W. Harischandra is having his ownkolam dance group in Maha Ambalangoda.Pattmasiri Weerasinghe is having his owngroup in Tunduwa. Pathmasiri does notpresent a long kolam drama comprisingstories and his kolam drama consists of afew important pre-acts and it is about &3hour performance. Artist kumudu kumara

Pic.3 : Eralis in Suddagoda

too performs kolam pre-acts only in touristhotels.

Although either caste has its own techniquesbelonged to it at the beginning subsequentlyboth castes seemed to employ the sametechniques without any distinction. Forinstance Norbert (63), an artist belonging toBerava caste and living in Suddagoda,Bentota beats the Tom-Tom on the one handand on the hand has skill in carving masks.(See picture 2) Among the artist of theKarava in Ambalangoda these are groupswho possess talent for singing and playingin addition to that of carving masks. Althougheach and every branch of an art was dividedamong the castes at the ancient time todaysuch distinctions do not exist. Many castsseem to be engaged in trades not actuallymeant for them at the beginning. As Norbertsays in the part only people belonging to Olicaste was allowed to make performancewearing the mask of the (Demon) Garâyakâ.But today many people of very many othercastes make Pic.3:Eralis in Suddagoda

performance wearing the mask of theGarâyakâ.(Norbert 63) D. S. Ponnumperumasays that in 1950s groups of Govigama casteperformed kolam drama. He asserts that inhis childhood he saw kind of playful danceperformance made inside a thatched hut put



up in the place called Nîlisgewatta. He alsosays his father Mr. D. J. Ponnamperuma (ofGovigama caste), Sinhala (Medium) schoolteacher died in November 1956 had had amask of Hewâ kolama, Lion masks, twoNâga râssa masks and a tom-tom called Yakbera. He further says that his father couldplay the tom-tom and in addition he got tom-tom master Amarasa (of Berawa caste) totrain his D. S. Ponnamperuma’s youngerbrother in dancing and playing the tom-tom.He says that a neighboring youth calledBastian Lenora who took a fancy to thesearts and crafts having learnt it under masterDçdduwç -Mendis Gurunnanse laterbecame an exorcist himself. (D. S.Ponnamperuma, 90) It is evident from thisthat each duty entrusted to a particular casteat the beginning in time to come lost its casteidentity when even other castes also beganto practice that very trade duty. It was theCampaign of 1956 launched to achieve pre-eminence in national and cultural symbolsthat liberated there folk arts from caste andclass bondage and paved the way for theemergence of national identity from them.

Conclusion:

It is not possible to trace the origin of kolam(mask drama) out of only one ethnic group.It is an admixture of multi-cultural multireligion elements. In its evolution from aform of exorcism to that of playful andperforming art it underwent influence ofvarious cultures, even in the case of tukkawadu ancestry which is the subject of thisstudy a special contribution have been madeto the progression of the kolam (maskdrama) by both castes Karava and Berava.Although kolam is associated with thetransmigration of the Karava it is not-altogether corrects to assume that it is notan art exclusively belonging to thatparticular caste. In the campaign launchedsince national and cultural symbols, aprogression can be noticed of dramatic arts

such as mask drama without castedistinctions. Thus caste identities have beendiminished further.

Notes

In kolama there is a long pre-theatre. In thispre-theatre there are various human, animaland non human characters. Number ofcharacters varies from copy to copy. In thecopy of the British. Museum (or 4995) thereare 51 characters including story characters.The number of characters in the copy ofTukkâ Wadu Harischandra of MahaAmbalangoda is 18. Number of charactersin the copy AC 14 of Colombo Museum is19 (Gunatilleke, M. H. 1968: 34-55). No ofcharacters Callaway gives is only 7 (1829:9).A few common characters can be identifiedout of masks, i.e. Anabera kolama (crier),Nonchi Akkâ(crier’s wife), Arachchi (achief), Hewâ kolama, (lascar), Mudalikolama(mudali), Jasa alias Pçndi kolama(washer man), Polis kolama,(Police man)Raja hâ Bisawa,(King and queen) Nâgakanyâwa(a cobra vergin), Nâga Râssa(cobrademon), Gurulu Râssa(a mythical birddemon), Kava Rassa are major masks.

These stories include Maname,Sandakinduru, Chatrapâni katava,Godimbara katava etc. (Goonatilleke, M. H.1968: 193-254) in or 4995 there is a storycalled Gema katâwa.

See Raghvan’s articles published in SpoleaZeylanica: Bulletin of the National Museumof the Ceylon.

See the story of Kâli Yakkhinee Waththu(pali)of Yamaka wagga wnnana in Dhammapadattha katha,



Time linage of master artists in MahaAmbalangoda

linage of master artists inBentota

beginning of1800.A.D

Sinda gurunnanseTom-Tom Beater:Eliya Gurunnanse.

T.W.Oinis Leading carpenterS.H.OdirisT.W.Pelis - Character of MudaliR.M.Dawith singoK.M Agiris HamiK.M.MarthenisT.W.Subaneris - CrierThomis appoK.H.SawnerisS.Dewid-Kolam, NonciS.H.WiliamA.M.Jan SilvaP.H.MendirisM.H.Diyonis

T.W.Pelis - Character of MudaliT.W.Subaneris - CrierS.Dewid-Kolam, NonciThomis appoS.H.WiliamM.H.DiyonisK.H.SawnerisA.M.Jan SilvaP.H.MendirisS.M.Samel SilvaB.H.Elenis SilvaK.M.Agiris HamiP.H.ThusumanT.W.Sirimal

T.W.Gunadasa: 1903-1977T.W.Symon SilvaW.DenipalaG.G.SugathadasaT.W.SumanasiriE.KulasenaChandrasoma BinduhewaT.W.WijesiriK.M ElbertM.H.SomapalaS.H.Kulasiri

Edin GurunnansePathmasiri WeerasingheKumudu Kumar

T.W.Harischandra

Table : 01

Source : De silva, Jinendra wansa, 2003 and Goonatilleka,M.H, 1968

From 1980to Up-to -date.

Amarasa gurunnanse inSuddagoda.Nanda and Enda twoGurus.Plying drams:Thediris andLeineris.Traditional trumpet: E.Saraneris

Dāni GurunnansePlying drams,Dingiri (Yanger brother of GuruSinda) and Leineris.

1850-1950

1920-1977

66



Bibliography

Kolam copies

Palm leaf manuscript No AC 14 titled“kolam Natanawâ” in National Museum,Colombo.

Photocopy No or 4995 consisted of 58sheets titled “Kolam Nätîmç Kavi” ,National Museum-Colombo taken fromBritish Museum.

Kolam copy contained in the work titled“Sinhala Jana Sammata Kâvya” edited byW. Arthur Silva and Gunapala Malalasekara. This was published by Royal AsiaticSociety Ceylon Branch in 1935.

T. W. Gunadasa’s (Maha Ambalangoda)copy now in the possession of Harischandra.This has been used by M. H. Goonatilleka(1968) and Sarachchandra (1952/1966) fortheir studies.

Interviews

Interviews had on 06. 09. 2013 and 09. 02.2014 with Mr. G. Premin, chairman ofpuppetry subcommittee of cultural ministry& Bali Master charmer, Watugedara,Ambalangoda.

Interview had with Mr. PrasannaAbeywardane (69) at his residence atGalbada, Induruwa on 08/02/2014. Heworked as village headman of Bentota from1960.one of the former chairman of allCeylon Village headman’s Association.

Interviews had with Mr Pathamasiri Weerasinghe (57) of Thunduwa, Haburugala, Sonof Traditional Guru Adin,a contemporaryKolam artist on 06.11.2013 and 11.02.2014.

Harishchandra(60)of Thuduwamulla,Mahaambalangoda on 09.02.2014.

Interviews had with Mr. Nobert,Master Maskcarver and tom-tom artist ofSuddagoda,Bentota on 25.02.2014.

Interviews had with Mr.D.S.Ponnamperuma(90)of Suriyagoda,the most senior and theknowledgeable person living at Bentota atpresent on 24.02.2014.

Interviews had with Traditional Guru Eralis(chanter) of Suddagoda,Bentota on23.02.2014.

Interviews had with Mrs.D.K.O.K Sriyalatha(58) Born in Kommala but now living atGalthuduwa on 12.03.2014.

Telephone Interviews:

Interviews had over the phone withMr.Kumudu kumara(38)Profesional Dancerand Tom-Tom- Beater of Arachchimulla,Bentota on 25.02.2014.

Interviews had over the phone with Mr AjithKumara,Village headman of DivisionThalapitiya, Galle. (It was from the masterTom-Tom Beater of this area that Kallawaycollected information).

Books in English:

Ariyapala,M.B.(1956).Socity in MediaevalCeylon.Colombo:Department of Culturalaffairs.

Callaway,John. (1829).Yakkun Nattannawaand Kolan Nattanawa. London: Orientaltranslation fund

Casie Chitty,Simon.(1834).CeylonGazetteer, Ceylon:Cotta Church MissionPress.



theInterviews had with Mr.T.W. De Zoete,Beril Sarachchandra,E.(1999)Sinhala Geminatakaya(Sinhala adaptation of The FolkDarma of Ceylon,1966),3rd edition,Maradana: S.Godage publication.

Books Sinhala

Sri Sumangala Thero,W.(1876). Ithihasa,Colombo:Published by Arnold dias.

Goonatilleka, M.H .(1968). Kolam natakasahithya.Maradana:Rathna publications.

Delabandara,Gamini.(2000).Sinhala KolamSampradaya. Kelaniya: Sambhawyapublication.

De silva, J. W. (2003).Kalaguru TukkawaduGunadasa pranamanjalee , Gunadasamemorial comity, Ambalangoda.

K a r i ya i nwa s a m, T. ( 1 9 8 6 ) . M a n a m ekolama.Kelaniya:Sheela prints.

Wijesooriya,S.(2004).ed. Parewi sandesaya.Kotte: sahabahageethwa sanwardanaparshadaya.

Wimalananada,T.(1963).Udarata mahakerella. Colombo: M.D. Gunasena.

Article in Sinhala

Kumara,Wasantha.(1990).Yaksha gothrikapideema arthawath kala digge sthreeranganaya, Kala magazine ,Vol.35-December,Colombo: Sri Lanka Artcouncil,46-48 p.p.

World Wide Web:

www.lankalibrary.com/rit/kolam.htmwww.facebook.com/pages/Traditional-Kolam-Dancing-Maha Ambalangoda/109452742477818www.a r iya ra thneka lua ra chchi . com/index_.php

(1957).Dance and Magic Drama in Ceylon.London:

Pertold,Otakar. (1973).The CeremonialDances of the Sinhalese , 2nd edition,Dehiwala-Sri Lanka:Thisara Publication ltd.Raghavan,M.D.(1964).India in CeylonHistory, Society and culture, India: AsiaPublising House:,129.p cited in M.HGoonatilleka,1968.

(1961).The Karava of Ceylon,Socity andCulture, Colombo: K.V.G.De Silva andSons.

Ryan,Bryce.(1993).Cast in modern Ceylon,2nd edition, New Delhi:Navrang.

Articles in English:

Devi,Ragini.(1966).Kolam Thullal–TheMasked Dance Ritual, Marg. A magazineof the Arts, Vol.xix, March, 1966, No.2:Bombay,48.p cited in M.H Goonatilleka,(1968).

Jayawardana, A.(1884). Kalikovila, Jurnalof Royal Asiatic Society (Ceylon) Vol. viii,No. 29,434-439 p.p.

Raghavan,M.D.( 1951).The kinnaraya–theTribe of Mat Weavers, Ethnological Surveyof Ceylon No 2. Spolia Zeylanica: Bulletinof the National Museum of Ceylon, 26 (i)1951. Dec: Colombo.

Translations from English to Sinhala

Coomaraswamy,A. K.(1962).MadykaleenaSinhala Kala.(medieval Sinhalese Arts),trans. H.M.Somarathne, Colombo: Ministryof cultural affairs.

Pieris,R.(1964). Sinhala Samaja Sanwidhanaya (Sinhala Social Organization),translation by author, Colombo: Samanpublication L.td


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