CRAPTER - VII

PARTICIPATION OF TEE MERCHANTS IN THE TRADE OF PONDICEERBY

The commercial contacts between the French East

India Company and the indigenous merchants of Pondicherry on

the Coromandel coast played a vital role in trade

development. This trade in turn brought about considerable

changes in the socio-economic sector and it is necessary to

examine by analysing the participation of merchant

groups. This was a period of development of merchant capital,

which penetrated into every field of economic activity such

as primary, secondary and tertiary sectors of production. It

is worth analysing, whether this development of merchant

capital subjugated all types of crafts at various levels of

commerce or not in Pondicherry by comparing production and

role of merchants. We shall examine how local merchants

performed a number of functions in the varied forms of

commerce and improved their status and position. An attempt

has been also made here to highlight the development of

merchant capital, social status of the local merchants and

their role in the trade conducted by the French Company in

Pondicherry. As the indigenous merchants got an opportunity

to enhance their trading capital in the sea-borne trade at

the time of the arrival and establishment of the Portugese,

the Dutch, the English and the the Danes at St.Thome,

Nagapattinam, Porto Novo, Pulicat, Madras and Tranquebar,

these nationalities were readily interested to extend their

trade with Pondicherry. We shall see how the development of

external tade under the French flag improved their status or

hindered their trading activities in the eighteenth century.

Further, we shall observe the avenues of commerce that

helped the merchants provide an opportunity to increase

their finances, property and status in the every day life.

COMPOSITION OF THE YERCBANTS

So far as the mercantile communities of South

India are concerned, chetties, komatties, berichetties,

gazulubalijas, pericavar balijas, vyaperichetties,

kasukarachetties, kaverichstties, nagarathuohrttirr,

marakkayars, labbais, rawthers, kayalars and pathans were 1

traders by profession. Besides, devangas, sales, kaikolars

and seniyars engaged themselves in the trading occupation

rather than in their usual traditional occupation of

weaving. Armenians, Gujaratis, Marathis and Marwaris were

also found engaged in trading activities on the Coromandel

coast. These mercantile communities were made up of multi-

religious groups such as Hindus, Muslims and Christians.

By the end of the seventeenth century and in the

early part of the eighteenth century, there was indeed a

considerable movement of these merchant groups towarde port-

towns particularly to Pondicherry. Tanappa mudali, a

prominent Hindu merchant from Poonamalle, accompanied

Francois Martin to Pondicherry for trade, when the latter 2

came to Pondicherry looking for a French counter. Later,

when trade began to flourish under the active patronage of

the French and spread far and wide, merchants of various

communities from neighbouring areas came to Pondicherry and

made their permanent settlement to trade with the French

merchants. After the decline of trade in the old port-towns

of Devanampattinam and Sadraspatanam during the period of

internal war among the petty rulers in Carnatic region, the

Tamil merchants who were trading with these port-towns, 3

moved to Pondicherry. Many were from South Arcot, and

even from Tanjore areas, in search of securing better avenue

under the French.

It was only under these circumstances, that steps

were taken by the French Governors and their chief dubashies

to invite the experienced and skilled merchants from Madras

to come down to Pondicherry to promote the Company's trade.

As a result, in the early part of the eighteenth century,

Tiruvengadam Pillai, a wealthy merchant from Perambur, came

with some of the resourceful and influential merchants and

their families at the invitation of the chief dubashy,

Nainiyappa pillai to Pondicherry, where they settled down

permanently and became prominent merchants in the trade of 4

the French Company. Similarly, a few Armenian merchants

migrated from Madras to Pondicherry; they also settled down 5

to trade with the French. Merchants even from Maharashtra

had come and made Pondicherry their permanent settlements 6

for trading purposes. These merchants took keen interest

in the promotion of overseas trade conducted by the French

Company and performed a number of functions at different

stages of commerce. Maritime Historians like Ashian Das

Gupta classified these merchants into five broad categories 7

i.e. shippers, merchants, brokers, shroffs and dubashies.

whereas scholars like Clive Day point out that the

merchants might be wholesalers, retailers, transporters, 8

peddlars and often artisans too. However, according to

the functions performed by them, we may classify the

merchants in the following categories as chief dubashies,

wholesalers, shipowners, retailers, shopkeepers, peddlars,

brokers, exchange dealers and shroffs. Let us now study

the activities and functions performed by these merchants

under the Company's trade at Pondicherry.

CHIEF DUBASHIES

Initially the need to keep commercial contacts

with local people with a view to purchasing commodities at

the numerous inland centres of production had posed a

language problem to the French. They were under the

impression that the local merchants had some knowledge of

local markets and better purchasing power. They, therefore,

had to completely depend on the native agents and merchants

to make all their operations successful. Consequently, the

French appointed a native agent as courtier. The position

of courtier was commonly that of a chief dubashy who had a 8

command of two languages. He was also called Mudaliar. He

was the indispensable intermediary for all commercial

transactions and held the entire trade of the Company in his

hand. He was not only a chief adviser to the Governor to

solve local problems, but also to supervise the drafting of

contracts, besides acting as translator. He was responsible

for fixing the prices of the commodities, giving surety for

the renters and intervening in farming out land revenues.

He also had the right to render justice to the natives in

the chavadies. He was allowed to travel on palanquin with

white umbrella and torches to the Fort St.Louis to call on 10

the Governor.

However, the priests of the Christian missionaries

followed the policy that this position should he held by a 11

christian. This was accepted during the period of Hebert,

but could no longer be continued. There was a competition

among the merchants to hold this post. It is evident that

Chinna Yudali made his attempts to obtain the appointment of

chief dubashy through the innfluence of the priests who 12

recommended his case to Madame Dupleix. The French were

to appoint someone else among the native merchants as chief

dubashy because of the personality, knowledge and financial

status. It is reported that when Kanakaraya Yudali was

chief dubashy of the Governor, Ananda Ranga Pillai enjoyed

three times as much power as Kanakaraya Yudali enjoyed and

possessed a palanquin and torches, and was honoured by the

Governor when he was appointed as chief dubashy after the 13

death of Kanakaraya Yudali. During the period under

review, Tanappa Yudali, Andre Muthiappa Yudali, Savarimuthu

Yudali, Nainiyappa pillai, Chevalier Guruvappa pillai, Pedro

Kanakaraya Yudali and Ananda Ranga Pi1l.i had held the post 14

of courtier or chief dubashy.

WHOLESALERS

Most of the wealthy and influential merchants were 15

wholesalers. They had several warehouses or godowns for

paddy, indigo, arecanut, tobacco, liquors, arrack and cotton

cloths in the town of Pondicherry as well as at various

important trading centres where they had employed agents or

gumastas to look after the purchases or to sell the

merchandise on their behalf. These merchants had their

commercial dealings with the Company and were called

Company's merchants. They had secured considerable rights

and privilages from the French Company and began to dominate

the trade in the inter-regional markets. They were able to

cater to the needs of the Company. In Pondicherry, Sunguvar

Seshachala Chetti, Lakshmipathi Chetti, Chidambaram Chetti,

Adivaraha Chetti, Sungu Muthurama Chetti, Salatu

Venkatachala Chetti, Vira Chetti, Pettachi Chetti,

Pavazhakkara Uttirapeddu Chetti, Kanakaraya Mudali, Tillai

Mudali. Ananda Ranga Pillai, Ariyappa Mudali, Chinnadu

Mudali, Nallathambi Mudali, Karutambi Nayinar, Sankara Aiyar

and Thiruvengadam Pillai were prominent merchants of the

Company and were wholesalers of various goods during the 16

period under review. They were most outstanding merchants

of their time in the scale of their commercial operation and

were suppliers of several goods to the Company and

wholesalers in imported goods. Their trade in fact covered

a wide range of commodities such as arecanuts, cotton

threads, silk threads, chests of opium, indigo, pieces of

cotton goods and textiles.

These merchants dealing with raw cotton and indigo

trade bought innumerable quantities of them from the

cultivators through their agents in the countryside and

stored them in their godowns. They used to dispose them off

to the Company and to retail traders at the wholesale rate

against direct payment and also on credit. In August 1 7 4 8 ,

Ananda Ranga Pillai delivered twenty five candies of cotton

to the Company on credit from his warehouse at the rate of 17

twenty six pagodas per candy. The grain traders had been

conducting their business having their own capital. They

usually purchased paddy and other cereals from the

cultivators as usual through their agents at harvest season,

and brought bulk of rice and paddy from outlying villages of

Murungapakkam, Ariyankuppam, Villianur, Bahur and Villupuram

to Pondicherry, where they kept them in stock in their 18

granaries. They were supplying to the Company as well as

to the retail traders at the wholesale rate. At the time

of scarcity, the foodgrains went underground. The French

required rice in large quantity for local consumption.

The paddy merchant sent their agents with funds to 19

the tune of 500 to 600 pagodas to various inland trading

and producing centres as far as Karaikal in the South and

Maduranthagam, Chengelpet, Utramellur, Salavakkam, Arcot and

Lalapettai in North to collect rice and paddy, where they

could easily get foodgrains in abundance. They stocked the

grains in their granaries. Rice and paddy were released by

them little by little to sell in the markets with a view to

get much profit at the time of deficiency. They also

discreetly consulted their conterparts at Madras for hiking 20

the price. To avoid the suffering of the town people, who

were in want of grain, the paddy merchants were given

advance money by the Governor, Lenoir, to get 2,000 garse of

grain from Yanam, Masulipatnam, Ganjam, Bimlipatanam and 2 1

other places in the north. As a result, these merchants

filled the town with too much grain. At the time of

scarcity for foodgrains in the Carnatic region, the Governor

supplied to the Nawabs of Arcot and Cuddapah 2000 bullock

loads of rice out of the grain brought to Pondicherry, as

they requested. At that time, the entry tax levied on the

grains brought from outside by the merchants was remitted.

Even the grain merchants from Lalapettai traded with the

Company. It is said that in 1747, Annapurna Ayyan, Muthu

Pillai and Tirumalai Pillai were wholesalers of grain at 22

Lalapettai and these merchants were ordered by the

Governor to supply the Company with considerable qyantity of

wheat, when there was no grain in the markets st

Pondicherry. Consequently, these merchants brought sample

of wheat to the Governor to be sold to the Company and

executed an agreement with the Governor to supply the

Company with an enormous quantity of wheat and paddy. At

the same time, Ananda Ranga Pillai is said to have brought

paddy worth 2,000 pagodas from Kakkalurpettai and Pennathur 23

and sold at the rate of 3 1/2 measures.

The textile merchants usually sent their brokers

with advance money to the interior trading centres such as

Salem, Chinnappanayakanpalayam, Udaiyarpalayam, Ulundurpet,

Kanchipuram, Tiruvannamalai, Arcot and Lalapettai and to

the weaving villages, where cloths were produced in

abundance. They procured and brought various kinds of

textiles through them to their storehouses and delivered to

the Company just before shipment to Europe. Like the

merchants of Madras, every year they made annual business

contracts with the Governor for the supply of large

quantities of textiles to the Company. In 1720, Sungu Rama

Chetti, who was a prominent merchant of the Company,

supplied the French Company about half of its annual demand 2 4

of textiles to be exported to Europe. Sunguvar Seshachala

Chetti had his cloth godown in the Grand Bazaar street,

where he had stored up cloths for the Company. In 1736,

Sunguvar Seshachala Chetti, Lakshmipati Chetti, Chidambara

Chetti and Adi Varaha Chetti executed an agreement with the

Governor for the supply of 1471 bales of third grade

2 5 textiles amounting to 1,20,491 112 pagodas. In 1740,

Sungu Rama Chetti, his son Sunguvar Seshachala Chetti and

Tiruvidi Bali Chetti were reported to have supplied an

enormous quantity of textiles such as guinea, salempores,

turnatans at Karaikal counter, for which they had paid 26

stipulated tax on them. At the time of misery and

starvation, when the weavers did not work properly on

account of price escalation of foodgrains, these merchants

were not able to supply the contracted items of cloths to

the companny. Subsequently, the cloths supplied by them

were rejected being as they were found to be of low quality

and the Council demanded them to supply cloths as per

samples deposited with them. These were the occasions when

they had to bear the loss.

Even though these merchants signed annual

contracts with the Governor for the supply of cloths as per

schedule, at times they supplied cloths very late on account

of civil disputes, scarcity or high cost of cotton,

resulting in stoppage or lowering of production. Under such

critical situations, when there was not enough stock in the

Company's godown for shipment, the Council made contract

with the merchants promising to pay the transportation

charges, customs duties and all other incidental 27

expenditures claimed by them. When the merchants failed

to supply the textiles as per terms of the agreement, the

Superior Council usually looked for contract with other

merchants of distant areas like Andiappa residing at Porto 28

Novo. Money was advanced to them so as to ensure good

quality manufacture. Thus, they supplied cloths to the

Company on credit and in lieu of supplying broad cloths by

the Company. They had accounts with the Company, which were

examined from time to time. On some occasions, these

merchants were not able to purchase more than 100 bales of

broadcloths from the Council, for which they had to supply

textiles.

It seems that Sungu Rama Chetti and Bali Chetti

purchased broadcloths from the Company on credit basis and

in March 1740, they paid the amount of 18000 pagodas to the 29

Company. Muthaya Pillai and Bapu Rao were notable 30

wholesalers of tobacco and arecanut trade. They had

their own godowns in Pondicherry. They purchased tobacco

and arecanut from the Company and had them stored in their

godowns for disposal to retailers. In 1746, the merchants

did not purchase arecanut from the Company as it was

available at a cheaper rate at Cuddalore. Therefore, the

Governor banned the import of arecanut from Cuddalore. The

sale of these articles and of betel leaves was the Company's

monopoly, so that the merchants had to obtain licence from

the Governor for sale. Nainiyappa who was the chief dubashy

of the Company secured licence from the Governor for the 3 1

sale of monopoly of tobacco and betel for two years.

Savarimuthu Mudali and Kandappa Mudali, who had been trading

in tobacco and betel leaves, obtained licences from the

Governor against annual payment to have the sale monopoly of 3 2

these articles.

Merchants dealing with liquor trade had several

godowns for storage of arrack, liquor and toddy in the town.

Tiruvengadam Pillai and Rangappa Tiruvengadam were notable 3 3

merchants of liquor. Arrack of Goa, Colombo and Batavia

and rum of Goa and Batavia including brandy were purchased

by them from the Company and stored in their godowns. These

were sold to the retail traders at wholesale rate. They

also produced arrack locally and collected toddy of palm

trees through shanars. The sale and production of these

articles was the Company's monopoly. Therefore, they 3 4

obtained licence from the Governor against annual payment.

These merchants were the sole agents of the Company for the

supply of large quantities of textiles as well as indigo,

saltpetre, redwood and pepper. Besides, they were also

wholesalers of imported goods by the Company. Uttriapeddu

Chetti, Pavazhakkara Venkatachala Chetti and Pavazhakkara

Goppu Chetti were important merchants of coral trade. They

3 5 purchased entire cargos of coral imported by the Company.

At the time of their signing contracts with the Company, and

also on festive occasions these merchants were usually

honoured with presents by the Governor.

It is significant to note that the wealthy

merchants alone were tax farmers and leaseholders of certain

villages. They played a major role in the revenue

administration besides carrying on their own trade. Guntur

Venkatachala Chetti was a renter of Villianur village, and 3 6

he also collected revenue from the peasants. Such people

acted as tax collectors. It is said that in 1706, Guruvappa

Pillai received grant to collect excise duty and brokerage

on all grains sold at markets and at seashore against the 3 7

payment of 500 current pagodas per year to the Council.

The amaldars and Governors of various places

emerged in due course as main wholesale traders in the

commercial scence, in addition to their usual duties of

administration. When they found opportunities, they entered

into trading activities. They built innumerable chavrdiem on

the roadsides to accomodate travellers. Vali Muhammad, an

ex-amaldar of Tiruppasur, amaldars of Poonamalle and

Mylapore, abandoning their office, took to the trade and 38

established commercial contracts with the French Company.

These overlords utilized their advantage position for their

commercial enterprises. They were known as political

merchants. They invested huge sums of their capital in

trade, which was called political capitalism. The

participation of these merchants in trade showed that

political capitalism was wide spread in the commercial

sector. These merchants were to be the monopolist buyers of

certain imported luxury articles by the Company. Among

them, Imam Sahib was an important merchant. He was a

wholesaler, a shipper and shareholder of Mocha trade with

Dumas. His business activities were looked after by his 3 9

agent Avay Sahib. He had been constantly supplying goods

to both the French and the English Companies. The

relationships of these political merchants with the French

Company made the French free from the tax imposed on the

goods passing through their areas.

SHIPOWNERS

The Marakkapar merchants of Coromandel coast, were

the principal shipowners possessing several ships of their

own. They engaged themselves largely in the coastal and

oceaninc trade. They had firmly established commercial

contacts with many foreign countries such as Ceylon,

Tenasserim, Burma, Pegu, Java, Sumatra, etc. and owned most 40

of the coasting crafts. They were part of the chulia

group of muslim trading community of Coromandel coast and 4 1

were the wealthiest of the chulias. Most of them owned

country crafts and carried on coastal trade. It is

significant to note that Hasan Yarakkayan of Porto Novo had

his own vessel which plied constantly between Porto Novo and 42

Marakkanam carrying cargo of salt. Yarakkayrr merchants

of Porto Novo loaded their various commercial goods

frequently on French country ships on freight basis to 4 3

overseas markets. The chulias had traditionally good

relations with the ruling elites and courts in many of the

port cities of South East Asian countries, as they had 44

traded for centuries. But the participation of the

Marakkayar in the sea-borne trade of the French Company was

limited. Traders like Manueneyina Yarakkayan travelled as

supercargo on the Company's ship to kedha carrying with him 4 5

blue cloths, chintz, tobacco and opium for his trade.

Pathan merchants, who belonged to a sect of the

muslims, conducted their business in overseas trade and sent

their ships with a variety of goods from Coromandel ports to

other ports in Ceylon, Tenasserim, Burma, Siam, Pegu, etc.

They brought a cargo of Colombo arrack and arecanuts from 4 6

Gallee to Fort St.David. A few among the Hindu merchants

were shipowners too and had their shipping agencies in all

coastal port-towns as well as in the ports of other foreign

countries, where they posted their agents for trading

operations. They continued to transport their commodities

through their own ships to overseas markets and operated

their business with the help of their agents. Ananda Ranga

Pillai had his ship by name Anandapuravi, which plied

between Pondicherry and Colombo transporting commercial

goods such as arecanuts, rice, etc. and he operated his

trade through his agents Pir Marakkayan and Muthukumara 47

Pillai. Merchants loaded innumerable bales of cotton

textiles on Company's ship bound for Achin, Manila and Moka.

Paramananda Pillai, a notable merchant, sent his merchandise

on the Company's ship bound to Achin for his private 4 8

trade.

The Armenian merchants who settled in Pondicherry

had made several voynges to Pegu and Manila. As

businessmen, they carried a substantial trade with Pegu and

Manila in the East and to the ports of Persian gulf and Red

sea in the West. It is significant to note that an Armenian

merchant by name Isaac Elias, who had settled down in

Pondicherry, had made three voyages to Manila in 1721, when

the Superior Council proposed that the Company Should invest 4 9

in his ship. The Armenian merchants were permitted to take

part in the partnership trade with the French in Philippines

trade. The shipowners, who dealt with imports and exports,

depended on the merchants and brokers, who specialized in

sup~lying the Ports with specific commodities. Economically

there were three types of traders in the oceanic trade.

There were the wealthy merchants who travelled across the

seas with their valuable cargoes, and often obtained special

tre~tment not only on board, but also in the port-towns of

foreign countries. Some other merchants travelled as agents

of their shipowners, or as commission agents for other

merchants, who were not on board because they were managing 5 0

their business at home. The third type of merchants

provided only ships with crews for which they obtained

freight charges.

In the early period, the shipowners were dependent

on their princes for protection of their ships in the high

seas as the princes provided them with large ships that

could not be easily attacked. Even if they lost, it would

not mean immediate bankruptey for the merchants, because the

resources of a prince were invaluable assets for the 51

shipowners. But this situation changed in the eighteenth

century. Obviously, the native merchants who owned ships

for either coastal trade or for oceanic trade had to obtain

passes from the Governor to secure protection for their

ships sailing all along the coastal port-towns as well as to

other foreign ports against the attacks by the pirates, and

by the English who were arch enemies of the French. Two

pnthan merchants by name Mamrezh khan and Azmat khan who had

been transporting their merchandise through their ships from

Kovalam to Tenasserim coast requested the Governor in August

of 1748 to get new passes, upon which the Governor ordered

Doyalleau to issue two new passes against the payment of 60 52

star pagodas, 30 for each passport.

Both the Hindus and Muslim merchants organised

partnership trade and subsequently they had trading

collaborations with French privateers in the overseas trade.

They frequently exported their merchandise to the ports of

Tenasserim, Kedah, Pegu, Achin and Manila in Southeast Asia

and Mocha in West Asian countries including various Indian

ocean islands. It is significant to note, that in 1743,

different shareholders like Mir Ghulam Husain, Ananda Ranga

Pillai Chinna mudali and Dupleix invested their capital

.jointly in the textile trade with Mocha and shipped

substantial quantities of merchandise such as bales of blue

cloth to that port for the purpose of purchasing coffee and

divided their shares and interests according to the amount 5 3

they had invested. Sungu Rama Chetti invested large sums

of money in country voyages and was a partner in overseas

trade with the Company. And so, the ship travelling to 5 4

Manila was named Soucourama after him.

The shipowners engaged their vessels for

transporting rice and other provisions from other coastal

Port-towns to Pondicherry on hire basis. They collected

freight charges from the merchants, who sent their

merchandise. Besides, they collected special freight 55

charges for monsoon risks upon the leased goods.

RETAILERS

Chettis and Komattis also functioned as primary

retail traders. They traded independently on small scale

investment. Some conducted their business only for a

particular commodity which was more profitable for them.

The grain traders usually had been buying rice and paddy in

bulk quantities, that were brought from Karaikal, Tranquebar

and further from deep South during the time of famine, and

they were selling them to the people at exhorbitant 5 6

prices. The petty merchants in Mudali and Vellalah

communities were engaged in retail trade. Alagappa Yudali,

Tiruchelvaraya Mudali and Alaga Pillai were important retail 5 7

traders in grains. The traders purchased paddy from the

Compnny as well as from Ananda Ranga Pillai and sold it in 5 8

retail shops at Mirapalli Grand and Pettty Bazaars.

Vallur Hanumanta Ayyan, an agent of Jayantirama Ayyan,

conducted paddy trade. In 1747, because of the appearance

of the English ships on the high seas, he brought to market

all his concealed paddy in large quantities and sold it at

the bazaar after which the price of paddy rose in the 5 9

market, anticipating a grave situation.

Some of the chetti traders sold sundry goods at

retail price. It is said that in 1756, Nallathambi

Arunachala Cbetti, a grocer, sold sundry household articles 60

in his own shop. The chettis sold rottan and gram in the

markets. Besides, traders like Periyambala Chetti conducted 6 1

their business in betel leaves. They sold stale betel 62

leaves and maggotynut at retail price. Vasudeva Pandit

was seller of betel leaves and tobacco. He sold nine to

seven betel leaves per kasu and twelve to ten palams of 63

tobacco for a fanam in the market in 1746. In 1748, no

betel gardens were allowed by the Governor for cultivation

in the bound-hedge villages. Ananda Ranga Pillhi started a

small trade on his own account and traded in arecanut. He 6 4

sold this article in his shop near the Grand Bazaar. Some

Cbetti merchants traded in cloths at retail rates.

Chinnakachiyappa Chetti is said to have traded in cloths in 65

the bazaar market.

Retail traders dealing with liquor and arrack had

several shops in the town and sold liquors such as rum,

arrack, brandy, wine and toddy at retail rates. In June

1756, a liquor shop is said to have been owned for sixty 66

years by a dealer named Mangan. As in Madras, the labbai

traders who were a section of Muslims, were fish-sellers.

They sold various kinds of fish such as dry fish and salt

fish in the bazaar markets at retail rates. The Chetti

merchants like Arunachala Chetti and Muthayya Chetti

purchased different sorts of imported commodities such as

broad cloths and copper from the Company and carried them to

Lalapettai and Arcot, where they sold them at retail 67

rates.

AS far as the merchants in the bazaars were

concerned, they were mostly Chetties. The poorest Komattis 68

and Kavarais Chetties were the main shopkeepers. They

possessed retail shops on rental basis in the big and petty

bazaars of Pondicherry, Muthiyalpet and Nellithopu,

contiguous to one another where the people of the town used

to come and buy the necessary commodities for their daily

life. They sold all sorts of grains, vegetables, fish,

dhall, pulse, green and black gram, gingili and castor oil,

ghee, tamarind, pepper, chilly, fruits, turmeric, perfumes,

and other articles of commerce at retail price and operated

their trade based on their shops as small scale

6 9 investments. Fishermen came to the bazaar market with a

70 basket of fresh fish and sold it at retail price. The

petty traders had various modest shops in the town. Ananda

Ranga Pillai is said to have had a small shop near the Grand

Bazaar, where he sold arecanuts and maintained this small 7 1

retail trade all his life.

In fact, trade in partnership also existed in the

bazaar market. The wealthy merchants conducted their

business even in the retail trade with copartners through

their agents. It is significant to note that Sunguvar

Seshachala Chetti was copartner of Naranappa Chetti of Arcot

and operated one branch of his trade through his agent 7 2

Venkataiyan in the bazaar of Naranappa Chetti at Arcot.

The Kanarese and Balija merchants had their shops in the

bazaars of Lalapettai and Arcot and conducted much of the

trade with western country. They brought from there raw

cotton, yarn and pepper and sold at retail price. They

raised money by trading locally.

PEDDLERS

Peddlers and itinerant merchants were another

group of retailers, who carried on their business in small

articles in the rural markets. These traders usually

assembled at weekly mat'kets and fairs with their wares, just

one day before the festival started, and set up temporarily

Several modest shops, booths and stalls in the weekly

markets at Muthirapalayam, Dharmapuri, Madagadipattu,

Irulansandai and around temple complexes at Pondicherry,

Olukarai, Ariyankuppam. They sold goods in their respective

Shops and even on the roadside, where they had avenues for

Stalls. In the weekly fairs, the peddlers sold their goods 7 3

even for credit. When the people from the surrounding

villages flocked to the weekly markets and fairs, the

merchants used to start their trading operation and remained

there until the departure of the people either in the

evening or at the end of the festivals. They operated brisk

trade in their shops and stalls in the fairs, as the people

were moving about from booth to booth. Referring to this,

Ananda Ranga Pillai says that at each and every gate of the

shops and stalls, and also on the streets there were such

heavy crowds of people that not even a small sed of grain 7 4

could fall to the ground. The peddlers sold jars,

necklaces, balloons fixed poles topped by red paper snakes.

They thronged the roads adjoining Pondicherry fort. They

pushed tall barrows on large wheels loaded with merchadise

of every colour and of various lengths of folded cotton.

They displayed large colourful checks or stripes in pink and

blue colour~. They also sold elsewhere green vegetables

mottled with yellow water melons with black seeds and huge

bundles of betel leaves and a variety of spices in 7 5

inumerable small dishes. They earned a little profit

through this trade. In the fairs, the traders sold goods

needed both social and economic requirements of the people

of the surrounding villages.

Besides, there were the small scale commodity

producers of surrounding villages like weavers, oil mongers,

carpenters, blacksmiths, cobblers and basketmakers engaged

in the peddling trade. These artisans frequented not only

weekly markets but also fairs with finished goods for sale.

The blacksmiths sold chisels and the weavers who produced

coarse cotton cloths for local consumption brought the

finished goods to the weekly markets and sold them at 7 6

retail prices. Moreover, the peasants of the surrounding

villages were also found in the weekly markets to sell their

goods. As Francis Buchanan points out the peasants of the

surrounding villages brought their agricultural products to

the weekly markets and sold partly to the consumers by 77

retail and partly to traders by wholesale rate. Petty

traders usually purchased entire quantities of agricultural

goods such as vegetables from the peasants at wholesale

rates and resold them at retail prices to the consumers.

Thus, they earned profits even more than other traders. At

night, after collecting the unsold goods they moved out to

other markets and fairs by carrying them in bullock carts

and pack bullocks. The Berike who were a subdivision of

Balijas were itinerant traders and they carried salt on pack

bullock and asses from coastal areas to interior villages 7 8

and sold it to the village people.

BROKERS

Scholars like Anne Bos Radwan state that there

were two types of brokers, namely urban based brokers and 7 9

country based ones. In order to procure merchandise from

very distant markets, the Company and wealthy merchants had

employed a number of brokers who acted as petty traders.

The urban brokers were mostly the Company's brokers having

their residence in important trading centres, where they

were able to purchase commodities and to send them to the

Company's warehouses and godowns. It is pointed out that

Vakil Subbaiyan, Gopala Ayyan and Ramachandra Ayyan were

important brokers of the Company and had their residences in 8 0

the big commercial centres such as Arcot and Lalapettai.

The country brokers were hired by merchants of the Company

and French privateers. These brokers Usually collected

commodities from the production centres directly from the

producers and sent them to their masters. They were main

buyers and sellers of commodities in the countryside and

traded on behalf of their masters under, whom they were

employed. Balaji Pandit and Rayal Ayyan were employed by 81

Ananda Ranga Pillai as brokers. They carried on their

trade in the bazaars of Arcot and Lalapettai. Similerly

Kudaikkara Nainiyappa Yudali and Vengala Kumaran were agents

of de la Bourdonnais and de la Vellebague and had their 82

settlements at Madras. In 1746, they came to Pondicherry

to purchase stuffs, cloths and other goods from the Company

as they were ordered by their masters.

The brokers working for the Company and private

merchants went to various weaving villages and trading

markets travelling for about twenty days on road to get 8 3

finished cotton cloths. As they had done to the English

at Cuddalore, the brokers at Palaiyur, Pattambakkam and 84

Chinnappanayakanpalayam despatched cloths to Pondicherry.

They had their settlements in the interior trading and

production centres such as Salem, Udaiyarpalayam,

Kanchipuram, Arni, Arcot and Lalapettai. They were highly

skilled and knowledgeable persons. In 1741, they were

always ready to take from the weavers whatever cloths were

rejected by the English merchants at Salem, 85

Chinnappaanayakanpalayam and Udaiyarpalayam.

The brokers acted as merchant middlemen in

trading activities. They procured goods in bulk in the

hinterland trading centres, as well as in the weaving

villages for their masters. They purchased cloths from the

weavers and added brokerage with actual price. Side by

side, they worked for their own benefit . They took their 8 6

brokerage of three pagodas for each score of piece goods.

They also encountered stiff competition from the brokers of

the English Company. The brokers residing the countryside

depended almost completely on the weavers for the supply of

goods. Their services were absolutely necessary for

merchants, because of their role to furnish textiles at

specific periods and at reasonable rates. The brokers

continued to procure goods from the weavers by bargaining

with them.

The brokers who bad worked as supervisors in the

bleaching industries, received advance money from the

Company and made further advance payment in the form of rice

to the bleachers and beaters for their subsistence and for

preparation of conjee for the cloths as per suggestion made

by the Council, at the time of scarcity of food grains in 8 7

1735. As such, they advanced money and material to the

weavers and other artisans as well. In this system the

brokers exploited the weavers and other artisans and made

huge profits. They were also cattle brokers, who worked for

the Company's merchants. We have evidence to show that one

Arumuga Pandaram worked as a broker for Parasurama Pillai,

who was a major supplier and cattle merchant of the Company.

On behalf of the latter, Arumuga Pandaram purchased 1000

bullocks for the Company upon which Parasurama Pillai made a 8 8

profit of 5,000 rupees.

TRANSPORTERS

As mentioned elsewhere in the previous chapter,

Lumbadies and chetties were professional carriers of the

commodities in South India, and they also conducted trade at 8 9

Pondicherry. They engaged themselves in transporting goods

from production centres and distant markets to the Company's

warehouse and merchants'godowns. They maintained a fleet of

carts with bullocks in herds for the transportation of

goods from surplus areas to the areas of deficit and used to

hire out the carts and pack bullocks both for the Company

and for private merchants. They were not answerable for any

damage that might happen to the goods, or to money if the

routes were infested by robbers and even in case, where the

local chieftains were engaged in harassing the carriers, 90

while passing through their territory. In order to

safeguard the goods, the merchants usually sent with the 91

carriers their agents as escorts. In such cases the

carriers of commodities were forced to pay toll at the

entrance of the tollgate while passing. They transported

paddy, textiles and creals from outlying villages and

production centres to the bazaars of Pondicherry through 92

bullock carts and pack bullocks. In course of time,

members of other castes also became the main carriers of

goods. They had a fleet of bullocks and supplied them to

the Company on hire and received half to one fansm for each 93

bullock. They accumulated wealth in the activities of

transporting commodities in this region.

BARKERS OR SBROFPS

Few wealthy merchants had specialized in money

lending business. They earned as much profit as possible

through trade and invested part of their capital that was

created through savings in the banking sector. Those

merchants, whose financial position was quite strong,

established banking institutions like modern businessmen.

At first, the Gujarati and Marwari merchants, who came to

Pondicherry for trading purposes in the early part of the

eighteenth century, started their banking institutions in

Pondicherry, Cuddalore, Fort St.David, Kanchipuram and other

commercial centres and introduced the system of hundi or the

bills of exchange that was practised in north India. This

system eliminated the risks involved in transporting large

sums of money or bullion from place to place.

The wealthy mcrchnnts worked as bankers or sbroffs

and appointed gumastas or agents in their various banking

institutions and operated them through their own guaastas.

It is reported that Kasi Das Bukkanji, a Gujarati banker,

appointed Sivasankara Tarwadi at Cuddalore, Bhavanisankara

Tarwadi at Fort St.David, Hari Sankara Tarwadi and Acharam 94

Tarwadi at Pondicherry and other guaasta8 at Arcot. The

leading bankers in the Carnatic region were known as

sowcars. In the first half of the eighteenth century, Kasi

Das Bukkanji, Vallabha Sundar and Govardhana Das were famous 9 5

sowcars in money lending business.

The use of bills of exchange or hundi was very

much in vogue in the commercial sector of South India

throughout this period and such bills were transferable 9 6

without difficulty. This was hindered, however, during

the period of Dupleix. When in 1754, Dupleix protested

against a bill for a lakh of rupees drawn on him by Bussy

and Godeheu, and confirmed his protest, the principal

sowcars recalled their guaastas from Pondicherry and

resolved that no more bills should be drawn on 97

Pondicherry. Therefore, they closed these transactions at

Pondicherry, which reduced its importance as a banking

centre

In course of time, the native merchants of various

communities established the banking institutions and

invested part of their capital in lending money on interest

and worked as shroffs, who were money-lenders by profession,

in Pondicherry. The leading shroffs in Pondicherry in the

second half of the eighteenth century were Melugiri Chetti, 9 8

Muthukumarappa Chetti, Rayalayyan and Guntur Bali Chetti.

In a monetary economy, capital was created by them through

savings, which were converted into investment. They had

been lending money for interests on the security of jewels

and also on promissory notes or bonds executed by the 99

borrowers. Sometimes, without getting any security of

either jewels or bonds, merely depending on the confidence

infused and the relationship maintained with the borrowers,

the bankers lent money for interest.

They advanced loans even to foreign merchants. The

rate of interest varied from eight per cent to twelve per

cent per annum. They collected eight per cent from the

French and twelve per cent from the native barrowers. It is

pointed out that when in 1754, the Governor Godeheu asked

some amount as loan from Ananda Ranga Pillai, the latter

gave 6,000 pagodas at the rate of eight per cent interest 100

per annum to him over a bond. Sometimes, the rate of

interest fluctuated. Some money-lenders charged an interest

of eight per cent from the the French and twelve per cent

from the native borrowers per month above the official 101

rate. As a result of this practice, the Governor,

Leyrit, ordered that the interest rate should not exceed

eight per cent for the French and twelve per cent for the 102

natives per annum.

They lent money to the private merchants at high

rates of interest for their trade. Occassionally, they had

to bear the loss of money that occured in lending money on

interest at the time of borrowers' death. For instance, in

1758 Ananda Ranga Pillai lost 30,0000 rupees due from Pir 103

Muhammad, when the latter died. They also waived their

claim to collect a particular amount from the borrowers when 104

they were unable to return the amount.

In such cases, when the money lenders expired, the

heirs of money-lenders had to claim the money from the

borrowers, filing civil cases against them. It is

worthwhile to note that Ananda Ranga Pillai lent money to

Arunachalam Pillai. When the former died, his heir and

nephew Tiruvengadam Pillai, filed a case in the chaultry

court and stood as plaintiff against Arunachalam Pillai to

pay the amount to him and declared to have received in cash

against the receipt with interest which did not exceed

105 beyond the capital amount. In addition to the interest,

the bankers took commission from the merchants for

transmission whenever they exchanged the bills or hundis.

Gradually they extended their capital in the

secondary sector of production. They advanced loans to the

weavers in the countryside. The reason why the weavers

required money from the merchants was to purchase necessary

commodities for their livelihood and proper cotton thread

from very distant markets at the time of scarcity of

foodgrains and cotton in the local markets. The brokers who

acted as merchants,' middlemen, received money as advance

from the wealthy merchants and the Company and made in turn

advances to the weavers through master-weavers with the

instructions to produce particular varieties of cloths as 106

per specimen obtained from the Company. They also

emerged as master weavers and lent money. They collected

their amount in the form of textiles.

Whenever the prices of textiles fell in the market

and the business was hindered due to the raids of Marathas

in the country, and the war between the French and the

English, the merchants cancelled their orders placed with

the weavers and informed them not to produce a particular 107

variety of cloths for sometimes. During the intervening

period, the weavers could not produce cloths and had to

suffer a lot without doing any work. At that time, the

interest rates of the loans taken by them from the money-

lenders increased highly.

Even though the weavers had their control over

their produce, their freedom to fix the prices of their

cloths was restricted by the money-lenders. The handicap of

the weavers was that when the prices of cloths increased

substantially in the markets, they could not sell their

goods directly and also could not bargain with the

moneylenders to fix the price as long as the money advanced

by them remained unpaid. The weavers were constrained to

receive less price for the cloths than the current market

rates because the prices of finished cloths were fixed

beforehand and the weavers agreed to supply the cloths at

the price fixed when they received money in advance. They

were indebted to their heads (master weavers) and were 108

treated as slaves.

The money-lenders used to advance loans to the

farmers in the villages. The farmers, who lived in

Pondicherry and in its neighbouring villages, required

money support about three or four months before the harvest.

The reason why the farmers required money in advance and

incurred debt was the heavy land revenue imposed by the

amaldars and leasers and the expenses of cultivation. It is

pointed out that in 1756, the cultivators of Cingee owed 109

40,000 rupees to the leasers. It appears that after the

plunder of the country by the Marathas, the farmers who had

run away must have been brought back for cultivating their

lands with promises of raram, and loans must have been 110

provided to them in order to improve the cultivation.

However, the money-lenders advanced loans in cash

about three or four months before the harvest with sureties

and received the repayment of their principal only in kind

at the time of harvest. When loans were advanced to the

farmers, the prices of grains were high in the markets,

while the money value was less. But when the prices of the

commodities fell down in the markets, becuase of the surplus

produce coming to the markets after the harvest season, the

money-lenders fixed the prices of the commodities with the

farmers and forced them to repay their amount only in kind

as it was very difficult to collect the money from the 111

farmers after the harvest season. Under these

circumstances the famrers faced great difficulties in

selling their goods directly in the open markets and also in

bargaining with money-lenders because of the amount due from

them to the money-lenders.

At the time of harvest the moneylenders collected

their amount with interest in kind from the farmers and

stored them in their warehouses. When the prices of the

grains began to increase in the markets after the harvest

seson was over, and at the time of famine, the moneylenders

began to sell the goods at higher prices. In this way they

earned huge profits and became rich and great men in

society. In many cases, the advanced money ruined the

farmers on the one hand and enriched the merchant

moneylenders on the other. The moneylenders did not fail to

utilise the opportunity for buying the properties of the

farmers, when the repaying capacity of poor farmers was

affected by the failure of rains, damages caused by the 112

floods and droughts leading to crop failure. This could

have made the farmers not only subjugated but also

separated from their lands on account of the money advanced.

Hence, the farmers became daily wage earners. The

moneylenders dictated terms to the farmers, who became daily

wager earners, what crops should be cultivated in the lands.

It is in this way that the merchants earned huge profit

through trade. They became really wealthy as indicated by

their liberal grants towards the construction of churches

and temples besides gifts to the Europeans and native 113

rulers.

From the foregoing discussion, we may conclude

that a few wealthy merchants became still more wealthier and

thus earned their influential StatUS in the society. They

also held important positions in the courts of the local

rulers. In this case, it may be mentioned that Ananda Ranga

Pillai received the rank of mansabdar of 3000 horses from

Muzaffar Jung, Rizam of Hyderabad, in 1749 along with the

title of Vazier and was also appointed the Killedar of

Chengelpet besides holding the position of chief Dubaahy of 114

the French Company.

Some merchants also lost their investments and

independence, because they were not able to conduct their

trade freely with meagre investments. They became paid

agents of wealthy merchants and helped them in the

organisation of long distance trade. In this regard, we may

say that Pir Marakkayan and Muthukumara Pillai continued to 115

work as agents of Ananda Ranga Pillai in Colombo. A few

petty traders who worked as paid agents of rich merchants

were unable to meet the competitive trade and began to

embezzle money of their owners. These merchants who

misappropriated funds finally were removed from the

commercial scene. For instance, we find Venkataiyan who

worked as agent of Sunguvar Seshachala Chetti at Arcot had

embezzled money worth 7000 pagodas from the bazaar of

Naranappa Chetti at Arcot, for which Sunguvar Seshachala

Chetti removed him from his service and put him in prison 116

with the help of the Governor. Thus honesty in trade was

proved worthwhile for others to follow. Merchants' position

and status also depended upon hardwork, capital and fortune

to some extent in the commercial service of the Pondicherry

trade in the eighteenth century.

NOTES AND REPERKACES

John Charpentier, Dupleix et 1'Empire des Indes, Tours Maison, mame, 1937, p.15; Sinnappah Arasaratnam, Merchants, Companies and Commerce on the Coromandel Coast 1650-1740. New Delhi, 1986,pp.213-219.

H. Closets D'Erry, Bistoire de 1' Inde Pranpaise (1664- 18141, Pondichbry, 1940, pp.59,60. (henceforth Histoire ... )

Anandarangapillai, The private diary of Anandaranga- pillai 1736-1761 (ed.H.Dodwell), (12 vols) New Delhi, 1985, vol.1. p.vii; vol.111, p.123. (henceforth Diary).

Diary, vol.iv,p.39.

Ibid, vol.I.pp.167-8.

M.N. Pearson, Brokers in western Indian port cities, Their role in servicing Foreign merchants in Modern Asian Studies vo1.22 ed.Gordon Johnson, Cambridge University Press, 1988, p.457.

Clive Day, A History of Commerce, New York, 1921, p.39.

Paul Olagnier, tes Jesuites B Pondichbry et l'affaire Naniapa 1705-20. (ed A-Martineau) Paris, 1932, p.19.

Diary, vol . iv, pp. 147-8; V . Raghavan, Anandaranga Vijaya Campu of Srinivasakavi, Tiruchirapalli, 1948, p.1.

Paul Olagnier, op.cit.p.19.

Diary, vol.1. p.406; V. Raghavan, op.cit, p.2. Annapurnayam wanted to get the post of chief courtier by bribing Money to Mme. Dupleix.

Diary, vol.iv, pp.147-8.

Eistoire .., pp.59-64; Diary, vol.1, p.ix.

Ibid, vol.iii, 414; vol.xi, 202; MSS National Archives of India, Pondicherry. folder no.438, pp.39-41.

Diary, vol.i, p.315, 316, 322, 323, 330.

Ibid, vOl.v.p.228

Ibid, vol.vi, p.19.

Law de Lauriston, Etat Politique de 1' Inde en 1777, Paris.1913. (ed.A.Martineau). pp.152-3.

Ibid.

Diary, vol.xii,p.l91.

Ibid, vol.iv,p.333

Ibid, vol.iii, pp.206.208.

Catherine Manning, French Country Trade on Coromandel (1720-50) in Revista de Cultura, Lisbon 1991. p.169. (henceforth Revistre de Cultura).

Diary, vol.l.pp.4,5.

H.C D'Erry, , Resumd des lettres du cnseil supdrieur de pondichdry Divers, p.96; Edmond Gaudart, Cat&logue doe Yanuscrits des Anciennes Archives de 1'Inde Pran~aise, 1690-1789, Tome, I,p.5.

Procbs verbaux de Deliberations du Conseil Supdrieur de la Compagnie des Indes 1724 a 1735, Tome.11, Pondichdry , 1913-14. pp.328-9.

Ibid, vol.ii,p.334.

H D'Erry op.cit, p.84.

Diary, vol.vi.p.190; vol.x.p.66; vol.xi,p.202.

C.S. Srinivasachari, Anandrangapillai: The Pepy's of French India, New Delhi, 1991, p.xi.

E. Gaudart, op.cit, pp.46,52.

Ibid.

Diary, vol.v.p.302.

Ibid, vo1.

Proces Verbaux, vol.1. p.30.

Diary, vol.ii.p.295.

Ibid. vol.

Qudir Husain Khan, South Indian Muslmans. Madras, 1910, pp.22, 28, 29.

Revista de Cultura, p.171.

Diary, vol.ii,p.69.

Revisa de Cultura, p.171.

Ibid.

Diary, vol.i,201.

Ibid, vol.iv, p.187.

Ibid, vol.i,pp.l16, 201.

Ibid, vol.i,p.62.

Revista de Cultura, p.167.

Tapan Raychaudhuri and Irfan Habib (ed) The Cambridge Economic History of India, cl200-01710, Delhi, 1982, vo1.1. p.41b.

Modern Asian Studies, 19, 3, 1985, printed in Great Britian, p.494.

Diary, vol.v, pp.206, 226, 227.

Ibid, ~0l.ii,pp.164-5.

Revieta de Cultura, p.169.

Diary, vol.ii.p.161.56

Lotika Varadharajan, India in the 17th century (Booial, economic and political) Mdmoires of Fran~ois Martin 1670-1690), New Delhi, 1983 vol.11, part.1. p.1020, (henceforth H6moires).

Diary, vol.v, 363, 378, 379, 395.

Ibid, vol.v, p.395.

Ibid, vol.iv, pp.9,10.

Ibid, vol.x, p.195.

Ibid, vol.xii, p.127-8.

Ibid, vol.xii, p.74

Ibid, vol.ii.pp.320-21; vol.iv, p.48.

C.S. Srinivasachari, op.cit p.xv.

Diary, vol.x.pp.202, 295; vol.xii, p.205.

Ibid, vol.x.p.120.

Ibid, vol.

Ibid, vol.ii, pp.99, 100.

Ibid, vol.xii, 208-9.

Rose Vincent, Empire of Dust Jeanne Dupleix and her times ( A historical novel translated from the French by Uma Narayanan with Prema Seetharam,), New Delhi, 1982, p.160.

C.S. Srinivasachari, op.cit, p.xv.

Diary, vol.ii.pp.99,lOO.

Castonnet des Posses, L'Inde Francaise avant Dupleix, Paris, 1887, p.129.

Diary, vol.xi.pp.429-30.

Rose Vincent, op.cit, p.50.

H.Dodwell, Calender of Madras Despatches 1744-45, Madras, 1920. p.355.

Francis Buchanan, A journey of Madras through the countries Mysore, Canara and Yalabar, (3 vols.), New Delhi, 1988, vol.1, p.121.

S. Arasaratnam, op.cit, p.216.79.

Anne Bos Radwan, Dutch in western India 1601-1632, Calcutta,l978, p.17.

Diary, vol.ii, p.250; vol.iii, p.99, vol.iv, p.18; vol.viii, p.300.

Ibid, vol.l,ll8, vol.ii,pp.73-75.

Ibid, vol.iii,pp.4,10,11.

Procbs Verbaux, vol.i.pp.328-9.

Diary, vol.iii, p.240.

Records of Fort St.George Public Dispatch to England 1741-42, Madras, 1916, vol.xii, p.10.

Diary, vol.ii, p.12.

ProcCs Verbaux, vol.ii,p.415.

Diary, vol.ii,p.69.

Francis Buchanan, op.cit, vol.i.p.186,205,

Diary, vol.i,pp.84,90.

Francis Buchanan, op.cit, vol.i,p.205; C.S. Srinivasachari, op.cit, p.15.

Diary, vol.iv,pp.381, 402, 393, 458; vol.vi.p.299.

Ibid, vol.xii, p.107.

Ibid, vol.iii, p.119, vol.viii, pp.26,255-6.

Ibid, vol.x.p.147.

96. MSS, National Archives of India Pondicherry branch, folder no.14.

97. Diary, vol.x.p.xxi.

98. Ibid, vol.iii, p.111; vol.iv, p.27; vol.vii, p.162; V.G. Hatalkar; French Records Relating to the History of Yaraths, Bombay, 1984, vol.ix, p.22.

99. Diary, vol.ii.p.154.

100. Ibid, vol.ix,p.45.

101. Ibid, vol.xi,p.l15.

102. Ibid

103. Ibid, vol.xi.p.97.

104. Ibid, vol.ii, p.162

105. YSS National Archives of India Pondicherry branch, Pondicherry Tribunal de la chauderie sentances et judgements civils 1791-92. folder no.231. sheet no.23.

106. Diary, vol.i.p.55.

107. Ibid, vol.i.p.55.

108. Records of Fort St.George, Public Despatch to England 1741-42 vol.xii, Madras. 1916. p.42.

109. Diary, vol.x.Pp.135,136.

110. Diary, vol.xi,pp.lll,ll3.

111. Ibid, vol.x.p.17.

112. Ibid, vol.x.p.153.

113. Ibid, vol.ii.p.381.

114. Ibid vo1.i~. p.xxiii, vol.i, p.x. Maurice Maindron, Dans 1'Inde du sud le coromandel, Paris, MDCCCC VII, 1907, pp. 122,123.

115. Ibid, vol.i.p.201.

116. Ibid, vol.ii,P.gg.