Cross‐Cultural Perspectives on the Creation of American ... · unfortunately only brush upon a...
Transcript of Cross‐Cultural Perspectives on the Creation of American ... · unfortunately only brush upon a...
Moore 1
Cross‐CulturalPerspectivesontheCreationofAmericanDance
1619–1950
ByAlexMoore
ProjectAdvisor:DyaneHarvey
SeniorGlobalStudiesThesiswithHonorsDistinction
December2010
[We]needtounderstandthatAfricanslaves,throughlargelyself‐generativeactivity,moldedtheirnewenvironmentatleastasmuchastheyweremoldedbyit.
…AfricanAmericansaredescendantsofapeoplewhoweresecondtononeinlayingthefoundationsoftheeconomicandculturallifeofthenation.
…Therefore,…honestAmericanhistoryisinextricablytiedtoAfricanAmericanhistory,
and…neithercanbecompletewithoutafullconsiderationoftheother.
‐‐SterlingStuckey
Moore 2
Index
1) FindingtheFamiliarandExpressionsofResistanceinPlantationDances‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐6
a) TheRingShout
b) TheCakeWalk
2) ExperimentationandRespondingtoHostilityinEarlyPartnerDances‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐14
a) HuggingDances
b) SlaveBallsandRaceImprovement
c) TheBluesandtheRoleoftheJook
3) CrossingtheRacialDividetoFindUniquelyAmericanFormsinSwingDances‐‐‐‐‐‐22
a) TheCharleston
b) TheLindyHop
TopicsforFurtherStudy‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐30
Acknowledgements‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐31
WorksCited‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐32
AppendixA
AppendixB
AppendixC
AppendixD
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Cross‐CulturalPerspectivesontheCreationofAmericanDance
Whenpeopleleavethesocietyintowhichtheywereborn(whetherbychoiceorby
force),theybringasmuchoftheircultureastheyareablewiththem.Cultureservesasan
extensionofidentity.Danceisoneoftheculturalelementseasiesttobringalong;itisone
ofthemostmobileelementsofculture,tuckedawayinthemusclememoryofourbodies.
Whenpeoplefromdifferentbackgroundsfindthemselveslivingsidebysideinanewsetting,theresultisoftenafusionofdanceforms,aspeopleborrowfromoneanotherandtransformwhattheyborrowtoreflectnewsocialrealities.NowherehasthisprocessbeenasdramaticinitsconsequencesasinNorthandSouthAmericaandtheCaribbean,whereEuropeanandAfricaninfluencescombinedtocreatenewdanceformsofgreatpowerandlastingimport.(Jonas164)
InordertogainaglobalperspectiveondanceintheUnitedStates,onemust
recognizethemanyimmigrantstotheU.S.andtheculturesthattheybrought,particularly
thosefromWestAfricaandfromEurope.Europeansbroughtcourtdancessuchasthe
WaltzaswellasfolkdancessuchasIrishclogging.1Thesedancesmixedwithdances
broughtbyAfricans2tocreateuniquelyAmericanstyles.
Thus,asthedanceevolved,theAfro‐Americanelementsbecamemoreformalanddiluted,theBritish‐Europeanelementsmorefluidandrhythmic,buttheover‐alltrendwasoneway—Afro‐Americandanceexertedanincreasinglystronginfluenceonthedanceasawhole.Thistrendreversestheusualpatterndescribedbyanthropologistsinwhichthecultureofanearlymajorityswallowsuptheculturesoflaterminorities.ComingasitdidfrompeoplewhoarrivelateintheUnitedStates,theAfro‐Americanvernaculardemonstratedararevitality.(Stearns24)
Itisnormalforthecultureoftheoppressortobetakenupbytheoppressed;itis
muchlesscommonthatthecultureoftheoppressedprofoundlyinfluencesthatofthe
oppressor.ThatAfricandancehasplayedsuchahistoricallyimportantroleinAmerican
lifeandsocietyisatestamenttotheimportancethatdanceplayedinAfricansociallife,to
itsresiliency,andtoitsabilitytochangewiththepressuresofnewsurroundings.Asimilar1SeeAppendixAforbasicprinciplesoftheEuropeandanceaesthetic.2SeeAppendixBforbasicprinciplesoftheAfricandanceaesthetic.
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studycouldbeginwithEuropeandancebroughttotheNewWorld,followitthroughthe
generationstounderstandauniqueAmericanstory,watchitmergeslowlywithAfrican
Americanforms,andconclude,asIwill,withSwingdances.However,thisstudywillbegin
withtheAfricantrajectoryinordertoreachthesameend.Inchoosingthistrajectory,I
hopetoraiseawarenessofandgiverespecttotheinordinatelylargeinfluencethatAfrican
andAfricanAmericanculturehashadinthecreationofAmericandanceandculture;to
understandthroughalandscapeofdancethedifficultandmanystrugglesofAfrican
Americanhistory;andtodemonstratehowdancecanbeusedtoilluminateotherfieldsthat
studythesocial,politicalandculturalevolutionthattookplaceintheAmericas.
ThattheAfricancultureofdance[didn’tdisappearbut]persistedagainstthe
oppressivesurroundingsintheUnitedStatesislesssurprisingwhenwetakeadeeperlook
atAfricandances’culturalrole.IndescribingAfricandancesofthepeople,itisimportant
nottolet“traditional”beconfusedwithanythingthatisstatic;ratherAfricandances’great
cultureofimprovisationactsasacatalystforchange,creatingaconstantlyflowingand
changingartform.Also,unlikeEuropeanswhohistoricallysawadistinctseparation
betweenworkandthecreationofart,
TheAfricanattitudetowardworkcouldscarcelyhavebeenmoredifferent:AfricansandtheirdescendantsinAmericawentoncreatingwhileworkingasbefore.Withsuchaheritageoffashioningartwhileworking,ofseeingnoconflictbetweenthetwo,artisticexpressionwaslargelyregardedbyslaves,asithadbeenbytheirancestors,aspartofthelifeprocess,likeworkitself.Smallwonderthatblacks—exceptforNativeAmericansthemostoppressedpeopleinAmericanhistoryandpreeminentlyaworking‐classpeople—haveremainedattheforefrontofartisticcreativityinmodernworldhistory.(Stuckey1)
ArichvarietyofAfricandanceformsmergedontheplantation;reactedtosocial
realitiesinthenewenvironment;andmixedwithEuropeandanceformstoeventually
createnotonlyuniquelyAfricanAmericandanceforms,butuniquelyAmericandance
forms.Inthisthesis,Iwillcompareseveraldancesandassesstheircreationand
progressionchronologicallyastimesandinfluenceschanged,analyzingtheinfluencesthat
cametogethertoaffecttheirchange.Iwilldothisbycomparingmovementquality,music,
setting,participantsandcontemporarysociety.Throughout,thisthesiswillshowhowthe
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principlesoftheAfricanaestheticeitherbecamemoreorlesspronouncedassuch
influenceschanged,howcertainprinciplesinterestinglyre‐emergegenerationslater,and
howprinciplesoftheEuropeanaestheticalsohadlastinginfluence.
ThethreeprincipledancecategoriesthatIwillexploreinchronologicalorderare
earlyplantationdances,earlypartnerdances,andSwingdances.Whilemyanalysiswill
unfortunatelyonlybrushuponasmallfractionoftherichhistorythroughwhichAfrican
AmericanandAmericandancepassed,thedancesthatIchosecanbeusedtotraceAfrican
culturethroughthelandscapeoftheAfricanAmericanexperiencefromtheplantationto
emancipation,andfinallytowardintegration.Ihaveincludedfourappendixeswithmore
indepthdescriptionsofcertaindanceforms,terminology,andvideoexamples.Thiswill
hopefullyproveausefulaidtothereaderwhilenotclutteringthecontentofthisthesis.
ThedatesthatIpresenttoframeeachperiodandeachdancearenottobeseenas
demarcatingeachfromtheothersintosuccessive,definitivecategories.Rather,they
shouldbeunderstoodtobefluid,oneoftenbleedingintoandoftenoverlappingwith
another.
Whiledraftingthisthesisandresearchingdozensoftexts,Ifoundnumerous
differenttermsinusetodescribepeople.Asthiscanbeasensitivesubjectandtermsflow
inandoutofpopularusageandpoliticalcorrectnesswithtimeandlocation,Iwouldliketo
addresstheterminologythatIwilluseinthediscourseofthisthesis.Someofthe
numeroustermsIencounteredinmyresearchwere:African,AfricanAmerican,Black,
Negro,Colored,Slave,EnslavedAfrican;White,EuropeanorEuro‐American,slaveowner,
andplantationowner,amongothers.Whenreferringtopre‐CivilWarAmerica,Iwilluse
theterm“EnslavedAfricans”ratherthan“Slaves”,definingthosesoldintoslaverybywho
theyareasAfricansratherthanbytheroleofslaveryintowhichtheywereforced.Iwill
use“plantationowner”ratherthan“slaveowner”astodelegitimizetheconceptofowning
anyone.Post‐Emancipation,IwilldefineAmericansbasedontheirheritage,usingeither
“AfricanAmerican”or“EuropeanAmerican”.Thisisbecausea)othertermscanorhaveat
timeshadnegativeconnotation,andb)termssuchas“Black”and“White”conveythat
everyindividualpresumablycomesfromeitherahomogeneous“white”backgroundora
homogenous“black”background,ignoringnotonlythespectrumofdifferencewithin
Africa,butalsothatwithinEuropeandthatwhichwascreatedwithintheAmericas.The
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exceptionwillremainwithinquotations,whenIwillmaintaintheterminologyusedbythe
author.
FindingtheFamiliarandExpressionsofResistanceinPlantationDances
“There’sanarrativehere.It’sexpressionsofresistance.”–AyandaClarke
Timeline
VersionsoftheRingShoutemergedaspartofplantationlifeveryearly.Thefirst
enslavedAfricanswhoarrivedinNorthAmericabeginningin1619arrivedinsmall
numbers,andtheRingShouttooktimetodevelop.However,becausetheinitialarrivalof
AfricanstoplantationsisintegraltothedevelopmentoftheRingShout,Iwillconsiderits
developmenttohavebegunin1619.Forthepurposesofthistimeline,Iplacetheendof
theRingShoutwithemancipation,butitisnecessarytonotethattheRingShout
maintainedastrongpresenceinsmallcirclesintheSouthuntiltheearly1900s.Astime
advanced,itbecamemoreentwinedwithChristianlifeandworship,anditsconsistent
presenceinsouthernAfricanAmericanlifeinfluencedthedevelopmentofBluesandJazz.
Thesecondplantationdance—theCakeWalk—wascommononplantationsbyatleastthe
early1800s,asAfricansbecamemoreconsciousofthecultureandwaysoftheEuropean
Americansthattheyobservedattheplantationhouse.Inthesecondhalfofthecentury,the
CakeWalkwaspopularizedasperformance,travelingthroughperformanceandminstrel
stages,Vaudeville,andevenlastingtobeshowcasedintheearly1900sonBroadway
stages.JustasinthecaseoftheRingShout,myfocusisCakeWalkasfolkdanceandas
responsetolifeontheplantation,soforthepurposesofthisstudytheCakeWalkwillalso
endwithemancipation.
TheRingShout
AfricansarrivedtotheirnewlivesonAmericanplantationsoftenrelativelyalone.
Thoseorganizingtheslavetrademadesuretoseparatefamilyandcommunitymembers.It
wasintheirbestinteresttopreventanypossibilitythatthesenewlyenslavedpeopleshad
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fororganizingagainstenslavement,sotheytookextraprecautiontoseparateAfricans
basedonlanguageandculture.
Culturalsensitivitieswerenottakenintoaccount[andmostwouldarguewerespecificallylaboredagainst]whenslaveswerebroughttofilltheneedofcheaplaborintheAmericas.Slavesfromnumerousethnicgroupswouldlikelyfindthemselvesstucktogetherandexpectedtoco‐existpeacefullywithtotaldisregardfortheiruniquelanguage,culture,orreligion.YettheseAfricansdidhavesomesimilarities.AmajorityofAfricansdoshareahighvaluefordanceintheirday‐to‐daylifeandintheirreligiousspace.Religionthroughdancealsowasabletodevelopbecauseofitsguise.EuropeansinNorthAmericacouldnothaveexpectedreligiontobepartofdance…(DeFrantz42)
AfricanscomingfromotherwisecompletelydistincttribesandnationsinAfricafoundthe
“RingShout”astheirlinguafranca.Africandanceisacomplexart,bothadvancedand
variedinitsmanyformsthroughoutAfrica,butacademicshavefoundcertain
commonalitiesthatexisttomosttraditionalAfricandance.TheRingShoutexemplifies
manyofthesecommonalities.3Itwassimilartoanancestraldance,knowntomost
AfricansastheCircleDance,whichwascommoninmuchofAfrica4.TheRingShoutcame
toservemanyfunctions.Itcreatedacommonlanguageforanotherwiseheterogeneous
people,buildingacommunitythatwouldhaveotherwisebeenmuchmoredifficulttobuild.
Italsoprovidedacommonspiritualspaceforall,includingthosecomingfromvery
differentreligiousbeliefs.
OneoftheRingShout’smostimportantfunctionswastocreateacommonmedium
forcommunicationforenslavedAfricanswhohadbeenbroughtfromAfricancommunities
farandwideandwhootherwisehadfewlinguisticsimilarities.WhiletheseAfricanswere
forcedtocrossphysicalboundariestoreachtheAmericas,theRingShouthelpedthem
crossculturalandimaginativeboundarieswithoneanother,easingthetransitionand
creatingacommonbond.SimilartotheBantaba5inWestAfrica,thecircularstructure
reinforcedthespiritofcommunity,helpingtocreateastrongsenseofonenessamidthe
heterogeneousgroup.ItallowedthemtoincludeallAfricansintheircollective
3SeeAppendixB.4SeeAppendixC.5SeeAppendixC.
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understandingofbeingAfricaninAmerica,creatingagroupidentificationthatextended
beyondIbo,Akan,Ashanti,Woloforaregionalclassification.Theheterogeneousmixof
participants,deterritorializedfromtheirvillagesacrossAfrica,foundthattheRingShout
providedatranslocalityofanAfricatheyallshared.
ThroughoutAfrica,danceisalargepartofreligiouspractice,asevidencedinthe
CircleDancecommonamongthesedifferentgroupsofAfricans.TheRingShout,thus,also
allowedparticipantstoexpresstheirspiritualityandprovidedaspiritualvisionintheir
newlivesofenslavement.EuropeanAmericanplantationownershadhopedtodestroythe
cultureandworldviewoftheirnewacquisitionsasaninstrumentofdominance;ifanyold
beliefsystemshouldberetained,thencertainlythenewlyenslavedwouldbemoredifficult
tomanipulatetotheirownadvantage.ThisquotebyaEuropeanAmericanisoneindicator,
however,thattheyviewedtheRingShoutinparticularasasimple“frolic”andhadlittle
fearofitspowerasaceremonyupholdingsignificantsystemsofbelief:
TonightIhavebeentoa“Shout”whichseemstomecertainlytheremainsofsomeoldidolworship.Thenegroessingakindofchorus—threestandingaparttoleadandclap—andthenalltheothersgoshufflingroundinacirclefollowingoneanotherwithnotmuchregularity,turningroundoccasionallyandbendingtheknees,andstampingsothatthewholefloorswings.Ineversawanythingsosavage.Theycallitareligiousceremony,butitseemsmorelikearegularfrolictome.
UnbeknownsttohimandotherEuropeanAmericans,Africandanceandspiritualityare
necessarilyconnected.Thus,retainingtheRingShoutallowedAfricanstoexpressand
retainbeliefssecretlybutinanironicallyovertform,withoutraisingsuspicionatthe
plantationhouse.TheRingShoutevensurvivedevangelization:incommunitieswhere
Christianityhadastrongpresence,hymnswereeasilyintegratedintotheShout.TheRing
Shoutwasmoretoleratedbyplantationownersthanwereotherfolkdancespossibly
becauseitseemedmoredistancedfromwhatEuropeantraditionclassifiedas“dancing”.
Ratherthandistinctsteps,itemployedashufflewithlegsneverliftingorcrossing,and
ratherthandrumsorotherinstruments,itemployedhandclappingandlegstamping.
Africaninstruments,inmostcases,hadbeenbannedbeforeleavingtheshipsoftheMiddle
Passage.Thismeantthattheenslavedneededtofindinventivewaystocreatemusic,and
theyeasilyemployedtheirownbodiesaspercussiveinstruments,notuncommoninAfrica.
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WhatwashiddenintheRingShoutwasadesiretoexpressspirituality,joy,andsorrowinwaysthatwerecomfortabletothem.SoyouseealotofAfricanretention,percussivenature,bodysounds,rhythmiccomplexityandpolyrhythmconsistentwithAfricanrhythmicconstruction.Inanattempttoholdontothoseelements—ifyou’rethinkingbacktothatwhichhadalreadybeencreatedandlookingathowitwasexpressedinnewways—itallowedthemtoexpressthemselves.(Clarke2010)
TheRingShoutprovidedacommonspacefortheAfrican,representingculture,
communityandthesacred:acomplexitythattheplantationownercouldnever
understand.Soevenduringtimeswhenitwaslookeduponwithcontemptoractively
suppressed,thepresenceoftheRingShoutinAfricanAmericanSocietywasunchangeable.
ItprovedtobeapowerfulforceintheAmericas,influencingdanceintothetwentieth
century.
TheCakeWalk
AstimepassedonSouthernplantations,communityandculturewerecreated
amongtheenslavedAfricanslivingtogether.TheRingShoutcontinuedtoplayalargerole
indailylifeandcontinuedtoeasethetransitionasnewlyenslavedcontinuouslyarrived,
butovertimelearningacommonlanguageandacclimatingtothenewlifeontheplantation
alsoactedtofortifythesenseofcommunity.Astheyeasedtensionsandbridged
communityamidthemselves,EnslavedAfricanswerestillsubjecttothewhimsofthe
plantationowner.Somehadtheadvantageofplantationownerswhowererelatively
benevolent,didnotoverworkthem,anddidnotencroachonthecommunitytheyhadbuilt;
butotherplantationownersexpectedconstantandperfectwork,wereliabletoboutsof
violence,allowedlittletimeforrecreation,andwerestrictaboutwhatthatrecreationcould
be.EuropeanshadlongknowntheAfricanpopulation’sproclivitytowarddancing.On
someplantations,masterslookedupondancingpositively,encouragingitashealthy
exercise.SeveralaccountstestifythatduringthelongMiddlePassage,Africanswere
“danced”aboardshiptokeepthemhealthy,prescribedbothtopreventscurvyandto
prevent“suicidalmelancholy”(Hazzard‐Gordon7).Separateaccountsclaimthat
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plantationownersforcedtheenslavedtodanceasexerciseiftherewaslittleworktodo.At
othertimes,plantationownerswouldaskorforcetheirbestdancerstoentertainthefamily
attheplantationhousewiththeirsinging,dancing,andgeneralantics,creatingwhat
eventuallycametobeknownasthe“CakeWalk”.
IntheCakeWalk,theplantationfamiliesenjoyedwhattheysawasharmless,silly
attemptstomimicthefinemannersofSoutherngentlemen.Thedancers,ontheother
hand,enjoyedsatirizingtheridiculousnessoftheplantationfamilies.“Songsofillusion,
dancesofderision”6(Gittens2010,ascitedinThompsonandGottschild)arecharacteristic
ofmanyAfricancultures.This“derision”translatedontotheplantation,asenslaved
Africans—tryingtobothsatisfytheinterestoftheplantationownersandtosatisfytheir
owninterests—wereabletosubtlyexpresstheirsenseofinjusticeandfrustration.The
CakeWalkwasaninsidejokefortheenslavedwhoperformedit—lostontheplantation
owners—thathelpedtostrengthenthecommonbondbetweentheminthefaceof
oppression.
ItwasgenerallyonSundaywhentherewaslittlework…thattheslavesbothyoungandoldwoulddressupinhand‐me‐downfinerytodoahigh‐kicking,prancingwalk‐around.Theydidatakeoffonthehighmannersofthewhitefolksinthe‘bighouse,’buttheirmasters,whogatheredaroundtowatchthefun,missedthepoint.(Hazzard‐Gordon47)
Mimicrywalksafinelinebetweenflatteryandpokingfun.Satiricaldancessuchas
theCakeWalkhelpedtodeconstructtheimposingandpowerfulpresenceofplantation
owners.“Blackscouldnotopenlycriticizewhites,sodancewasasafertoolforself‐
assertion,ridicule,andcriticismthansong”(Hazzard‐Gordon46).Clarkedescribesmuch
oftheCakeWalkasparody:
Youcan’tsay‘themastermadeafoolofhimselfandgotdrunklastnight’…butyoucanmakeadanceaboutitasaparody.Wheredoesthepowerlieinthisscenario?TheAfricanpeoplethatweremakingthesedanceswere[pokingfun]intentionallytowardthepeoplethatweregoingtopressureandtreatthembadlylateron.Inpart,itwasacompetitionofwhocandobest[betweendancers],butitwasalsothemexpressingsatire.(Clarke2010)
6SeeAppendixC.
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JustastheRingShout’sepicmemoryalludedbacktoCircleDancesinAfrica,the
satireandmimicryoftheCakeWalkalsoexpandeduponAfricantradition.InNigeria,the
Patakato7mimickedtheEnglish,asfrustrationmountedwithincreasedEnglishpresence
duringtheColonialEra.TheCakeWalkemulatedtheEuropeanmannerismsandculture
thattheenslavedAfricansencounteredintheplantationfamiliesinthesameway.After
dressingupintheplantationfamily’sdiscardedclothing,dancerswouldtwirltheir
umbrellas,bowrepeatedlytooneanother,walkexaggeratedlyupright,andmimic
Europeancourtlyelegance.Astheystruttedaroundeachother,theirdancecontained
enoughAfricanistelements—itwascentrifugal,polyrhythmicandmadereferencetoepic
memory8—thattheplantationownersdidnotfullyrecognizethesatire.
TheCakeWalkdevelopedonsouthernplantationschronologicallyafterthe
developmentoftheRingShout.InAfrica,danceandarthadbeenoftenintrinsicallylinked
withspiritualbelief.Ontheplantation—duetoreligiousrepression,influencefrom
EuropeanAmericandanceasentertainment,andanewphysicalrealityofAfricanssharing
spaceandmovementbutnotnecessarilysharingsimilarspiritualbeliefsystems—over
timedanceevolvedslowlyawayfromspiritualityandtowardsecularentertainment.“As
theAfricanwastransformedintotheAfricanAmerican…adistinctionbetweensacredand
secular”occurred.“Overtime,acleardemarcationemergedbetweensacred,ceremonial
danceandtheseculardancingassociatedwithfestivitiesandparties”(Hazzard‐Gordon
15).TheCakeWalkdidjustthis:itemergedasasecularizedparalleltothespiritualized
RingShout.Itwasprimarilyforentertainment,sharedbetweenenslavedAfricansand
plantationowners.TheCakeWalkretainedcertainelementsoftheShout,suchasthe
counterclockwisecircularpattern,buttheshufflewasreplacedwithagaystrutandthe
sacredwithentertainment.
WhiletheRingShoutwassharedonlywithinthecommunityofenslavedAfricans,
theCakeWalkcrossedtheborderbetweenenslavedAfricansandEuropeanAmericans.A
youngenslavedgirlfromBeaufort,SouthCarolinaexplainedthatshereceivedspecial
7SeeAppendixC.8SeeAppendixA.
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benefitsforbeingagooddancer.Shewastakenfromplantationtoplantationandentered
intocontestswithotherenslaved,oftenasbettingeventsformasters.Shealsoexplained
thatsheandtheotherswouldwatchatwhitefolks’parties,
…Wheretheguestsdancedaminuetandthenparadedinagrandmarch,withtheladiesandgentlemengoingdifferentwaysandthenmeetingagain,arminarm,andmarchingdownthecentertogether.Thenwe’ddoit,too,butweusedtomock‘em,everystep.Sometimesthewhitefolksnoticedit,buttheyseemedtolikeit;Iguesstheythoughtwecouldn’tdanceanybetter.(Stearns22)
Inthesecases,enslavedAfricansreceivedpositivereinforcementforcertain
elementsoftheirdance,encouragingthoseelementstoremainandotherstoperish.This
alsoencouragedcontinuedcreativityandimprovisation,asAfricanAmericans
experimentedwithEuropeandanceelements.“Thefolkdancesofthewhiteswerebeing
adoptedandtransformedoveralongperiodoftime”(Stearns23),asotherslikethisyoung
enslavedgirlimprovisedwithnewelementsoftheEuropeandancetraditions.Overthis
sameperiodoftime,thesteadyarrivalofnewlyenslavedAfricansactedtobalancethis
transformation,constantlyrefreshingAfricanAmericandancewithAfricantradition.
TheRingShout’sspiritofimprovisationwasalsoaliveinthecreationofmusic.In
additiontotheclapping,stompingandbodypercussioncommontotheShout,new
methodsofcreatingsoundwereemployedandnewsoundswerecreated.Commontools,
householditems,andinstrumentsoftheEuropeantraditionbecamemorecommonand
wereusedwithgreatersophistication.Africansalsotriedtorecreatemanyoftheir
instrumentsfromAfrica.Forexample,theAfricangourdfiddlecouldbemadeoutofa
hallowedgourdandhorsehairstrings,andanEkontin—thefatheroftheBanjo(Salaam
2010)—couldbemadeoutofananimalhideandsometimber.Inaddition,new“drums,
tambourines,gourds,bones,quills,kettles,handclaps,jawbones,hoes,woodenboxes,and
anymetalpot”wereturnedintoinstrumentsandemployed(Hazzard‐Gordon31).Many
otherinventivematerialswereused,asoneenslavedmanreminisces:
…Piecesofsheep’sriborcow’sjaworapieceofiron,withaoldkettle,orahollowgourdandsomehorsehairtomakededrum.Sometimesdey’dgetapieceoftreetrunkandhollowitoutandstretchagoat’sorsheep’sskinoveritfordedrum.
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Dey’dbeonetofourfoothighandafootuptosixfoot‘cross.Ingen’raltwoniggersplaywithdefingersorsticksondisdrum.…Dey’dtakedebuffalohornandscrapeitouttomakedeflute.…thendey’dtakeamule’sjaw‐boneandrattledesticks‘crossitsteeth.Thenday’dtakeabarrel,andstretchaox’shidecrossoneendandamansat‘stridedebarrel,andbeatondathidewithhehandsandhefeetandiffenhegettofeelin’demusicinhisbones,he’dbeatondatbarrelwithhishead.‘Nothermanbeatonwoodensideswithsticks.(Hazzard‐Gordon31,ascitedinFederalWritersProject,WPA4)
EnslavedorfreeAfricanswereoftenemployedtoplaythemusicatthedancesofEuropean
Americans,forcingthemtolearnEuropeaninstrumentsandtunes.Theythenbrought
theseinstrumentsandrhythmsbacktotheirowncommunities,givingthemthe
opportunitytomixsoundsandtocreatenewanduniqueones.
TheCakeWalk’ssuccessonsouthernplantationsspread.Soonenough,ithadbeen
usurpedasanentertainmentformandwasbeingstagedinminstrelshowsandon
VaudevillestagesintheNorth.TheperformerswereEuropeanAmericansinblackface,
notablyparodyingAfricanAmericanswhowereparodyingthem,EuropeanAmericans.
“Gaininglegitimacyamongwhiteaudiences,theCake‐Walksoonfounditswayintowhite
sociallife,ascelebrated,insomeareas,astheWaltz.VariousinterpretationsoftheCake
Walk,theshuffleandahostofotherplantation‐inspireddancespermeatedAmerican
culture”(Sherman61).TheAfricanformshadbeenappropriatedbyEuropeanAmericans
and“systematized,validated,andinstitutionalizedintheminstrelconstruct(Gottschild
82).
AtfirstitwasonlyEuropeanAmericansperformingtheCakeWalkonstage,but,
“theCakeWalkwasagreatexhibitiondance,withsuchsuperbtheatricalpotentialitiesthat
itservedasaNegrore‐entrypermittothestage”(Emery45,ascitedinWinter45).The
CakeWalkandsimilarminstrelrolesthatstereotypedAfricanAmericansassilly
simpletonsinblackfacebecamethefirstandonlyroleavailabletoAfricanAmericanon
stage,buteventuallythispavedthewayforAfricanAmericanstofindrolesinlegitimate
theaterandperformancespace.TheCakeWalkisoneofthefirstexamplesofdominant
cultureintheUnitedStatesacceptingaspectsofthesubalternculture,showingthepower
thatthesubmissiveculturecanhave.“Thereisnoreasontoassumethattheorytravels
wholefromcentertoperiphery,forinmanycasesitisformedasittravelsthroughthe
interactionbetweentwodifferentregions.Therecognitionoftheexistenceofadynamic
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exchangebetweensubalternanddominantcultures,includingsubalternandmetropolitan
anthropologies,mayleadtotherealizationthatmuchofwhattodayiscalled“cultural
anthropology”maybemoreaptlyaddressedas“transculturalanthropology”(Ortizxiii).
WhatwasbeginningtocreateAmericancultureandaestheticswasaproductofcultural
contactandculturalexchange,nottheprocessofacculturationinonedirection.
TheexistenceofboththeRingShoutandtheCakeWalkwerefundamentallylinked
totheplantationexperience.InresponsetothecircumstancesinwhichAfricanAmericans
foundthemselves,thesedancesformedoutofaneedforpersonalandgroupexpressionof
oneness,spirituality,andinresponsetooppression.
ExperimentationandRespondingtoHostilityinEarlyPartnerDances
“TheadditionofCongohipmovementstothedancesofthecourtofVersaillesisratherlikeservingruminateacup”–Stearns17
Timeline
EarlypartnerdancesinAfricanAmericanlifedevelopedontheplantation,butthey
blossomedafteremancipation.Comingfromaculturethatwelcomedexperimentationin
thearts,AfricanAmericansbeganexperimentingearlywiththedancestheysawcreatedby
EuropeanAmericans.Thenafteremancipation,theadoptionoftheEuropeanpartner
structurecametocharacterizetypicalAfricanAmericandance.HuggingDancesexemplify
earlyexperimentation,andtheBluesexemplifieslaterresponsestopost‐emancipation
hostility.HuggingDancesbroadlyincludeearlyexperimentationfromthebeginningof
enslavementintheAmericasthatintegratedpartnering.Thispartnerelementeventually
becameaprominentform,markingthecreationofwhatcametobecalledtheBlues—
whichIwilldescribeasculturallydependentupontheroleoftheJook—asaresponseto
emancipation.TheBluesneverdiedentirely,butforourpurposestheroleoftheBlues
weakenedinthe1920sand1930swiththeJazzAge.Betweenthetwo,IamincludingSlave
BallsandRaceImprovementDances,twoofmanyexamplesofconsciousattemptstoward
assimilation.Includingthesetwodancesinourprogressionisimportantinorderto
recognizethatAfricanAmericanswereincreasinglybecomingalesshomogeneousgroup
Moore 15
andmoredistinctbasedonclass,education,andgeographiclocation.SlaveBallsIwill
placefromthesecondhalfoftheeighteenthcentury,whentheybegintoappearregularly
indocumentation,untilemancipation.RaceImprovementDancesIwillconsidertoexist
fromemancipationuntiltheSwingEra.
HuggingDances
Justastherewasaconvergence,asharingandarecreationofdancebetween
Africans,therewasasimilarconvergence,sharingandrecreationofdancebetweenthe
socialtraditionsofAfricansandEuropeans.ThepartneringofEuropeancourtdances
mergedwithAfricandanceprincipalstocreateanewkindofpartneringwithgreater
improvisation.Dependingontimeandlocation,thereweremanyopportunitiesfor
intermingling.EvenbeforeshipsontheMiddlePassagearrivedtoNorthAmerica,Africans
mayhaveencounteredEuropeancourtdances.OftenshipswouldstopoverintheWest
Indiesforareposeoff‐shipbeforecarryingontothemainlandtoincreasetherateof
survival(i.e.profit).ThiswouldhavebeenanimportantencounterbecausetheCatholic
SpanishweremuchmoreacceptingofAfrica’scultureofdance,allowingittoexistmuch
moreopenlythaninitdidinProtestantNorthAmerica.Theenslavedfromaboardship
mayhaveseenorparticipatedinEuropeancourtdancessuchastheQuadrille,theReel,the
Jig,orContraDance.Ifso,theyweresuretohaveencounteredblendswithnativeAfrican
formsalreadybeingshaped,transformedinstyleandfunction.
Onceontheplantation,theAfricanAmericanmusicianswhoplayedandthe
workerswhomayhaveservedintheplantationhouseoratEuropeanAmericansocial
eventsallwouldhaveencounteredEuropeandanceandmusicforms.Theythencould
havebroughtbackwhattheyexperiencedtotheirowncommunitiesofdanceandmusic.
AsAfricanprinciplesslowlybegantoexperimentwithstyles,partnering,andeventually
male‐femalepartnering9thatwereencounteredthroughtheEuropeanAmerican
plantationownersanddominantculture,blendswerecreatedthatareoftengenerally
called“HuggingDances”.Intheseearlyblends,theelegantformationsofEuropeancourtly
9SeeAppendixA.
Moore 16
dancesoriginallyremainedwhiletotheslow,statelystylewereaddedAfricanistshuffling
andhipandshouldermovement.Thedancesbecamewilderwithincreasedimprovisation
andbecamemorecommunityoriented.StearnsquotesfolkloristLisaLekiswhenshe
describesAfricansinCuba:theyuse“stepsandfiguresofthecourtofVersaillescombined
withhipmovementsoftheCongo”.Stearnsconcludesthat“theadditionofCongohip
movementstothedancesofthecourtofVersaillesisratherlikeservingruminateacup”
(Stearns17).
SlaveBallsandRaceImprovementDances
Well‐to‐dofamiliesofEuropeanAmericans(andevenaristocratsofmixedEuropean
andAfricandescent)senttheirchildrenofftoEuropetolearnEuropeancultureanddance
tobringbacktotheU.S.KnowingWaltzesandpopularEuropeandanceswasimportantif
onewastobeconsidered“cultured”.ThiskeptEuropeanformsrelativelyunalteredinelite
circles:asnewgenerationslearnedtheunadulteratedversionsofEuropeandancestylesin
Europe,theyreturnedwiththemtotheU.S.Atthesametime,thistraveledelitewasa
smallfractionofsociety.ThemajorityofEuropeanAmericanswerenotmakingregular
visitstoEuropefortheconsumptionofartandculturetobringhome.So,whetherthey
likeditornot,theculturalartsofEuropeanAmericanswerenolongerexactreplicasof
thoseofEurope,justastheculturesofAfricanAmericansnolongerreplicatedanyone
Africanculture.
BothSlaveBallsandRaceImprovementDancesmeritmentionbecause,unlikethe
mixesthatwesawemergebefore,theyshowedacompleteabandonmentofAfricanand
AfricanAmericanheritageforthecompleteacceptanceofthedominantgroup’shabitsand
values.Inthisprocessofacculturation,theflowofculturewaspredominantlyunilateral.
Enslavedorfreed,AfricanAmericancommunitieshadneverbeenmonolithic.Before
emancipation,freeAfricanAmericansenjoyedhigherstatusthanthoseenslaved,andeven
betweentheenslavedtherewerehierarchiesinstatus.Thoseinhouseholdserviceenjoyed
higherstatusthanfieldworkers,urbanartisanshigherthanlaborers,andstatusmayalso
havedependedonthestatusofone’splantationowner(Hazzard‐Gordon48).Later,after
Moore 17
emancipation,thedistinctionscontinuedtogrowwithinthishierarchyandbetweenthose
“highlyeducatedblackswhocouldgainlimitedaccesstothemainstream,andattheother
[endofthespectrum]…illiteratesharecropperswhocouldbeconsidered…America’s
peasantpopulation”(Perpener12).Whilethelatterhadlessincentiveorevenabilityto
acculturate,thosefurtherupthepeckingorderweremorelikelytotrytofitintodominant
society.
“SlaveBalls”wereformalizedaffairstypicallyinurbansettings,documentedbackto
thesecondhalfoftheeighteenthcenturyandlastinginthisformuntilemancipation.
UrbanenslavedAfricansorganizedtheaffairswithelaborateinvitationssent,“notonlyto
thefashionableslaves,buttosomeofthemoreesteemedwhitepeople…Allofthe
fashionabledancesareexecuted…andagrandsupperalwaysformsapartofthe
entertainment”(Hazzard‐Gordon51‐2,ascitedinOlmsted).Participantsdancedthesame
proper,refineddancesofEuropeanAmericansociety,ormorespecificallytheyemulated
EuropeanAmericanswhowereinturnemulatingEuropeans.BecauseEuropeanAmerican
menhadtotalaccess—bothtotheirowndancesandtothoseintheAfricanAmerican
community—theysometimesattendedthesedances(andespeciallyonecloselyrelated
referredtoasthe“QuadroonBall”)withtheintentoffindinganAfricanAmericanwoman
tokeepasamistress,orconcubine.Underthesecircumstances,theAfricanAmerican
womenparticipants’desirestomakemodesteconomicandsocialprogressmeantthatthey
hadtorelinquishanyAfricanorAfricanAmericanculture.Thegrowingmixed‐blood
population,thefruitsofsuchrelationships,existedinyetanothersocialranking
somewherebetweentheenslavedandtheEuropeanAmerican.Inresponsetosuch
assimilationattemptsbyAfricanAmericansandthisgrowingmixed‐bloodpopulationand
outoffearofbothfreeandenslavedAfricanAmericansgainingpower,theTerritoryof
NewOrleans1806legislatureisoneexamplethat,“adoptedastatuteforbiddingslavesor
freepeopleofAfricandescenttopresumethemselves‘equaltothewhite’”(Hazzard‐
Gordon55,asquotedinEverett,167).Despitetheirattempts,successfulassimilationinto
mainstreamsocietywassimplynotgoingtobeacceptedbysocietyatlarge.
Anothertypeofaffairdevelopedafteremancipation,alsoanexampleofsuccumbing
tothecultureofthedominantmajorityanddiscardingone’spreviousculture.“Race
ImprovementDances”paralleledcontemporarydancehallsofEuropeanAmericans.A
Moore 18
risingAfricanAmericanmiddleandupperclassgrewwhoseculturebegantodiffermore
andmorefromthatoftheAfricanAmericanworkingclass.Thisreflectedintheirdance.
EitherformoreopportunitiesortodebunkstereotypesabouttheAfricanAmerican,these
groupsoftenchosetorejectdominantAfricanAmericancultureandconformto,identify
withandaspiretodominantmainstreamAmericanculture.RaceImprovementDances
werecreatedwiththehopeofgainingaccesstoEuropeanelementsofAmericanculture,
andthusthestyleofthesedancesemulatedtheseelementsasbesttheycould.Traditional
AfricanAmericanfoods,dance,music,anddresswerediscardedandreplacedwith
EuropeanAmericanones.Sostrongweretheculturalimperialismandtheoccidentalbias
permeatingsocietythatinsuchcasesAfricanAmericansfrequentlyabandonedasmuchof
theiroldcultureaspossible.Acculturation,theyhoped,wouldbringeventualequality
throughtheeyesofthoseinthedominantculture.
TheBlues
AttheendoftheCivilWar,manyfreedAfricanAmericansregardedmobilityasan
expressionoftheiremancipationandheadeddirectlytowardurbancenters.Neveragain
wouldtheyfindthemselvesintherelativelyhomogenouscommunitiesthattheywereable
tocreatewithintheconfinesoftheplantation.WhenAfricanshadfirstarrivedto
plantations,adeculturationoccurred,firstasnumerousgroupswereuprootedandplaced
togetherinaspaceofrelativeculturalvoidtoworkandliveinisolation.Neoculturation
wasagradualprocessoflearninghowtosurviveinthesenew,frequentlyhostile
conditionsoftheplantation;learninghowtocoexistwithAfricansfromentirelydifferent
backgrounds;andunderstandingthecultureoftheoppressor.Thenewculturescreatedby
theAfricanpopulationintheAmericaswereunique:asmuchaproductoftheirAmerican
experiencesasoftheirAfricanones.Thesenewcultureswerecreatedbythesocialforces
aroundthemontheplantation,theworkthatwasexpectedofthem,andsocialrolesthat
werecreatedwithintheirisolatedplantationlife.Danceplayedalargeroleinthislife.
Danceperformedaneducationalfunction;providedalanguagethroughwhichAfricansof
differentbackgroundcouldcommunicateorcommentontheirwork,eachother,ortheir
Moore 19
masters;helpedorganizebehavior;andformedastructureforsocialmorality.With
emancipationanduponleavingtheplantation,aprocessofdeculturationand
neoculturationoccurredoncemore:thecommoncultureoftheplantationwasuprooted
andwasreplacedbythecultureoffreeddominantandoftenhostilesociety(Ortizxxvi).
DeterritorializedoncetotheNewWorldplantations,emancipation
deterritorializedAfricansinAmericaonceagain,removingthelittlestructuretheyhad
beenabletocreateforthemselvesandgivingmanyfamiliesfullresponsibilityfortheirown
upkeepforthefirsttimeinunfamiliar,hostilesurroundings.“Increasedautonomyshould
haveallowedforamorevariedsociallifeforAfrican‐Americans,butwhitessuccessfully
continuedtorestrictmostfacetsoftheirlives”(Buzzard‐Gordon66).
The“Blues”developedinresponsetothishostilityandinjuxtapositionwiththe
RaceImprovementDancesthatweresimultaneouslydevelopingofatypicallymore
privilegedAfricanAmericanclass.The“Jook”10,fundamentallylinkedtothecultureofthe
Blues,becamesynonymouswitha“Negropleasurehouse…abawdyhousefordancing,
drinkingandgambling”(Emery220‐1).BothfreedAfricanAmericanswhohadmigrated
northwardandthosewhoremainedinthesouth—“free”butstillsegregated—soughttofill
avoidwiththecreationoftheirownspacesofentertainmentandspacestoexpresstheir
culture.Intheintensificationofwhitesupremacy,AfricanAmericanswerefurther
separatedfrommainstreamsocietyandfurtherforcedintosmaller,tight‐knitAfrican
Americancommunities.JooksprovidedcommunityandentertainmentspacewhenAfrican
AmericanswereoftennotadmittedintoplacesofentertainmentforEuropeanAmericans.
Jooksallowedthemtoenjoyagreatersenseoffreedomthanwasfeltoutsideandallowed
themtocreateandcelebratetheirownculture,theirownmusic,andtheirowndancesin
relativefreedomandontheirownterms.Theirhistoryofslaveryhadprecludedtheoption
opentomostothernewcomerstotheUnitedStates:assimilation.TheBlues,then,
temperedthedesiretoassimilateintoasocietythatwasnotreadytoacceptthem,
assimilatedornot:
Inearlierdays,musicalexpressionssuchasspiritualshadgrownoutofthecommunalexperienceofadeepmetaphysicalsuffering.Theblueswereasensuous
10SeeAppendixC.
Moore 20
moanthatweldedtogetherpainandpleasurewithseamlessirony.Jazzbecametheblackmusicthatexpressedadesiretobefreeofculturalrestraints.TheseartisticexpressionsmirroredtheparadoxAfricanAmericansfaced—theparadoxofbeingandnotbeingAmerican.(Perpener91)
Duringthisperiod,thedancesofworking‐andlower‐classAfricanAmericansin
particularrelinquishedsomeoftheirEuropeanAmericancharacteristics.Severaltrends
emergedwiththeriseoftheBluesandtheJook,includingafurthersecularizationofmany
dancesoncelinkedtoritualisticorreligiousimportanceandthediminishingroleofthe
group,placinggreaterimportanceontherelationshipbetweenpartners.
TheJookprovidedaspacewhere,“animmeasurableamountofcoreblackculture
includingfood,language,communityfellowship,mateselection,music,anddancefounda
sanctuaryofexpressionwhennoothersecularinstitutionflourishedamongthefolk,”
Hazzard‐Gordonexplains(insidecover).TheJookwasasecularinstitutionbothrootedin
WestAfricantraditionandnecessarilyanoffspringoftheclandestinedancesheldon
plantations.SlaveryhadfosteredthecreationofAfricanAmericansocialinstitutionsthat
defiedEuropeanAmericancontrol,whichinturncontinuedtofosterarecurringpatternof
covertsocialactivity(Genovese570‐1).Tofolksexcludedfromthedominanteconomy,the
Jookprovidedeconomicalternativesforentertainment,includingquasi‐legalactivities
suchasliquorsales,gambling,illegallotteriesandnumbers.IntheseJooks,dancesand
cultureweresecularizedandshared,andnewdanceswerecreatedbyordinaryAfrican
AmericanswhobroughttheiruniqueAfricanAmericanexperienceswiththemintheGreat
Migration.“Whenblacksmovedfromonecommunitytoanother,oneoftheirfirstactswas
tofindaJookJointandshowoffthenewdancestepstheyhadlearnedduringtheirtravels”
(Sherman61).ThisculturemeantthatJookswereofthefirsttosee“large‐scalecross‐
fertilizationofdances,asthousandsoffreedmensharecroppersaswellastraveling
entertainersmigratedfromtownsandfarawayregionssearchingforemployment”
(Hazzard‐Gordon81,ascitedinHurston44).
Inadditiontoafurthershifttowardthesecular,thenatureofthecommunityand
themovementalsochangedinthenewcontext.Insomewaysitreachedbacktoward
Africancultureofmovement,andinotherwaysitdistanceditselffromelementsofthe
Africanaestheticinitsnewurbanenvironment,farfromthevillageorthefields.Hipand
Moore 21
torsomovementreemergedfromanAfricanculturethathadnosenseofshameassociated
withsex,asAfricanAmericansrejectedthedominantEuropeanAmericanculturethat
deniedhumansexuality.Thehip‐shakingandpelvicinnuendocharacteristicofmuch
Africandancereturned,butitbecamemoredirectedtowardone’spartnerthantowardthe
community.These“inappropriate”movementsweredevelopingonthedancefloorsof
working‐classAfricanAmericanswhere“upperclass[EuropeanAmerican]notionsof
respectabilityhadlittlepower”(Hazzard‐Gordon130).
InAfricaandontheplantation,danceshadoftenmimickedlifeinthefields,workat
theplantationhouse,andmovementsofwildanimals.Dancesadjustedtoanurban
environmentofnewoccupations,constantlyreconstructedtofitnewpurposes.The
“MilkingtheCow”oftheplantation,forexample,became“RollingtheToiletPaper”ofthe
serviceworker.Dancebecamemoreuprightandlessflat‐footed,bothsubtlechangesthat
indicatedamoveawayfromagrarianmovement.Attimes,dancesremainedidenticalto
theirpredecessorsontheplantations;atothertimestheywerederivativesofthosedances.
Thefriendlycompetitionand“songsofillusion,dancesofderision”seenintheCakeWalk
andcommontoAfricanverbalanddancetraditionremainedapartofJookdances,taking
theshapeofacompetitionoffriendlyone‐upmanshipknownas“cutting”.This
characteristichaslastedinAfricanAmericanculturethroughtheplantationtoJooks,Jazz
clubs,PlayingtheDozens11,HipHop,andisstillanintegralcomponentofAfricanAmerican
culturetoday.
Bluesmusic—anextremelybroadcategorydependingontimeandlocation—
integratedAfricancallandresponseandvaryingamountsofEuropeanharmonicstructure.
InaJook,oneguitarwasenoughtodance,oneortwomorewouldhavebeenconsidered
excellent.Laterpianosandeventuallyplayerpianos12becamepartoftheJookexperience.
“Musicallyspeaking,theJookisthemostimportantplaceinAmerica.Forinitssmelly
11SeeAppendixC.12PlayerpianoswereacceptedintoAfricanAmericanculturalspacemuchlaterthantheywereacceptedelsewhereinmainstreamAmericansociety.Thisisbecausetheplayerpianonecessarilyremovesthecallandresponsedialoguebetweenmusician,dancerandotherparticipantsthatisfundamentaltotheAfricanandAfricanAmericantradition.Hadthisstyleofset,unchangeablemusicbeenfullyacceptedintoAfricanAmericanculturesooner,laterformsofJazzandSwingdancesmayhaveneverdevelopedastheydid.
Moore 22
shoddyconfineshasbeenbornthesecularmusicknownastheblues,andontheblueshas
beenfoundedjazz”(Hazzard‐Gordon83,ascitedinHurston44).
Whilebyandlargetheworkingclasswasrebellingagainstmainstreamsociety,
assimilationinthehigherclassesremainedcommon.Consequently,eliteAfrican
AmericanshadbeenthemorevisiblearbitersofpubliclydisplayedAfricanAmerican
cultureintheNorthandincities.Thiswasfinallybeginningtochange.Asmoresouthern
AfricanAmericansmigratedNorthattheturnofthetwentiethcentury,theoldelitebecame
aminoritywithinaminority.Thecultureofthesouthernworkingclassestooktheplaceof
perceiveddominanceandsetthenewstandardsamongAfricanAmericans,andsoon,
amongsocietyatlarge.
CrossingtheRacialDividetoFindUniquelyAmericanFormsinSwingDances
Thetrendtowardtheadoptionofanythingblack—andparticularlyofAfro‐American
dance—allbeganwith‘ShuffleAlong,RunningWild,andtheCharleston,’asLangstonHughes
wrote.–Stearns223
Timeline
Bythe1920sand1930sparticularlyinNewYork,theimmenseamountofartthat
AfricanAmericanswereproducing—musicanddance,butadditionallynovels,short
stories,poetry,paintings,andsculptures—caughtgrowingattentionbeyondtheAfrican
Americancommunity,leadingtoaperiodofgreatcreativityknownastheHarlem
Renaissance.AfricanAmericanartformswereincreasinglyappreciated,andinresponse
AfricanAmericansusedartincreasinglytogainaccessandacceptance.“Theblack
intelligentsiaoftheHarlemRenaissancesawartisticpursuits(asopposedtoeconomicor
politicalpursuits)asarelativelyeasywayforAfricanAmericanstogainentryinto
mainstreamAmericansociety”(Perpener22).TheHarlemRenaissanceartistcapitalized
onarttoadvocateasocialagenda,“Likeblackwritersandintellectualsofthetime,[black
dancers]adoptedtheunderlyingphilosophyoftheHarlemRenaissance:artshouldserve
thespecificsocialmissionofchanginghowtheirpeoplewereperceivedbytherestofthe
Moore 23
world”(24).Swingdanceswereabletoslowlychangethisperception,withstepsthat
crossedtheracialdivide.
TheCharleston
ShuffleAlongin1921wasthefirstsuccessfulAfricanAmericanmusical.Itmarked
thebeginningoftheHarlemRenaissanceandintroducedtheBlackBottom13tomainstream
culture.“TheBlackBottom[hadbeen]awell‐knowndanceamongsemi‐urbanNegrofolk
intheSouthlongbefore1919.…”butShuffleAlongpopularizedit.“LiketheCharlestonand
alltheotherdancesthatweretooabandonedintheirearlyphases…theBlackBottomwent
througharefiningstageinwhichthemovementsandstepsweremodifieduntilitfinally
emergedasadancesuitablefortheballroom14’”(Stearns110‐1).“AlltheSwingstepsthat
migratedwiththepeople—TheCharleston,Messin’Around,SusieQ.,Pickin’theCherries,
allalittlesuggestive—eventuallycleanedup”tobeacceptableoutsideoftheJook
environmentandinmainstreamAmerica(Davidson1).TwoyearsafterShuffleAlong,the
1923musicalRunningWildpopularizedtheCharleston.
The“Charleston”,whichhademergedasearlyasplantationtimesandinJooks,
madeparticularuseofmovementsandimprovisationcharacteristicoftheAfrican
aesthetic.15Thesecharacteristicsseemedtohavefinallyaffectedmainstreamsocietyas
theirroughedgesweresoftenedandtheywereshowcasedonstage.AstheCharleston
crossedtheracialdivideintothemainstream,“thedistinctionbetweenpopulardancesto
watchandpopulardancestodancewaseradicated:everybodywasdoingit”(Stearns113).
Itsgenericstepcouldbevariedinseeminglylimitlessways,butitwassimpleenoughthat
itcouldbetaughtinballroomdanceclasses,themethodofdancetransmissiontypicalin
EuropeanandEuropeanAmericanculture.Oneman’sdescriptionsummarizesmainstream
culture’sfascinationwiththeCharlestonatthetime,
13SeeAppendixC.14Atthetime,dancestudioswerealltherageincitiesformiddleandupperclasswhitesociety.TeacherslikeVernonandIreneCastleandArthurMurrayoften“cleanedup”populardancestomakethemmoreacceptablefortheballroom.15SeeAppendixC.
Moore 24
ThefirstimpressionmadebytheCharlestonwasextraordinary.…[Ifelt]pleasureinseeingadancewhichusesthewholebodyfarmorethanthenowconventionalstepsoftheFoxTrotandOne‐Step(bothdancesofEuropeanorigin).TheCharlestonasanexhibitiondanceemployedtoadvantagewhattheextravagantshimmyhadbroughtin—thequiverofthebodyotherwisemotionless,theuseofthetorsoindance;itaddedthemovementsofthehips,thighs,buttocks,madefamiliarsinceShuffleAlong—thecharacteristicnegrofreedomofmovement,frankandengaging;thepattingwhichaccompaniestheBlueswasvariedtoslappingandthehandfellonanyportionofthebody,inafrenzy.Asifexcitedbythedancetothepointwheretheydidnotcarewhethertheyweregracefulornot,thechorusassumedthemostawkwardpostures—knock‐knees,legs“akimbo,”toesturnedinuntiltheymet,squattings,comiclittleleapssidewise.Andthenthevisualhighpointofthedance,theseseeminglygrotesqueelementswereactuallywoven,intherhythmofthedance,intoapatternwhichwasfullofgraceandsignificance,whichwasgayandorgiasticandwild.(Emery226,ascitedinSeldes283)
FirsttheBlackBottomandthentheCharlestonsuppliedtoAmericawhatEuropean
danceswerelacking.TheyallowedthefreedomalreadyassociatedwiththeAmerican
spirit,andtheirengaging,full‐bodymotionanddisregardforwhatwasgracefulandwhat
wasn’tspoketoanation“attemptingtobreakawayfromtheconstraintsofpost‐Victorian
moralityandintothefreedomofthemodernworld”(Perpener9).Inatimecommonly
referredtoas“TheRoaringTwenties”andthe“JazzAge”inadditiontothe“Harlem
Renaissance”,theymarkedaculturalrevolutioninmanystrataofsociety.Asthesenew
socialdancesalongwiththenewdanceculturespread,oneconventiontobebrokenwas
dress.TheaestheticattirethatcametobeassociatedwithSwingdancesmixedAfricanand
EuropeandressnormsintwentiethcenturyAmerica.Europeanskirtsrosetoexposemore
ofthecalvesandtopsshrunktobarethearms.Popularwoman’sCharlestonattireoften
hadtassels,fringe,bows,orpleatsaroundthewaist,accentingthemovementofthecore.
ThisrunsincontrastwithwhatwasacceptableintheEuropeanorJudeo/Christian
aestheticinwhichsuchattentiondrawntoawoman’ssexualitywouldhavebeen
forbidden.InmanyAfricancultures,however,usingcostuming,beads,andcowryshellsto
accentawoman’swaist,behind,orbreastswouldhavebeenbothcommonandentirely
acceptable.TheclassicZootSuitoftheJazzAgemalealsowasamixofEuropeanand
Africanaesthetics.Thesuitofthemodernmaledevelopedpantswithbaggylegsandtight
ankles,andthejacketgrewlonger,looser,andfreeflowing.Thebillowingthatthiscreated
Moore 25
gavetributetoanAfricanaestheticofflowingclothestoaccentbodilymovement(Salaam
2010).
TheLindyHop
Thenumerouspublicdancehallsthathademergedinthenineteenthcenturyoften
maintainedapolicyof“Whites‐only”.Mosteventuallyadoptedonedayaweekdedicated
totheAfricanAmericancommunity,butthecommitmenttosegregationwasclear.
Althoughdividedpublicly,asAfricanAmericanswerecreatingnewstyles,mainstream
Americanculturebecamemoreandmoreinterestedinwhattheyhadtooffer.Young
EuropeanAmericanmenbegansneakingouttofrequentlocalesofAfricanAmerican
entertainment,mesmerizedbywhattheysaw,takingbacknewtrickstotheirowndance
hallsandleadingtothemoreadoptionofAfricanAmericandance,music,andcultureby
mainstreamsociety.ThenewopportunitiescreatedduringtheHarlemRenaissancefor
AfricanAmericanstoentertaincreatedanenvironmentripeforexchange.
Harlem’sSavoyBallroomwasoneofthefewentertainmentexceptionsthatopened
itsdoorssimultaneouslytobothAfricanandEuropeanAmericans,anditmayhave
changedthecourseofhistorybecauseofit.Itopenlycateredtointegrateddancing,making
itimmenselypopularandinfluentialintheconvergenceandsharingofculture(not
withoutcausingsubstantialconcernandunrest).EuropeanAmericansfromdowntown
wentuptovisitfamousHarlemnightspotsliketheSavoyBallroom,theCottonClub,and
Smalls’Paradise,drivingmoreimprovisationandleadingtothespreadofthesenew
AfricanAmericandancesbeyondHarlemandoutintomainstreamsociety.16Langston
Hugheswroteofthetime,
Thelindy‐hoppersattheSavoy[Ballroom]evenbegantopracticeacrobaticroutines,andtodoabsurdthingsfortheentertainmentofthewhites,thatprobably
16Tobeclear,bytheearlytwentiethcenturytheterm“AfricanAmericandance”referstodanceintheUnitedStatesbelongingpredominantlytotheAfricanAmericancommunity.ItisimportanttonotethatwhileoftheAfricanAmericancommunity,AfricanAmericandanceatthispointhadbeenheavilyinfluencednotonlybyEuropeandanceformsbutbyfactorspresentinAmericancultureandtheAmericanexperience.
Moore 26
neverwouldhaveenteredtheirheadstoattemptmerelyfortheirowneffortlessamusement.(Stowe43)
UniquelynewtomanyAfricanAmericans,theHarlemRenaissancewasgivingthemthe
opportunitytotakeprideintheartthattheycreated.
The“LindyHop”foundtheperfectmarriagebetweentheindividualityofAfrican
danceandthepartneringofEuropeandance.Itwasapartnerdance,butwhatmadeit
uniquetopartnerdanceswasthebreakaway.“Thebreakawayisatime‐honoredmethod
ofeliminatingtheEuropeancustomofdancingincouples,andreturningtosolodancing—
theuniversalwayofdancing,forexample,inAfrica”(Stearns324).Bywayofthe
breakaway,LindyHopperswereabletoincorporatemanyotherdancestepsintoits
generalframe—includingthosederivedfrombothAfricanAmericansandEuropean
Americans—andtocreatemanynewones.Thesmallbutubiquitous‘itching’
improvisationmovement,forexample,wasadirectdescendentfromAfricandance.The
influenceof“songsofillusion,dancesofderision”emergedinLindyHopjustasithadinthe
satireoftheCakeWalkandthecuttingoftheBlues.JustasintheJook,coupleswould
standbackinacircletoallowagoodcoupletotakecenterfloor.Thennewcoupleswould
jumpinoneortwoatatimeasasortofsociablegameofcompetition,drivinginnovation.
ThedressofLindyHopperscontinuedtopushboundariessetbymainstream
culture.Allofthelegsandevenundergarmentswereexposedintheaerialsthatbecame
common,somethingthatwouldhavecreatedevenmoreculturalcontroversyifithadnot
beenforthefleetingnatureofsuchfastmovement.Thisnewdressaestheticfurther
integratedAfricanandEuropeanAmericansocietyintooneAmericansociety:justlikethe
musicandthedance,itwasenjoyedbyboth.
TheLindyHopandSwingmusicevolvedco‐dependently.“Greatmusiciansinspire
greatdancers—andviceversa—untilthecombinationpyramidsintothegreatest
performancesofboth....Oneofthereasonsfortheearlydevelopmentofgreatbig‐bandJazz
attheSavoywasthepresenceofgreatdancers”(Stearns325).Thetempoquickened,and
inreplythedancersincreasedtheirenergyandspeedofexecution,anecessarypreliminary
fortheacrobaticstocome.LeonJamesdescribedanightattheSavoyin1937,“Dizzy
GillespiewasfeaturedinthebrasssectionofTeddyHill’sscreamingband.…Everytimehe
Moore 27
playedacrazylick,wecutacrazysteptogowithit.Andhedugusandblewevencrazier
stufftoseeifwecoulddancetoit,akindofgame,withthemusiciansanddancers
challengingeachother”(Stearns325).Swingmusic’smixofelementsfromAfricanand
Europeanculturesmadeituniquelyaccessibletoall.Swing“physicalizedthepervading
spiritofabandonofthe1920s”(Perpener17).The“sensuousmoan”oftheBlueshadbeen
revveduptocreatethefastpaced,“spiritofabandon”(91)ofSwing.
Thesedescriptionsofimprovisationthatrespondtofactorsintheenvironment
alongwithatypicalrhythmsandscalesaremuchmoretraditionaltoAfricanmusicaland
dancetraditionsthantothoseofEurope.Jazzinstruments,however—thesaxophone,bass,
tuba,piano,snaredrumandcymbals—arenearlyallfromaEuropeanschoolofmusic.Just
asontheplantationenslavedAfricanswhowereemployedtoplaymusicduringtheparties
oftheplantationfamilytookaspectsofthemusicandtheinstrumentsbacktotheirown
dances,thesameoccurredtocreateJazz.AfricanAmericanJazzmusicianslearnedtouse
Europeaninstruments,learnedtoplayEuropeanmelodiesandlearnedEuropeanmusical
structure,buttheythenaddedsomeofthesyncopation,sound,andpolyrhythmwithwhich
theyhadgrownup.Ratherthanplayingthepianowiththebent,gentlefingersofMozart,
forexample,theyplayeditasapercussiveinstrument(Salaam2010)withtheflatfingers
andheavystrikesofadjembe17playerfromMali.Butunlikethemusicofthatdjembe
playerandmoreakintothatofMozart,Jazzmusicdidhavearelativelyfirmandsystematic
mathematicalstructure.
Duetobothitspopularityandfactorsofthetimes,thenewSwingculture
disseminatedbeyondbigcities,acrossracialboundaries,andacrosstheUnitedStates.This
wasmadepossiblebecauseoftherisesimultaneouslyinthespeedandfrequencyoftravel
andthespeedofmasscommunication.Itsspreadoccurredquicklybetweenthe1920sand
1940s,atimewhenrailroadtrainsweremovingpeopleandcargoacrossthenationand
showslikeTheEdSullivanShowweremovingcultureandideas.Pullmanporterson
passengerandfreighttrainswerefrequentlyAfricanAmericans;thejobwasdifficultbut
providedmobilityandthuspossibility.Segregation,forbetterorworse,ensuredthatinall
citiesandstopsalongthetracks,therewouldhavebeenanentertainmentspaceforAfrican
17SeeAppendixC.
Moore 28
Americanstocongregate.Oneachextendedstop,itwasherethatPullmanporterscould
showoffthenewdancemovesorthelatestmusicalriffsthattheyhadlearnedinthelast
city,ensuringaquickspreadofnewmaterial.
Bythe1950s,teenagerswerewatchingtheLindyHopontelevisionandthentrying
itoutatlocaldances.“TheLindybecamethefirststepyoungsterslearned,anditremained
thefoundationofmostoftheirdancing”(Stearns329).Despiteitsgrowingappeal,this
newartformcontinuedtostruggleforacceptance:theapparentlackoforderterrified
manymiddleclassparents,andtheabandonwithwhichLindyHoppersdancedwiththe
wholebodyensuredthatcertainlyitwouldcorruptthemoralfabricofsociety.The
“Jitterbug”isoftenthetermusedtodescribeaLindyHopmodifiedtomeetEuropean
Americantasteshalfway,taughtatdancestudiosinAmerica’sbigcities,smalltownsand
suburbsacrossthecountry.AsteenagersdancedtheseversionsofSwingathighschool
proms,itslowlygainedacceptanceasdance,regardlessofage,raceorsocialstatus.It
causedageneralrevolutioninpopulardanceintheU.S.,referredtobysomeas“theonly
trueAmericanfolkdance”(Stearns329).
ThebridgethatSwingdancecreatedopenedthestageformanyAmericandance
andmusiccreationsthatweretocome.TheStearnscredittheAfricanAmericantradition:
“AllinalltheNegrostyleofdancing…wasintheAfro‐Americantradition,whichstresses
twocharacteristics:continualimprovisationandpropulsiverhythms.Thesequalities
becameenergizingfactorsinAmericanvernaculardance.”Theythenillustrateitsinfluence
in20thcenturydanceintheUnitedStates:
FromthisAfro‐Americantradition,muchthatcamelatersurfaced—fromthetastytappingofBillRobinsonandFredAstaire…throughthenaïveshimmyofGildaGrayandsocialdancessuchastheCharleston,totheLindy(orJitterbug)andotherballroomdances,upto,including,andafter,theTwist.Mostofthedancingweseetodayonstageandscreen,inballroomsandnightclubs,atdiscothequesandontelevision,oweswhatvitalityithastothisbarelytappedreservoirofAmericanvernaculardance.(Stearns83‐84)
AfterSwingdances,Americandancecontinuedtoevolve.Itrespondedtouniqueattitudes
intheAmericanexperience,oftenunconsciouslytippingitshattoboththeAfricanand
Europeandancesofitspast.
Moore 29
InSummary
FromtheAfrican’sfirstforcedencounterwiththeNewWorldthroughtothe
twentiethcentury,dancehasplayedanimportantroleinboththeAfricanAmericanand
theAmericanexperience.ItevolvedasaheterogeneousmixofAfricanandEuropean
culturesandtraditionswereforcedtomixontheplantation;itevolvedasitcontinuedto
mixwithEuropeanAmericancultureandhostility;andittookpartincreatingentirelynew,
uniquelyAmericandanceformsoutoftheencounter.Ananalysisofthedifferent
trajectoriesofAfricanAmericandanceformsgoesfarbeyondthescopeofdance.This
papertoldonesmallstory,followingafewofthethousandsofuniquetrajectoriesthat
dancetook.Thesetrajectorieswereshapedinresponsetothesurroundingconditions,
makingthemusefulindicatorsforassessingthoseconditions.Withthisstudy,wecan
exploreandinterpretthepsychological,thesociological,theeconomic,thepolitical,andthe
culturalrealitiesatdistincttimesandplacesintheexperienceoftheAfricanAmericanin
theUnitedStates.
Inaddition,thisstudymaybringattentiontotheprofoundinfluenceofAfrican
AmericansonthecultureoftheUnitedStates,allayingconcernbythosesuchasthe
HistorianSterlingStuckey:
Despitethefactthatslaveart,andtheartofthedescendantsofslaves,hasleftamajorimprintonAmericanculture,itdoesnotappearthatwhiteAmericansregardthemselves,inanydegree,asAfricansculturally,amatterseldomdiscussedeveninspecializedstudiesofslavery.Fewscholars,whiteorblack,havesomuchastouchedonthissubject.(Stuckey1)
Stuckeydrawsattentiontoourlackofculturalself‐awarenessintheUnitedStates.
Withhope,theworkofthisthesiswillinspireagreaterunderstandingofthecollective
influencesthatmergedtomakeourcultureandournationwhatitistoday.
Moore 30
TopicsforFurtherStudy
Thisthesislaysthegroundworkforfutureresearch.Iaddressedarelativelysmall
sampleofdancesthatstoppedwiththe1950s,leavinganopportunityfordeeperanalysis
expandedinbreadth.Inmyresearch,theroleofmusicandsongwasconstantlyatopic
thatIfeltnecessarytoexplorebutfromwhichIhadtodrawback,lestIclutterthethesis.
However,theroleofcodificationinsongontheplantationandlaterinBluesandJazzisa
rolethatmeritsdeeperanalysisinaseparatestudy.IalsohopetoexpanduponWest
AfricandanceandmusicduringthetimeofenslavementandtheMiddlePassagetothe
Americas.AbetterunderstandingoftheroleofdanceandmusicinAfricansocietywillaid
inanunderstandingoftheirroleintheDiasporaandthereasonswhycertainelements
remainedrelativelyunchanged,certainelementsevolvedinthenewcontext,andothers
weredisregardedentirely.
Moore 31
Acknowledgements
MysuccessfulcompletionofthisThesiscouldnothavehappenedwithoutthehelp
ofseveralpeople.Firstandforemost,Iextendmythankstomythesisadvisor,Dyane
Harvey.Shehasactedasamentorformepersonallyandacademically,andformythesis
sheprovidedmewithendlessleads,connectionsandresources.InextthankDr.Zilkia
Janer,mymentorwithintheDepartmentofGlobalStudies,forassumingtheextraroleof
unofficialadvisorwithinthedepartmentandformakingsurethatmythesismaintainedthe
levelofacademicandliteraryintegritythatmyresearchdeserved.Inextthanktheseveral
individualswhogenerouslygavetheirtimetositwithmeforinterviews:(inalphabetical
orderandnotorderofimportance)AyandaClarke,MickeyDavidson,Dr.FatouGittens,and
AbdelSalaam.MyearlyinterviewwithMickeyhelpedmetounderstandhowdanceswere
spreadandhowoneevolvedintoanother,andmylaterinterviewwithAyandahelpedme
tofillinwhereIlackedunderstandingwithmusicanditsimportantroleinthisevolution.
Dr.Gittensprovidedmewiththeimportantconceptof“Songsofillusion,dancesof
derision”thatwassonecessarytotheevolutionthatAfricanAmericandanceculturetook,
andsheprovidedmewithampleinformationformyfutureresearchinatopicclosely
relatedtothisthesisbutintheendnotincluded.Mr.Salaam’sinspiringchoreographyand
artisticvisionprovidedmewithmyinitialinterestinthistopic,andhisexpertiseonsucha
wideareawasabletofillinthegapsofinformationthatIhadbeenunabletofindanywhere
else.IthankDyaneandalloftheseintervieweesprofuselyforthewealthofinformation
theyshared:theyprovidedmewithenoughmaterialtowritevolumes,hardlyreflectedin
the[relative]brevityofmyfinalthesis.
MyparentsJanetandDavidMooredeservefullgratitudeforbeingmyfinaleditors,
notonlymorallysupportivebutalsooncall24/7.IthankDr.GrantSaffandthe
DepartmentofGlobalStudiesforapprovingandallowingmySeniorThesistobesocross
disciplinary,notonlychoosingdanceasmytopicbutchoosingaprofessorfromwithinthe
dancedepartmentasmythesisadvisor.Lastly,Iwouldliketocollectivelythankthethree
professorswhosatonmythesisreviewcommittee:DyaneHarvey,Dr.ZilkiaJaner,andDr.
LindaLongmire.Inadditiontobeingextremelyencouraging,theyprovidedmewithvery
constructivecriticismthatIwillbeabletouseforfuturerevisionsandforfurtherstudy.
Moore 32
WorksCited
Abrahams,RogerD.“PlayingtheDozens.”TheJournalofAmericanFolklore.75.297(1962):
209‐220.
Asante,KariamuWelsh.MovingHistory.“CommonalitiesinAfricanDance:AnAesthetic
Foundation”144‐149.
Clarke,Ayanda.Interview.24Nov2010.
Davidson,Mickey.Interview.3Nov2010.
Emery,LynneFauley.BlackDance:From1619toToday.Second,RevisedEdition.
Princeton:PrincetonBookCompany,1988.
Genovese,Eugene.RollJordanRoll.NewYork:RandomHouse,1976.
Gittens,Dr.Fatou.Interview.13Nov2010.
Gottschild,BrendaDixon.DiggingtheAfricanistPresenceinAmericanPerformance:Dance
andOtherContexts.Westport,Connecticut:GreenwoodPress.1996.
Hazzard‐Gordon,Katrina.Jookin’:TheRiseofSocialDanceFormationsinAfricanAmerican
Culture.Philadelphia:TempeUniversityPress,1990.
Hurston,ZoraNeal.“CharacteristicsofNegroExpression.”NegroAnthology.Ed.Nancy
Cunard.NewYork:NegroUniversitiesPress,1969.
Jonas,Gerald.Dancing:ThePleasure,Power,andArtofMovement.NewYork:HarryN
Abrams,Inc.,1992.
Nicholls,RobertW.“AfricanDance:TransitionandContinuity.”AfricanDance:AnArtistic
Historical.41‐60.
PerpenerIII,John.O.AfricanAmericanConcertDance:TheHarlemRenaissanceand
Beyond.Chicago:UniversityofIllinoisPress,2001.
Salaam,Abdel.Interview.7Nov2010.
Sherman,Shantella.“TheHistoryofBlackDanceinAmerica.”TheNewCrisis.
January/February2000.
Stearns,MarshalandJean.JazzDance:TheStoryofAmericanVernacularDance.NewYork:
SchirmerBooks,1968.
Stowe,DavidW.SwingChanges:BigBandJazzinNewDealAmerica.Cambridge:President
andFellowsofHarvardCollege,1994.
Moore 33
Stuckey,P.Sterling.Ed.SusanLeighFoster.“ChristianConversionandtheChallengeof
Dance.”ChoreographingHistory.Indianapolis:IndianaUniversityPress,1995.
‐‐‐.“SlaveryandtheFreeingofAmericaHistoryIntroduction”.AmericanHistorical
Association.April1995,
http://www.historians.org/perspectives/issues/1995/9504/9504TEC.CFM.
Moore 1
AppendixA:
BasicPrinciplesoftheEuropeanDanceAesthetic
ConventionandUniformity—Ratherthanemphasisonindividualimprovisation,
invention,orfreedomofexpression,theemphasiswasonconventionanduniformity.
DancingMasters—Tobecomefluentinthedancesofthetime,itwasexpectedthat
everyone(inthesocio‐economicclassesthatcouldaffordit)takeprivateclassesfroma
danceinstructorwhoarrangedandtaughtinalimitednumberofrepeatablepatterns.
FixedSteps—Dancingmasterstaughtalimitednumberoffixedstepsinrepeatable
patterns,allowingforonlyslightimprovisation
FloorPatternsandLegMovement—Europeandanceputverylittleemphasisonarm
movement,anddeemphasizedentirelythemovementofthetorso.Instead,walking
patternsandchallenginglegpatternswereimportant.Theidealwasanerectbackand
torsohightowardtheheavens.
MaleDominance—Menweregiventheroleoforderingthesefixedstepswiththeirown
ingenuitywhilethewomenlearnedabroadrepertoireoffixedstepsbutsubmitted
themselvestobeingled.
MaleFemaleCouple—Bytheeighteenthandnineteenthcenturies,popularEuropean
danceshaddevelopedtoputfullfocusonthecouple—reflectingsocietalgenderroles—
ratherthanonthelargergrouporindividual.
MeteredMusic—Europeanmusicistraditionallyverymathematicallysituatedinmeter
andcountingschemes.Themaininstrumentsarewind,string,andpiano.
SlowRateofChange—ParticularlyinthecasesofBaroqueandclassicaldance,neither
dancenormusiccouldevolvetooquicklybecausetheywerebothdependentupon
society’sacceptablerateofchange.Artistsneededtofitthemusicandstepsthey
presentedintothatframeworkinordertobecommissioned.InGeneral,howmuch
nuanceisacceptableisdeterminedbytradition,andsuchnuanceorchangewas
generallylessacceptableinEuropeanartthaninAfrican(Clarke2010).
Moore 2
AppendixB:
BasicPrinciplesoftheAfricanDanceAesthetic
AestheticoftheCool—Thegoalistopresenttheselfwithamixofcarelessnessand
calculatedaestheticclarity.Thedancer’sfacemayremaindetachedandcoolwhilethe
bodyandenergymaybeworkingfastandhard,andhis/herexpressionmayplaywith
opposites,jugglingcoolwithsinisterorseductive.
Collective—Thegroupisextremelyimportantandmostfrequentlytakestheformofa
circleformation.Individualsolosorsmallergroupsinthecenterareencouragedwhile
thereisashyingawayfromanybodilycontactbetweeneithersex.
EmbracingtheConflict—Thisistheencounterofopposites.Dealingwithoppositesis
inherentinAfricanistcultures’worldview,andisthusinherentintheirdance.
Ephebism—(fromGreekephebe,meaningyouth.)Thisprincipleencompassesattributes
suchaspower,vitality,flexibility,drive,andattack.Aliveandarticulatemovementis
morevaluedthanalignmentorform.
HighaffectJuxtaposition—Mood,attitude,ormovementbreaksmayomitthetransitions
andconnectivelinksvaluedinEuropeanaesthetic.Thisalsoincludestheemphasison
balancethroughthecombinationofopposites.1(Gottschild11‐19).
BareFeet—Dancetakesplaceoutsideonthenakedearth.Thisisimportantforthelackof
sound,unliketheEuropeanJigorClogwheresoundisanintegralfactortothedance.
Centrifugal—Dancebeginsinthehipsandradiatesoutward.
Curvilinear—Seeninform,shapeandstructure,itappliestotheindividualandtothe
group.Thereispoweremphasizedinthecircleandsymmetry.
Dimensionality—Thisistextureinmusicandmotion.
EpicMemory—Thisdrawsuponmemories,feelings,andexperience.
1ThesearethefiveelementsthatBrendaDixonGottschildcodifiesasthemostvisibleintheAfricanDiaspora.
Moore 3
Grounded—Dancingwithaflatfootonearthencouragestheuseofgliding,shuffling,and
draggingsteps.Thecombinationofbeinggroundedwithbarefeetlatercombineswith
Europeaninfluencestoproducetapdance.
Holism—Thepartsofacreationarenotemphasizedoraccentuatedbeyondthewhole.
Imitation—Africandancefrequentlyimitatesthemotionsofdailylifesuchasharvesting
thecrop,anditimitatesanimalsinrealisticdetail.
Improvisation—Africandanceplacesahighimportanceonallowingfreedomof
expressionandflexibilityinevolutionofdance.
Polycentrism/Polyrhythm—Polycentrismreferstothenumerouscentersfromwhich
movementemanates,countertoEuropeanaestheticsinwhichtheidealisfor
movementtoemanatefromonelocus.Africandanceispolyrhythmicbecausedifferent
partsofthebodymayfollowtherhythmsofdifferentdrums,maintainingdistinct
patterns.
Repetition—Thereisfrequentlyrepetitionandtheintensificationofonemovement,one
sequence,ortheentiredance.2
2Theseelementscanbefoundinseveralsources.ItookthemspecificallyfromKariamuWelshAsante,JeanandMarshallStearns,andAbdelSalaam.
Moore 4
AppendixC:
DefinitionsofTerminology
Bantaba—InWestAfricanDance,the“CircleoftheBantaba”,orliterallyinterpretedas
“TheDancingGround”,isacommunityspacearoundwhichthecommunityrevolves.
CakeWalk—TheCakeWalkoftentookplaceatcrop‐overorharvesttime,oratother
timesofcelebrationasacommonfestivaldance.Inthedance,enslavedAfricanswould
dressupintheoldclothesoftheplantationfamilyandimitatethatwhichtheysaw
goingoninatthebigwhitehouse.Everyone—plantationownersandenslaved—would
assembleenmasse,andtheenslavedwouldentertaintheplantationfamilieswith
music,strutting,andotherantics.Oftenthewinnerwouldreceiveaprizecake,thus
creatingthename“CakeWalk”.SometimesCakeWalkerswouldalsowalkwithapail
atoptheirhead,competingtoseewhocouldbalanceitbestintheirstrut.Justasinthe
RingShout,TheCakeWalkintegratedelementsofdailylifeintoitsmovement.“Pitchin’
Hay,”“CornShuckin’,”and“Cuttin’Wheat”wereoftenusedasembellishments.
Charleston—TheCharlestonwascreatedinAfricanAmericancommunitiesintherural
South(namedafterCharleston,NorthCarolina)andbecameapopulardancecrazein
the1920sstartinginHarlemandgrowinginternationally.Atthetimeconsidereda
provocativedance,thestepsfollowthebasicmovementofwalking,doneinplacewith
variouslevelsofexaggeration.Movementcanbeassimpleasarelaxedtwistingofthe
feetandcanalsospeeduptofastkickingforwardandback,low,high,withtapsand
without.Thearmsswingoppositethelegs,theentireperformancetakingonthe
relaxed,“aestheticofthecool”characteristic.Itcanbedancedaloneorwithapartner.
Concubinage—ConcubineswerefairlycommoninmostregionsofAfricanslavery,
includingFrenchLouisiana,Haiti,DutchGuinea,Martinique,Guadeloupe,Jamaica,Peru,
andMexico(Hazzard‐Gordon53).
Moore 5
Djembe—AdrumcommontoWestAfrica,especiallyMali.
Jook—CommonlyknownasaJookHouseorJookJoint,thiswasacommunityspace
fundamentalinthepost‐emancipationeraforthecreationandsharingofAfrican
Americanculture.WhileIreferuniformlytotheJook,awidevarietyofsimilarly
clandestinespacesforthesharingofcoreAfricanAmericancultureareincluded:after‐
hoursjoints,HonkyTonks,rentparties,houseparties,andmembershipclubs.
LindyHop—TheLindyHopwasnamedafterLindbergh’s“hop”acrosstheAtlanticin1927.
Itsbasicstepwasasyncopatedtwo‐stepaccentingtheoffbeat.TheLindyHopmixed
theAfricanaesthetic’straditionalimprovisation,Europeanpartnerdance,andearlyBig
BandJazzorSwingmusic.Thebreakawaythatdeveloped,whenthedancersseparated
andhadtheopportunitytobeindependentlycreativewithimprovisation,setitapart
fromallotherdances.
Patakato—See“SongsofIllusion,DancesofDerision”.
PlayingtheDozens—PlayingtheDozensisanAfricanAmericanoraltraditionofusing
insultstobothgainverbaldexterityandtoconfineaggressiveexpressionwithinthe
AfricanAmericancommunity,directingitawayfromitssourcewithinoppressive
mainstreamsocietywhereitsexpressioncouldleadtodangerousconsequences
(Abrahams213).Itisaformof“Songsofillusion,dancesofderision”thatdevelopedas
ahealthymeansofexpressionandhascontinuedinAfricanAmericanculture,greatly
influencingHipHopandRap.
RingShout—Participantsmovearoundtheradiusofacirclecounterclockwise,bodies
movingasone.Oneparticipantbeatsalargestickrhythmicallyontheground.
Commonmovementelementsincludeshuffling,swaying,stamping,clapping,and
shouting.Alsoincludedareimitationmovementsofdailylifeontheplantation,suchas
shuckingthecorn,polishingthesilver,rockingthebaby,orworkingthefields.
Individualsdetachthemselvesfromthecollectivecircleoneortwoatatime,moveto
Moore 6
theinside,andimprovisemorecomplicatedstepsbeforejoiningthecircleagain.Inthe
circle,allparticipantsareconnectedinacontinuousringwithclearvisionofeachother.
SongsofIllusion,DancesofDerision—Thiscanmanifestitselfinnumerousways.Inthe
cultureofcallandresponse,thismeansthefriendlycompetitionofone‐upmanship
betweendancersorbetweendrummer/musiciananddancer.Acompetitionof
creativity,stamina,anddexterityproceedsbackandforthaseachseemstosaytothe
other,“thatwasneatwhatyoujustdid,butwatchthisasImatchyouringenuityand
thendobetter.”ThissamecompetitioncanbeseenlaterinBluesandLindyHop.Inall
cases,itisbothflatteryandachallenge.
Itcanalsomanifestitselfinadifferentsortofmimicry.IntheNigeriandancethe
Patakato,dancerswouldaddbustlestotheirwaisttomimicthecontemporarystyleof
Europeanfemalefashion,wearwhitemasksandwigs,anddancearoundinpetit
movementsemulatingEuropeans.Suchpoliticaldanceswereoftencreatedtomakefun
ofEuropeansastheirpresenceincreasedatthebeginningoftheColonialEra.Inthese
cases,themimicryismoreofanoutletforfrustrationthanacompliment.AsAfricans
feltgrowingpressurebroughtonbytheirEuropeanColonizers,satirethroughdance
wasoneacceptableoutletfortheirdiscomfortandfrustration.
Moore 7
AppendixD
SelectionofDanceVideo
RingShout
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WrDJ0aIBu7k&feature=related
CakeWalk
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7sDnVIeSn_k
CharlestonandBlackBottomHistoricalTimeline
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RGPnPHrrZeA
CharlestonandSwing
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KJsBa2u9aMQ
Jitterbug
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zSpWJss5Gjc&p=F3CF73269FD5FE0D&index=
8&feature=BF
LindyHop
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mTg5V2oA_hY