Crimethinc - Fighting for Ourlives

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    fghtingor our lives

    an anarchist primer

    FREEABSOLUTELY

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    We dropped out of school, got di-vorced, broke with our families andourselves and everything wed known.

    We quit our jobs, violated our

    leases, threw all our furniture outon the sidewalk, and hit the road.

    We sat on the swings of childrensplaygrounds until our toes werefrostbitten, admiring the moon-light on the dewy grass, writingpoetry on the wind for each other.

    We went to bed early and lay awakeuntil well past dawn recounting allthe awful things wed done to oth-ers and they to usand laughing,blessing and absolving each otherand this crazy cosmos.

    We stole into museums showingreruns of old Guy Debord lmsto write ght foulandfaster, my

    friend, the old world is behind you on the backs of theater seats.

    The scent of gasoline still fresh onour hands, we watched the new

    sun rise, and spoke in hushed voic-es about what we should do next,thrilling in the budding conscious-ness of our own limitless power.

    We used stolen calling card num-bers to talk our teenage loversthrough phone sex from telephonesin the lobbies of police stations.

    We broke into the private pools

    and saunas of the rich to enjoythem as their owners never had.

    We slipped into the ofces whereour browbeaten friends shufedpapers for petty despots, to draftanti-imperialist manifestos ontheir computersor just sleep un-der their desks. They were shockedthat morning they nally walked inon us, half-naked, brushing ourteeth at the water cooler.

    We lived through harrowing, ex-hilarating moments when we didthings we had always thought im-possible, spitting in the face of allour apprehensions to kiss unap-proachable beauties, drop bannersfrom the tops of national monu-ments, drop out of colleges . . . andthen gritted our teeth, expectingthe world to endbut it didnt!

    We stood or knelt in emptyingconcert halls, on rooftops underlightning storms, on the deadgrass of graveyards, and sworewith tears in our eyes never to goback again.

    We sat at desks in high school de-tention rooms, against the wornbrick of Greyhound bus stations,on disposable synthetic sheets inthe emergency treatment wardsof unsympathetic hospitals, onthe hard benches of penitentiarydining halls, and swore the samething through clenched teeth, butwith no less tenderness.

    We communicated with eachother through initials carved intoboarding school desks, designsspray-painted through stencilsonto alley walls, holes kickedin corporate windows televisedon the ve oclock news, lettersposted with counterfeit stamps orcarried across oceans in friendspacks, secret instructions codedinto anonymous emails, clandes-tine meetings in coffee shops,love poetry carved into the planksof prison bunks.

    We sheltered illegal immigrants,political refugees, fugitives from

    justice, and adolescent runawaysin our modest homes and beds,

    as they too sheltered us.We improvised recipes to bakeeach other cookies, cakes, break-fasts in bed, weekly free meals inthe park, great feasts celebratingour courage and kinship so wemight taste their sweetness onour very tongues.

    We entrusted each other with ourhearts and appetites, togethercomposing symphonies of ca-resses and pleasure, making lovea verb in a language of exaltation.

    We wreaked havoc upon their gen-der norms and ethnic stereotypesand cultural expectations, show-ing with our bodies and our rela-tionships and our desires just howarbitrary their laws of nature were.

    We wrote our own music and pe r-formed it for each other, so whenwe hummed to ourselves wecould celebrate our companionscreativity rather than repeat theradios dull drone.

    In borrowed attic rooms, wetended ailing foreign lovers andstruggled to write the lines thatcould ignite the res dormant inthe multitudes around us.

    In the last moment before dawn,ashlights tight in our shakinghands, we dismantled power boxeson the houses of fascists who wereto host rallies the following day.

    We fought those fascists tooth,

    nail, and knife in the streets, whenno one else would even confrontthem in print.

    We planted gardens in the aban-doned lots of ghettos, hitchhikedacross continents in record time,tossed pies in the faces of kingsand bankers.

    We played saxophones togetherin the darkness of echoing cavesin West Virginia.

    In Paris, armed with cobblestonesand parasols, we held the gen-

    darmes at bay for nights on end,until we could almost taste the newworld coming through the tear gas.

    We fought our way through theirlines to the opera house and tookit over, and held discussions theretwenty-four hours a day as to whatthat world could be.

    In Chicago, we created an under-ground network to provide illegalabortions in safe conditions anda supportive atmosphere, whenthe religious fanatics would havepreferred us to die in shame andtears down dark alleys.

    In New York we held hands andmassaged each others shoulders asour enemies closed in to arrest us.

    In Quebec we tore up the high-way and pounded out primordial

    rhythms on the trafc signs withthe fragments, and the sound wasvaster and more beautiful than anysong ever played in a concert hall.

    In Santiago, we robbed banks tofund papers of transgressive poetry.

    In Siberia, we plotted impossibleescapesand carried them out,circumnavigating the globe withforged papers and borrowed moneyto return to the arms of our friends.

    In Montevideo, in the squattedtownship, we built huts from ply-wood and plastic sheeting, piratedelectricity from nearby power lines,and conferred with our neighborsas to how we could contribute toour new community.

    In San Diego, when they jailed us forspeaking our minds, we invited ourfriends and lled their prisons untilthey had to change their policy.

    In Oregon, we climbed trees, andlived in them for months to pro-tect the forests we had hiked andcamped in as children.

    In Mexico, when we met hoppingfreight trains, we traded storiesabout working with the Zapatis-tas in Chiapas, about oods wit-

    nessed from boxcars passingthrough Texas, about our grand-parents who fought in the Mexi-can revolution.

    [Overture: A True Story]

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    Its true. If your idea of healthy human relations is adinner with friends, where everyone enjoys everyone elsescompany, responsibilities are divided up voluntarily andinformally, and no one gives orders or sells anything, thenyou are an anarchist, plain and simple. The only questionthat remains is how you can arrange for more of yourinteractions to resemble this model.

    Whenever you act without waiting for instructions orofcial permission, you are an anarchist. Any time youbypass a ridiculous regulation when no ones looking,you are an anarchist. If you dont trust the government,the school system, Hollywood, or the management toknow better than you when it comes to things that affectyour life, thats anarchism, too. And you are especiallyan anarchist when you come up with your own ideas andinitiatives and solutions.

    As you can see, its anarchism that keeps thingsworking and life interesting. If we waited for authoritiesand specialists and technicians to take care of everything,we would not only be in a world of trouble, but dreadfullyboredand boringto boot. Today we live in that world of(dreadfully boring!) trouble precisely to the extent that weabdicate responsibility and control.

    Anarchism is naturally present in every healthy humanbeing. It isnt necessarily about throwing bombs or wearingblack masks, though you may have seen that on television(Do you believe everything you see on television? Thats notanarchist!). The root of anarchism is the simple impulse todo it yourself: everything else follows from this.

    We fought in that revolution, andthe Spanish civil war, and theFrench resistance, and even theRussian revolutionthough notfor the Bolsheviks orthe Czar.

    Sleepless and weather-beaten, wecrossed the Ukraine on horsebackto deliver news of the conictsthat offered us another chance toght for our freedom.

    Tense but untrembling, we smug-gled posters, books, rearms, fu-gitives, ourselves across bordersfrom Canada to Pakistan.

    We lied with clean consciences tohomicide detectives in Reno, tomilitary police in Santos, to angrygrandparents in Oslo.

    We told the truth to each other,even truths no one had ever daredtell before.

    When we couldnt overthrow gov-ernments, we raised new genera-tions who would taste the sweetadrenaline of barricades andwheatpaste, who would carry onour quixotic quest when we fell ored before the ruthless onslaughtof the servile and craven.

    When we could overthrow gov-ernments, we did.

    We stood, one after the other,decade after decade, century af-

    ter century, behind the witnessstand, and shouted so the deafestself-satised upright citizen at theback of the courtroom could hearit: . . . and if I could do it all overagain, I would!

    As the sun rose after winter par-ties in unheated squats, we gath-ered up great sacks of brokenglass and washed stacks of dishesin freezing water, while our critics,sequestered in penthouses withmaid service, demanded to knowwho would take out the garbagein our so-called utopia.

    When the good intentions of lib-erals and reformists broke downin bureaucracy, we collected foodfrom the trash to feed the hungry,broke into condemned buildingsand transformed them into palac-es t for pauper kings and banditqueens, held the sick and dying

    tight in our loving arms.

    We fell in love in the wreckage, shouted out songs in theuproar, danced joyfully inthe heaviest shackles theycould forge; we smuggled ourstories through the gauntletsof silence, starvation, andsubjugation, to bring themback to life again and again asbombs and beating hearts; webuilt castles in the sky from

    the ruins of hell on earth.

    One of us evenassassinated the Presidentof the United States.

    Accepting no constraintsfrom without, wecountenanced nonewithin ourselves, either,and found that the worldopened before us like thepetals of a rose.

    Im speaking, of course, ofanarchistsand when peopleask me about my politics, I tellthem: the best reason to be arevolutionary is that it is simplya better way to live. Their lawsguarantee us the right to remainsilent, the right to a public trialby a jury of our peers (thoughmy peers wouldnt put me ontrialwould yours?)whatabout the right to live life likewe wont get another chance, tohave reasons to stay up all nightin urgent conversation, to lookback on every day without regretor bitterness? Such rights we canonly claim for ourselvesandshouldnt these be our centralconcerns, not the minutiae ofprotocol and survival?

    For those of us born into a captivitygilded by the blood and sweatof less fortunate captives, thechallenge of leading a life worthliving of stories worth telling is alifelong project, and a formidable

    one; but all it takes, at anymoment, to meet this challenge isto contest that captivity.

    When we fght, werefghting or our lives.

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    In the beginning, harmony: tribes of human beings liveas one, gathering and eating and playing and sleepingand singing and making love and telling stories togeth-er. And, occasionally, discord: an argument breaks out,strong words are exchanged, a blow is struck.

    When this happens, the tribe meets and arrives at aresolution. Tribes that cannot do this break up, and themembers starve or freeze or are hunted down by wildbeasts, or join another tribe that can resolve conicts.Conicts between tribes are resolved in a similar manner.For thousands upon thousands of years, this way of lifeworks and endures.

    But one day, there is a conict that cannot be resolv ed.Discussion, placation, even combat are not enough; theadversaries still seek vengeance. Perhaps it is a spiritualaberration, or some technological or cultural innovationthat allows them to continue contending long after it is

    healthy, but they do not nd their way back to peace asthe others did before. They become machines of war.Their relationship with the environment shifts: the earthmust be disciplined, now, to provide them stores of foodto last through their struggle. Their relationships witheach other change: they view all others as potential com-rades-in-arms or enemies, appraising might above allother qualities.

    The neighboring tribes do not escape unscathed. Soonthey are embroiled in this conict, and must contend withan enemy such as they have never encountered. Many ofthese communities perish outright; others, the ones whowould survive at any cost, nd that they too must becomewar machines. They too subjugate the earth and its ani-

    ness, no longer a cause. Now the invisible violence ofeconomics ordains the visible violence of armies: soldierscut paths into the last wilderlands of barbarism so furtherresources can be seized by merchants, and the freshly des-titute barbarians constitute a new consumer base. Wholecontinents are despoiled, and the inhabitants enslavedand then their destitution is cited as proof of their racialinferiority, by the inheritors of their stolen worlds! Mis-sionaries are in the front lines of the assault, enforcing thereign of the jealous One and Only God as surely as thesoldiers enforce the reign of brutality. Terror for territory,blood for money, money for blood, He ordains it allas itordains Him.

    The successors of the missionaries pray directly to themarket. These new priests are even more successful thanthe soldiers in imposing the rule of power: a day comeswhen shackles are no longer needed to make slaves ser-vile, when idolatry alone is enough to keep them submis-sively ghting amongst themselves. Now no one canremember any other life, and son ghts brother ghts

    father ghts neighbor, as the specters of fear and avaricelook over their empire from above. Kings, generals, p resi-dents rise and fall, but the system, hierarchy, remains:competition itself holds the crown, picking and discardingits champions without pity.

    Everyone in these relationships of violence still wants,desperately, to escape, but again and again they bear theseeds of this violence with them, destroying every ref-uge as they enteras the refugees who ee to the NewWorld do, and the Communists who ove rthrow the Czar.Even those who do escape, like the artists whose com-munes gentrify neighborhoods, whose provocative inno-vations set precedents for the next generations fashionphotography, only pave the way for the steamrollers thatwill follow in their footsteps.

    Violence reaches an all-time high. Schoolchildren,mailmen, formerly the very picture of sociability, begin togun down their companions in cold blood. Ministers mo-lest altar boys, fathers batter their daughters, teenagersrape their dates. Prisons overow. Millions perish in holo-causts across nations and decades, and the maimed sur-vivors initiate subsequent holocausts. Nuclear missilespoint at everyone, until the imminence of the nal holo-caust can only be discussed in platitudes. Now we are allon death row, all political prisoners. Even in the loftiestcitadels of the United States, protected by the most so-phisticated and well-equipped military in the history ofthe solar system, white-collar workers with full benetsand life and health insurance are no longer safeair-planes crash, skyscrapers fall. Terror threatens us all.

    Tonight a Palestinian youth struggles to work out theequation: have his enemies lled his world with enoughmisery that he feels more hatred for them than he doeslove for life? He thinks of his crippled father, of his bull-dozed house, of his departed friendswho computedthis same equation daily, always coming to one conclu-sion, until the day they came to another.

    Where, through all this, is love? It is still here, in theforms it has always taken: families eating together, friendsembracing, gifts given simply for the pleasure of giving.We still forgive, converse, fall deeply in love; it even hap-pens occasionally that new tribes federate to confront acommon antagonistnot out of malice, but for the sakeof peace, hoping to conclude conicts as they were inthe days before warfare and commerce. These moments,

    mals, enslave their vanquished foes, even their own peo-ple, anything to endure in the face of this terror. They be-come the terror, they outdo it, and this is their undoing.

    Spreading like a cancer, from tribe to tribe, strangechanges sweep the face of the earth. Little tribes mergeto become big tribes, and ultimately nations; temporarymilitary leaders become hereditary monarchs; the visionof once peace-loving peoples becomes clouded withcarnage. And it is not only in military matters that thesetribes change. Territory is claimed and marked, and be-comes the source of new conicts. Market economics isinvented: peoples who no longer trust each other insiston trades where gifts once sufcedand scramble tooutbargain each other, to cut a prot even in peacetime.Patriarchy appears: the undeclared war between the sex-es, the gender roles of warrior and servant, institutional-ized and enforced by each generation on the next. Orga-

    nized religion is invented: now men not only vie for land,food, property, revenge, but also for each others mindsand hearts.

    All of these innovations are catastrophic for humanbeings. They try to offset the effects with new innovations,which are greater catastrophes. Governments, convenedto protect peoples, extract taxes from them and thrive idlyoff their sweat and toil; police ll the streets to preventcrime, and perpetrate the worst crimes with impunity.Defending themselves from the monstrosities of civiliza-tion, these peoples breed more awful monsters.

    Minor nations, hell-bent on withstanding the assaultsof greater ones, arm themselves to the teethand goon ghting and conquering in exaggerated response to

    the original threat until they be-come great empires. So the Ro-man Empire nds its origins inthe resistance of rural farmersto Etruscan encroachments; sothe rest of Europe becomes asnakepit of competing empires,as a consequence of hundredsof years spent ghting that one.Later historians will look at the

    bloody wars waged on the edgesof every civilization as evidencethat the heart of darknessbeyond this frontier is a bloodybarbarism; but perhaps it is thepeace-loving barbarians who aredefending themselves from thebloodthirsty. Perhaps the trueheart of darkness lies at the cen-ter of these empires, in the eyeof the hurricane, where violenceis so deeply ingrained in humanlife that it is no longer visible tothe naked eye: slaves go aboutin the streets as if of their ownvolition, powerless even to rebel;gladiators slaughter each otherin the circuses, and it is calledentertainment.

    The next military campaignsare a symptom of social vicious-

    even when they occur between only a few individuals, areas powerful and precious as they ever were. And they arestill infectious, as infectious as violence and hatred, if onlythey can nd unarmored hearts in which to catch hold.

    The world now waits for a war on war, a love armed,a friendship which can defend itself. Anarchy is a wordwe use to describe those moments when force cannotsubdue us, and life ourishes as we know it should; anar-chism is the science of creating and defending such mo-ments. It is a weapon which aspires to uselessnesstheonly kind of weapon we will wield, hoping against hopethat this time, through some new alchemy, our weaponswill not turn upon us.

    We know that after the revolution, after every revolu-tion, the struggle between love and hatred, between coer-cion and cooperation, will continue; but, then, as now, asalways, the important question iswhich side are you on?

    Preface:A Genealogy of Force

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    People with very little actual historical background often say of anarchy thatit would never workwithout realizing that not only has it worked for much ofthe history of the human race, but it is in fact working right now. For the timebeing, lets set aside the Paris Commune, Republican Spain, Woodstock, open-source computer programming, and all the other famed instances of successfulrevolutionary anarchism. Anarchy is simply cooperative self-determinationit isa part of everyday life, not something that will only happen after the revolution.Anarchy works today for circles of friends everywhereso how can we make moreof our economic relations anarchist? Anarchy is in action when people cooperateon a camping trip or to arrange free meals for hungry peopleso how can weapply those lessons to our interactions at school, at work, in our neighborhoods?

    To consult chaos theory: anarchy is chaos, and chaos is order. Any naturallyordered systema rainforest, a friendly neighborhoodis a harmony inwhich balance perpetuates itself through chaos and chance. Systematicdisorder, on the other handthe discipline of the high school classroom,the sterile rows of genetically modied corn defended from weeds and

    insectscan only be maintained by ever-escalating exertions of force. Some,thinking disorder is simply theabsence of any system, confuseit with anarchy. But disorder isthe most ruthless system of all:disorder and conict, unresolved,quickly systematize themselves,stacking up hierarchies accordingto their own pitiless demandsselshness, heartlessness, lust fordomination. Disorder in its mostdeveloped form is capitalism: thewar of each against all, rule or beruled, sell or be sold, from the soilto the sky.

    We live in a particularly violentand hierarchical time. The mani-acs who think they benet fromthis hierarchy tell us that the vio-lence would be worse without it,not comprehending that hierarchyitself, whether it be inequalities in

    economic status or political power,is the consequence and expression

    of violence. Not to say that forcibly removing the authorities would immediatelyend the waves of violence created by the greater violence their existence implies;but until we are all free to learn how to get along with each other for our ownsake, rather than under the guns directed by the ones who benet from ourstrife, there can be no peace between us.

    This state of affairs is maintained by more than guns, more than the vertigoof hierarchy, of kill-or-be-killed reasoning: it is also maintained by the myth ofsuccess. Ofcial history presents our past as the history of Great Men, and allother lives as mere effects of their causes; there are only a few subjects of history,they would make us believethe rest of us are its objects. The implication ofany hierarchy is that there is only one free man in all society: the king (orpresident, executive, movie star, etc.). Since this is the way it has always beenand always will be, the account goes, we should all ght to become him, or atleast accept our station beneath him gracefully, grateful for others beneath us totrample when we need reassurance of our own worth.

    But even the president isnt free to go for a walk in the neighborhood ofhis choosing. Why settle for a fragment of the world, or less? In the absenceof forcein the egalitarian beds of true lovers, in the democracy of devotedfriendships, in the topless federations of playmates enjoying good parties andneighbors chatting at sewing circleswe are all queens and kings. Whether ornot anarchy can work outside such sanctuaries, it is becoming clearer andclearer that hierarchy doesnt. Visit the model cities of the new world ordersit in a trafc jam of privately owned vehicles, among motorists sweating andswearing in isolated unison, an ocean lling with pollution to your right and aghetto on your left where uniformed and ununiformed gangs clashand beholdthe apex of human progress. Ifthis is order, why not try chaos!

    To say that anarchists subscribe to anarchism is like saying pianists subscribe topianism. There isno Anarchismbut there is anarchy, or rather, there are anarchies.

    For as long as power has existed, the spirit of anarchy has been with us too,named or nameless, uniting millions or steeling the resolve of a single one.

    The slaves and savages who fought the Romans for their freedom and lived inarmed liberty, equality, and fraternity, the mothers who raised their daughtersto love their bodies in deance of the diet advertisements leering from all sides,the renegades who painted their faces and threw tea into Boston Harbor, andall the others who took matters into their own hands: they were anarchists,whether they called themselves Ranters, Taborites, Communards, Abolitionists,Yippies, Syndicalists, Quakers, Mothers of the Disappeared, Food Not Bombs,Libertarians, or even Republicansjust as we are all anarchists, to the extentthat we do the same. There are as many anarchists today as there are studentscutting class, parents cheating on their taxes, women teaching themselves bicyclerepair, lovers desiring outside the lines. They dont need to vote for an anarchistparty or party linethat would disqualify them, at least for that momentto beanarchists: anarchy is a mode of being, a manner of responding to conditions andrelating to others, a class of human behavior . . . and not the working class!

    Forget about the history of anarchism as an ideaforget the bearded guys. Itsone thing to develop a language for describing a thingits another thing entirelyto live it. This is not about theories or formulas, heroes or biographiesits aboutyourlife. Anarchy is what matters, everywhere it appears, not armchair anarchism,the specialists study of freedom! There are self-proclaimed anarchists who neverexperienced a day of anarchy intheir liveswe should know howmuch to trust them on the subject!

    So how will the anarchist utopiawork? Thats a question well neveragain be duped into disputing over,a red herring if there ever was one!This isnt a utopian vision, or a pro-gram or ideal to serve; its simply away of proceeding, of approachingrelationships, of dealing with prob-lems nowfor surely well never beentirely through dealing with prob-lems! Being an anarchist doesntmean believing anarchy, let aloneanarchism, can x everythingitjust means acknowledging its upto us to work things out, that noone and nothing else can do thisfor us: admitting that, like it or not,our lives are in our handsand ineach others.

    Capitalismmeans constant

    struggle!

    Does anarchy work?

    Anarchy, not Anarchism!

    He calls for the dailypaper to check theopinion polls. Lookingthrough this lter at hissubjects, he sees what heis looking for, not who heis looking at. Thousandsof stealth bombers, tensof thousands of soldiers,hundreds of thousands oftons of bombs and bulletsprotect the emperor fromhis empire. Lets hope itsnot enough.

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    Anarchists use democracybut we dont let democracy use us. For us, the rstand last matter is always the needs and feelings of the individuals involvedanysystem to address them is provisional at best. We dont try to force ourselves intothe connes of any establisthed procedureswe apply procedures to the extentthat they serve human needs, and discard them past that point. Seriously, whatshould come rstour systems, or us?

    We cooperate or coexist with others, including other life forms, whenever itspossible. But we dont prize consensus, let alone The Rule of Law, above ourown values and dreamswhen we cant come to an agreement, we go our ownways, rather than limiting each other. In extreme cases, when others refuse toacknowledge our needs or persist in doing unconscionable, harmful things, weintercede by whatever means are necessarynot on behalf of Justice or revenge,but simply to represent our own interests.

    We see laws as nothing more than the shadows of our predecessors customs,lengthened by the years to seem more wise than our own judgment. They persistas undead creatures, imposing unnatural stipulations upon us that do not enable

    justice, but only interfere with itwhile at the same time estranging us fromit, framing it as something we cannot carry out without arcane formalities andjudges wigs. These laws, having multiplied and atrophied over time, are now soalien and inscrutable that a priest class of lawyers makes a living off the rest ofus as astrologers of the stars our well-meaning ancestors set in precarious orbit.The man who insists that justice can only be maintained by the rule of law is the sameone who appears on the witness stand at the war crime tribunal swearing he was only

    following orders. Theres no Justiceits just us.

    Anarchist economies are radically different from other economies. Anarchistsnot only conduct their transactions differently, but trade in an entirely differentcurrencyone which is not convertible into the kind of assets for which capital-ists compete and communists draft Five Year Plans. Capitalists, socialists, com-munists exchange products; anarchists interchange assistance, inspiration, loy-alty. Capitalist, socialist, communist economies make human interactions intocommodities: policing, medical care, education, even sexual relations becomeservices that are bought and sold. Anarchist economies, focusing above all onthe needs and desires of the individuals involved, transform products back intosocial relations: the communal experience of gardening or dumpster diving orplaying music, the excitement and self-righteous high of stealing from a super-market or squatting a building. The typical economic interaction in capitalistrelations is the sale; in anarchist economics, it is the gift.

    Anarchist economies depend on social capital, which is the opposite of privateproperty. Private capital disappears when utilized, as in the case of money spentby day laborers on foodor, when applied with avaricious calculation, serves to

    accrue more private capital at others expense, as in the case of the corporationthat exploits those laborers. Social capital, on the other hand, is available inabundancein fact, it is precisely that capital which, utilized by some, becomesmore available to them and others: the community garden which producesmore food the more people cooperate in it, the squatted building which is betterrenovated for community usage and better defended from the police the morepeople commit to it. In friendships, as in lovemaking, as i n potluck dinners anddancing, the more one gives, the more everyone gets.

    Today, most of us participate in both kinds of economies at once. Ostensiblyprivate property is still shared, at least in limited contexts: a teenager brings hisbasketball for the neighborhood game, a rock band buys a communal van. Evena house belonging to a middle class family,although off-limits for most, still hosts visitingrelatives, a P.T.A. meeting, a sleep-over party.Instances like these are reminders of how muchmore pleasurable sharing can be than commerce.Anarchists nurture visions of a world suitablefor a sharing that knows no borders.

    Is this what democracy looks like?

    Just about everyone lovesdemocracy and hates the

    government. Anarchythatsjust democracy without the

    government!

    The economics of anarchy

    But who will take out the garbage?

    It was in Barcelona, some years after the civil war,when the memory of the syndicates still remained,unutterable, under the iron heel of the fascist regime.

    City bus #68 was making its rounds one particularlysunny spring day, when the driver slammed on thebrakes at an intersection. Fuck this, he swore in angryCatalan, and, opening the bus doors, stomped out into

    the sunshine.The passengers watched in shock at rst, and then

    began to protest anxiously. One of them stood up andstarted to honk the horn. After a few tentative beeps,he leaned on it with all his might, sounding it like aburglar alarm; but the fed up ex-bus driver continued,nonchalant, on his way down the street.

    For a full minute, the riders sat in stupeed silence.A couple stood up and got off the bus themselves. Then,

    from the back of the bus, a woman with the appearanceof a huge cannon ball and an air of unconquerable self-

    possession stepped forward. Without a word, she sat downin the drivers seat, and put the engine in gear. The buscontinued on its route, stopping at its customary stops,until the woman arrived at her own and got off. Another

    passenger took her place for a stretch, stopping at everybus stop, and then another, and another, and so #68continued, until the end of the line.

    A scoundrels worstfear is a society withoutmoney: for in such asociety he would only getthe respect he deserves.Ben Franklin

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    Itmeansguringouthowto

    worktogethertomeetourindividual

    needs,workingwitheachotherrather

    thanororagainsteachother;and

    when

    thisisimpossible,

    itmeanspreerring

    strieto

    submissionanddomination.

    Itmeansnotvaluinganysystemo

    r

    ideologyabovethepeopleitpurport

    sto

    serve,notvaluinganythingtheoretical

    abovetherealthingsinthisworld.

    Itmeansbeingaithultorealhuman

    beings(andanimals,andecosystems),

    ghtingorourselvesandbesideeac

    h

    other,notoutoresponsibility,not

    or

    causesorotherintangibleconcepts.It

    meansdenyingthatthereisanyuniv

    ersal

    standardotruth,aesthetics,ormora

    lity,and

    contestingwhereveritappearsthedoctrinethat

    lieisessentiallyone-dimensional.

    Itmeansnotorcingyourdesiresa

    ndexperiencesinto

    ahierarchicalorder,

    butacknowledg

    ingandembracing

    allothem,acceptingyoursel.Itmeansnottryingto

    compeltheseltoabidebyanyexternallaws,nottrying

    torestrictyouremotionstothesensib

    leorthepracticalor

    thepolitical,notpushingyourinstinctsandpassionsinto

    boxes:orthereisnocagelargeeno

    ughtoaccommodate

    thehumansoulinallitsfights,allits

    heightsanddepths.

    Itmeansseekingawayoliewhich

    givesreeplaytoall

    yourconfictinginclinationsintheprocessocontinuously

    challengingandtransormingthem.

    Itmeansnotprivileginganyonemomentolieover

    theothersnotlanguishinginnostalg

    iaorthegood

    olddays,orwaitingortomorrow(or,

    orthatmatter,

    ortheRevolution!)orreallietobegin,

    butseizing

    andcreatingitineveryinstant.Yes,o

    courseitmeans

    treasuringmemoriesandplanningortheutureit

    alsomeansrememberingthereisnotimehappiness,

    resistance,

    lieeverhappensbutNOW

    ,NOW,

    NOW!

    Itmeansreusingtoputtheresponsibilityoryour

    lieinanyoneelseshands,whetherthatbeparents,

    lovers,employers,orsocietyitsel.It

    meanstaking

    thepursuitomeaningandjoyinyourlieupon

    yourownshoulders.

    Aboveall!Itmeansnotacceptingthisorany

    maniestoordenitionasitis,

    butmakingand

    remakingitoryoursel.

    Anarchismisthe

    revolutionaryideathatno

    o

    neismorequaliedthan

    youaretodecidewhat

    yourliewillbe.

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    Whats good for others isgood for us, since our rela-tionships with them makeup the world in which welive; but serving their needsat our own expense wouldcheat them of our potentialas free and happy compan-ions, which is perhaps thebest gift we can offer. Ourvision of healthy relation-ships rests on the notionthat self versus other, self-ish versus seless, is a falsedichotomy, like all dichoto-mies. Those who preach

    self-sacrice for the greatergood are still working from the competitive model of individual-versus-society,as are those who would aspire to an individualist independence; for us, indi-viduals and communities alike are both convergences of threads in the greatweb of existence, inseparable from one another, corresponding to one another.The freedom and self-determination we cherish are only possible in the contextof the culture we create together; yet in order to contribute to that creation, wemust create ourselves individually.

    That is: if you can save yourself, you could save the worldbut you must savethe world to save yourself.

    As anarchists propose that friendship, or at least family, could be the model forall relationships, we prize above all those qualities which make good fri endshipspossible: reliability, generosity, gentleness. Most of us have been indoctrinatedinto hierarchy and contention since we were born, and that makes it no smallfeat to interact in ways that liberate and enable more than cripplestill, ithappens all the time! Each of us tries to give without demanding in return, tobe a person with whom no one must feel ashamed. Its been said that we areagainst marriage, but the opposite is more true: yes, we emphasize that no one is

    the property of another, but even more so that everybody

    on this planet is practically marriedand we insist thateveryone act accordingly.

    All this is not to say we approach soldiers with owerswhen they come for our childrennor do we offer corpora-tions our children when they come for our owers. Some-times love can only speak through the barrel of a gun.

    Sel-sacricemakes it easier

    to sacriceothers without

    blushing.

    Not to be forced by expectation, doctrine, or necessity to claim one fragment ofyourself and disown others. Not to take sides within and against yourself, not toplay judge and jury constantly at your own trial. Not to protect pristine ignorancewith inaction, but to learn from mistakes and thus grow wise. Not to choose onepath in life and follow it to the exclusion of all others, but to throw false unityand consistency to the windto give expression to every impulse and yearningin what you deem its proper time, and appreciate what is fertile in turmoil. To dothis knowing you are a part of a community that cherishes you unconditionallyand to cherish others in their entirety, as they reect parts of yourself.

    To live without the petty squabbles of pecking order and power structureinside any more than aroundthat is the anarchist dream of selfhood.

    A community in which people direct their own activities and look out for each

    other does not need a prison or factory built in it to create jobs. A communityof people who share their own channels of communication are not at the mercyof any corporate media version of truth. A community of people who maketheir own music and art and organize their own social events would neversettle for the paralyzing spectacle of MTV, let alone computer dating servicesand pornography. A community of people who know each others histories andunderstand each others needs can work through conicts without any need forinterference from uniformed strangers with guns. The extent to which we cancreate these communities is the extent to which we can solve the problems weface today, and no legislation or charity will do this for us.

    Institutions can only be as good as the people who make them workandthey usually arent, anyhow. Solutions from above have proved ineffectiveover and over: the red tape of medical programs, the inefciency of socialservices, the lies of presidents. If you dont trust the people, you can be sure youcant trust the police.

    It was not until laterthat I realized that the

    carefree intensity of our

    friendship was a spell castinto the world for other

    such friendships, thateach dream we realized

    together was a seedplanted for togetherness

    everywhereand forrealized dreams.

    Civic hedonism

    A fellowship of friends and lovers

    Self-determination begins at home

    Direct action gets the goods

    Western man lls hispantry with groceries,

    and thinks himselfself-sufcient.

    -Gandhi

    . . . but its still upto us to make poetry.

    If we bet on anything,

    it is that its moreimportant for peopleto feel that their livesmatter than it is forthem to keep upappearances. If theysometimes act in waysthat suggest otherwise,perhaps it is because itsbeen so long since they

    felt they had the choice.

    Im man enough totell you that I cant putmy nger on exactlywhat my philosophy isnow, but Im exible.

    Malcolm X,shortly before his death

    Purity is the opposite ofintegritythe cruelestthing you can do toa person is make herashamed of her owncomplexity. The storiesof our lives have nomorals. Any singleconclusion drawnwould be false; theepisodes, taken together,are untranslatable,incomparable. If weare to conclude at all,we can only concludeagainst conclusions.

    Now, nally, I am my own soulsemperor: and my rst act is abdic ation.

    Poetry ismade by all,

    not one!

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    Anarchists not only deny the authority of God, Chief of Police of the Universe,but also maintain a healthy distrust of his successors: Nature, History, Science,Morality. We dont account any being the right to our unquestioning faith, sinceeven when we esteem others knowledge or judgment better than our own weare still responsible for the choice to trust them. Accordingly, we dont regardany contention or assumption as above dispute, and revel more in moving freelybetween paradigms than in debating which one is The Truth. We are especiallysuspicious of experts who would mediate between us and deities or spheres ofknowledge, and prefer both to learn about the world and to contact the divine forourselves.

    Justice as Judgment we count of little worth: we want to be practical, to solveproblems, not to treat human relations and conduct as another economic ex-change with righteousness for currency. We apply the idea of personal responsi-bility only to the extent that it is useful in making our relationships work; other-wise, it is of little interest to us whether a persons soul is damned or redeemed,whether conduct is moral or immoral, whether society or the individual is to

    blame for a wrong.Let it not be saidabout us that we holdnothing holy! On thecontrary, we hold ev-erything holy. Deny-ing hierarchy meansvenerating the sin-gular, incomparablebeauty of every crea-ture, every featureof the cosmos, everymoment. Only ap-praisal and condem-nation are anathemato us.

    Anarchism is aristocraticanarchists just insist that the elite should consistofeveryone, that the struggle of the common man can become the struggle ofthe uncommon women and men it produces.

    We have no illusions that there are any shortcuts to anarchy. We dont seekto lead the people, but to establish a nation of sovereigns; we dont seek to be avanguard of theorists, but to empower a readership of authors; we dont seek tobe the artists of a new avant garde, but to enable an audience of performerswedont so much seek to destroy power as to make it freely available in abundance:we want to be masters without slaves.

    We recognize that power struggles and dynamics will always be a part ofhuman life; many of us have a tyrannical muse we obey, albeit willingly, sowe reserve even the right to command and serve, when it pleases us. But, asthey say, the only free human beings are the pauper and the kingthe kingbeing the less free of the two, since his kingdom still encumbers and limitshim, while on her luckier days the hobo can feel that the whole of the cosmosexists for the sake of her pleasure and freedomso we prefer not to trivialize

    ourselves by competing for such fools gold as ownership or authority. Andwhen struggle is unavoidable, we would still prefer to be at the mercy of theviolence and stupidity of other individuals than the violence and stupidity ofhumanity as it is distilled and marshaled by the State.

    Were not egalitarians in the old sense: were not out to pull the rich andpowerful down to our levelrather, we pity them for not being ambitiousenough in their aspirations, and hope they will abdicate to join us in ghting tomake it possible for everyone to ascend to greatness (that way, we wont have toguillotine them). Were not against the glory assigned to pop icons and moviestars, per sewe just deplore the way it is squandered on distant objects, whenit rightfully belongs to the moments of our own heroic lives. Were not againstthe homage and devotion that the monototheists God receives; we simply nd ithealthier to devote it to each other. Were not against property, exactly, so much aswe are the pettiness of bickering over it: for we understand that to rule the world,we must share it alland not demolish or meddle with it, for that matter. The truepauper king walks the forests of his domain proudly, watching the interactionsof the complex ecosystems in awe, knowing the only appropriate conduct for amonarch of such a wonderland is a policy of veneration and non-intervention(except to thwart the occasional logging corporation). Were not waiting forthe revolution to give us the rights we deserve; deeming ourselves the highestauthorities we need recognize, we grant them to ourselves immediately andtherefore make revolution constantly as a way to assert and protect them.

    We will settle for nothing less than total world domination, for one and all.

    The anarchist is a very erce creature. It is rst cousin to thegorilla. It kills presidents, princes, executives, likewise sabotages their

    summits and summer holidays. It has long, unkempt hair on its headand all over its face. Instead of ngernails it has long, sharp claws.The anarchist has many pockets in which it carries rocks, knives,

    guns, and bombs. It is a night animal. After dark, it gathers ingroups, large and small, and plans raids, murders, plagues. Lots are

    drawn to select who must carry out the work.

    The anarchist does not like water. It never washes or changes itsclothes. It is always thirsty and drinks only salt water. The home of the

    anarchist is in Europe, especially Italy. Some few have been exportedto North America, where they are feared and hated by all decent folks

    and hunted wherever they show themselves.

    Papa does not like anarchists a bit. They give him bad dreams, hesays. He has given orders to have them caught and put in cages, and

    he will not allow any more to come into this country if he can helpit. If any sneak in, he will have them shot like rabid do gs, Mexicans,mountain lions, and such animals. I practice every day with my rie

    so I can shoot these wild beasts when I grow up.

    -A White House nursery composition, 1904

    All gods, all masters

    I could makeof my brain a

    dutiful, if weary,serf;

    . . . And every god an atheist

    When I am good, I amvery very good, but whenI am bad I am better.-B. Bardot

    Without Truth,you are the Looser.-grafto on Lisbon wall,Christmas 2001

    but my senses,willful princes,

    rebelled, preferringexile to occupation.

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    All of us have grown up divided and conquered along lines of gender and sexualpreference, body type and ethnicity, class and race, bought off with privileges andbeaten down with psychological warfare so well do our parts to keep the peckingorder in place. White supremacy, patriarchy, and heterosexism are the pillars of thiscivilization. We anarchists ght against these oppressive structures whether we ndthem in society or ourselves; but we aim for more than the liberation of human beingsof all identitieswe want the liberation of all human beingsfrom identity.

    We believe there are no universals. Group identities are self-perpetuating fabricationsthat begin with circumstantial evidence and end by imposing uniformity. There aretwo genders, for example, like there are only twelve tones in every octave: it seemstrue when you look at a piano, but try opening your mouth and singing! Thoughfemininity may appear ordained by nature to those who grew up in environmentswhere all women shave their legs and armpits, i t is just a generalization drawn fromgenerations of standardized behavior, reinforced by each replication. Butas thereis no pure femininity, no substance the generalization refers to besides what all theindividual instances areperceived to have in common, and so each generation is not

    the original but a copythe entire paradigm is at risk in every new generation, asit may be transformed . . . or abandoned.At best, generalizations like class and gender can be used to undo themselvesto

    expose and confront the patterns of oppression that run through individual lives, tond common cause in ghting the invisibility of certain experiences and histories. Wewant to get beyond these and all categories and conicts, but its only going to happenif we begin by addressing them. In mens groups, human beings constructed as mencan exchange skills for rewiring their programming; in women-only spaces, thoseconstructed as women can explore similarly without the presence of men interfering.Of course we defend the right of individuals to choose how they want to be identied,if they so desire ( though this strikes some of us as analogous to choosing ones mas-ters)and no vision of unbounded life is any excuse to pretend the world is yet freeanywhere from power imbalances. But ultimately it is revolution were after, not reform:

    were not petitioning formore rights for special inter-est groups, or more freedomof movement between es-tablished categoriesweretaking and makingour rightto make and remake our-selves in every moment, andwrecking the system of divi-

    sions in the process!We are feminists who

    would abolish gender, labororganizers who would abol-ish work, artists ghtingto destroy and transcendart. Our class war is a waragainst class, against classesand classication. When wesay that we are against rep-resentation, we do not onlymean representative de-mocracy; we also mean thateach of us is an irreducibleindividual, that none canspeak for another. Neitherpoliticians nor abstractions,neither delegates nor demo-graphics can represent us!

    Beware of struggle. Not a few radicals get involved in politics because theyknow everything about resisting and little about anything else. They turn everyinteraction into a conict between the forces of good and evil, taking a stand anddrawing the line until it really is them against the world. For would-be careeragitators, this can be a great way to maintain that careerbut it accomplisheslittle else beyond getting people agitated in the strictest sense of the word.Most will just stop paying attention entir elywho doesnt already have enoughantagonism and unpleasantness to deal with?

    There are always wars waiting to be foughtagainst, against, against.Fighting these wars perpetuates the dualities that give rise to them. Anarchistsanachronize wars, by transcending oppositions. That is revolution.

    Dont join an existing conict on its terms and make yourself a pawn of itspatterns: dene and redene the terms of the conictfrom democracy versusterrorism to freedom versus power, for example! Find ways to make premisessubvert themselves, to draw people together in ways they thought impossible, toupset the entire paradigm of struggle.

    So if you want to provoke revolt, dont draw a line between yourself and therest of the world and threaten everyone across it. Dont propagate a universalprogram, dont campaign for recruits, for heavens sake dont educate themasses! Forget about persuading people to your opinionencourage them todevelop the power to form their own. Everyone having their own ideas is moreanarchist than everyone having The Anarchist Idea. Any central organizationor recognized authority on revolt canonly stie self-determination by orderingit (pun intended). Individuals actingfreely, on the other hand, can inspire andreinforce liberty and resistance in eachother: independence, like all good things,is available in abundance. It certainlydoesnt need to becannot bedoledout sparingly by a central committee toconstituents waiting in breadlines!

    And when it comes to propaganda,dont try to say the truth. Meddle withThe Truth, undermine it, create a space

    in which new truths can form. Introducequestions, not answersthough remem-ber, not all questions end in questionmarks. For the revolutionary, the essenceof a statement lies in its effects, not inwhether or not it is objectively truethis approach distinguishes her fromphilosophers and other idle bastards.

    Historians tell of the mighty emperor Darius, who ledhis troops into the steppes with the intention of subduingthe Scythians and adding their territory to his empire. TheScythians were a nomadic people, and when they learnedthat Darius forces were to descend upon them, they brokecamp and began a slow retreat. They moved at such a speedthat though Darius armies could always descry them on thehorizon, they were never able to close in. For days they edahead of the invadersthen weeks, months, leaving all the foodin their wake destroyed and all the water poisoned; they led theintruding armies in circles, into the lands of neighboring peopleswho attacked them, through unbroken deserts where gaunt

    vultures licked bleached bones. The proud warriors , accustomedto aunting their bravado in swift, dramatic clashes, were indespair. Darius sent a message with his fastest courier, who wasbarely able to deliver it to the laziest straggler of the Scythian

    ank: As your ruler, it read, I order you to turn and ght!If you are our ruler, came the reply, scratched carelessly

    into a rock face they came upon the next day, go weep.Days later, after they had given up all hope, the scouts made

    out a line of Scythian horsemen charging forward across theplain. They were waving their swords excitedly and letting outgreat whoops of enthusiasm. Caught unprepared but relievedat the prospect of doing battle at last, the warriors took up theirarmsonly to discern, in confusion, that the Scythians were notcharging their lines, but somewhat to the si de of them. Lookingcloser, they made out that the horsemen were pursuing a rabbit.Upon this humiliation, the soldiers threatened mutiny, andDarius was forced to turn back and leave Scythia in defeat.Thus the Scythians entered history as the most unconquerable ofclans by refusing to do battle.

    Dont liberate meIll take care of that.

    Gross generalizations Anarchists make revolutions, not war

    Not a position, but a proposition

    To be radical is

    simply to keep up

    with reality.

    No, its the other

    way round!

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    These days it can be difcult, even terrifying, to be an anarchist. You may wellbe one of those people who hides her anarchism, at least in certain situations, lestothers (equally scared, and probably by the same things) accuse you of being tooidealistic or irresponsibleas if politely burying the planet in garbage isnt!

    You shouldnt be so timidyou are not alone. There are millions of us waitingfor you to make yourself known, ready to love you and laugh with you and ghtat your side for a better world. Follow your heart to the places we will meet.Please dont be too late.

    Not to be brusque, but havent you been paying attention? Were not trying toget you to convert to a religion or vote for a party hereon the contrary. The bestand the hardest part of this is that its entirely in your hands.

    . . . but it is the kind of paradox we anarchists relish. Urging people to thinkfor themselves, seizing power to abolish it, making war on war, these are allcontradictionsbut its good tactics to engage in obvious hypocrisy, if you wantthe rebels to depose you along with other authorities! Flying a black ag toexpress opposition to ags sounds senselessbut, living in the shadow of somany ags that aglessness is interpreted as acquiescence, it may be soundsenselessness. Better a black ag than a white one, anyway!

    SoCreate momentum! Dont sit endlessly in meetings, meeting about whenyou should be meeting to discuss how to conduct your next meeting. If yourmasochistic comrades feel the unfathomable compulsion to spend weeks, months,years of yammering hammering out the wording of a platform to which they can allpledge themselves, and then further years in internal dissension and rupturing, letthem, but dont feel obliged to join in just to prove how committed to the Revolutionyou are. Dont feel obliged to join in anythingthis is yourrevolution!

    Create momentum! Dont demand changerealize it yourself with your ac-tions. All you can accomplish is what you do yourself with your companions, andthats a lot: this is how you keep your dignity in a mad world, how you write yourown life story and thus let others know they arent powerless either. Acting onyour desires puts you in touch with themotherwise, you have to put the same

    energy into disavowing them. Skipdown the street if youre happy, burndown a building if it outrages you.Love blossoms on a battleelditseasier to release yourself to it whenyoure ready to back it up! When youlive out your own most secret wishes,youll nd you express those of oth-ers, too. Find yourself projects thatengage you, that put you in situationsin which you are wholly present inthe moment. And dont be afraid ofbeing unrealisticit is precisely theunreal which needs realizing. Youcant create unless you can dream.

    Create momentum! Anarchists

    dont give instructionswe givelicense. Help others give themselvespermission to live, by settingprecedentsand offer support, shareskills, create opportunities for thecivilians around you to express theirown radical desires in action. Youll besurprised who will ght the pigs inthe streets, when the chance arises!

    Dont sighingly sign petitions, posefor the cameras, await some windowof opportunity. Do participate in townparades and street festivals, break intoabandoned buildings to throw great

    banners down the sides, start conversations with strangers, challenge everythingyou thought you knew about yourself in bed, maintain a constant feeling in theair that something is happening. Live as if the future depends on your every deed,and it will. Dont wait for yourself to show upyou already have. Grant yourselflicense to live and tear those shackles to ribbons: Create momentum!

    It starts when you care toact, when you do it againafter they say no, when yousay We, and know whoyou mean, and each dayyou mean one more.

    Anarchism is a paradox

    Create momentum!

    Beautiful anarchists desire you

    OK, Im interested. What do I do next?

    Cest triste dire, mais je ne pense que lon puisse vaincre sansles drapeaux rouges et noirs. Mais il aut dtruirepres.

    -Jean Genet, Paris, 1968

    Unortunately, I dont think we can win without the red and black fags.But they must be destroyed aterwards.

    Full Contact Anarchism:Not a spectator sport!

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    Composed by some anarchists. The we used throughout these texts is the anarchistwe: that is, it reers to all who would associate themselves with the statements in

    question, and to no others. Further material and additional copies o this publicationare available free in any quantityrom the CrimethInc. Free Press, P.O. Box 1963,Olympia, WA 98507 U.S.A.or more inormation, consultwww.crimethinc.com.

    Donations, correspondence, and other gits gladly received in return!

    Rousing conclusion

    In some moments, in this insane world, anarchy appears in ragments, whispering o hidden livesthat beckon rom within this one: those hours you spend with your best riends ater work, the remainso a poster pasted on an alley wall, that instant masturbating or making love when you are neither malenor emale, at nor skinny, rich nor poor. In other moments, that insanity is the exception, the ragment,and anarchy is simply the world we live. One hundred thousand o us can ound a new civilization, onehundred can transorm a city, two can write the bedtime stories our children have been waiting to hearand sow the seeds or millions to come.

    When one o us defes the protection racket o public opinion and necessity and drops everythingto live as she has dreamed, the whole world receives the git o that reedom. When we fll the streets todance and blow fre, we can remember with our bodies that we deserve such dances and such space orthem. When the ski resorts burn and department store windows shatter, or a moment private propertyis neither private nor propertyand we create new relations between ourselves and a cosmos that issuddenly ours, and new, once more. I we risk our lives, it is because we know only by doing so can wemake them our own. See you on the ront page o the last newspaper those motheruckers ever printNoam Deguerre, CrimethInc. Black Writers Bloc

    Thank the heavens I have nothing.Help me not to hate the onesI must destroy.

    A maddeningly incomplete selection o possible titles or urther reading could include:

    1984George Orwell

    Anarchism and the Black RevolutionLorenzo Komboa Ervin

    Cunt:a declaration of independenceInga Muscio

    Days of War, Nights of LoveCrimethInc. ex-Workers Collective

    The DispossessedUrsula K. Le Guin

    Feminism is for Everybody:Passionate Politicsbell hooks

    IshmaelDaniel Quinn

    A Language Older Than WordsDerrick Jensen

    Lies My Teacher Told Me:Everything Your American History Textbook Got WrongJames W. Loewen

    Living My LifeEmma Goldman

    No LogoNaomi Klein

    A Peoples History of the United StatesHoward Zinn

    The Revolution of Everday LifeRaoul Vaneigem

    T.A.Z.Hakim Bey

    Tearing Down the Streets:Adventures in Urban AnarchyJe Ferrell

    The Teenage Liberation Handbook:How to Quit School and Get a Real Life andEducationGrace Llewellyn

    Unjobbing:The Adult Liberation HandbookMichael Fogler

    Webs of Power:Notes from the Global UprisingStarhawk

    www.crimethinc.comwww.earthfrst.org

    www.infoshop.orgwww.indymedia.org

    For access to a wide variety o similar books and resources, contact AK Press / 674-A 23rd St. /Oakland, CA 94612, or look up www.akpress.org. Cyberspace cadets can scour these websites

    or urther ports o entry to the mysterious anarchist underworld:

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