COPTIC CHURCH REVIEW - St. Antonious & St. Mina Coptic ... · • A History of the Coptic Orthodox...

Society of Coptic Church Studies

ISSN 0273-3269

COPTIC CHURCHREVIEW

Volume 17, Number 4. . . . . . . . . . . . . . Winter 1996

• THE DESIRE OF ALL NATIONS

• ST. ATHANASIUS AND MONASTICISM

• ARABIC CHRISTIAN HERITAGE

COPTIC CHURCH REVIEW

A Quarterly of Contemporary Patristic StudiesISSN 0273-3269

Volume 17, Number 4 . . . . . .Winter 1996

82 About This Issue

83 The Desire of All NationsFather Matta El-Meskeen

90 St. Athanasius and MonasticismRodolph Yanney

97 From the Arabic ChristianHeritageSaïd Rizkalla

102 Book Reviews• Athanasius and the Politics of

Asceticism• Seven Early Monastic Lives• Augustine: His Thought in

Context• Divine Grace and Human

Agency• Hypatia of Alexandria• A History of the Coptic

Orthodox Church• Introduction to NT Christology• The Jews in the Times of Jesus• Mary of Magdala• Compendium of Spirituality

108 Book Notices

110 Index of Volume 17

BackCoverLiturgical Calendar

EDITORIAL BOARD

Bishop Wissa(Al-Balyana, Egypt)

Bishop Antonious Markos(Coptic Church, African Affairs)

Bishop Isaac(Quesna, Egypt)

Bishop Dioscorus(Coptic Church, Egypt)

Fr. Tadros Malaty(Alexandria, Egypt)

Professor Fayek Ishak(Ontario, Canada)

William El-Meiry, Ph.D.(N.J., U.S.A.)

Girgis A. Ibrahim, Ph.D.((Minnesota, U.S.A.)

Esmat Gabriel, Ed.D.(PA., U.S.A.)

EDITORRodolph Yanney, M.D.

CIRCULATION MANAGERRalph Yanney

© Copyright 1996by Coptic Church ReviewE. Brunswick, NJ

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ABOUT THIS ISSUE

Meditating upon the phrase 'The Desire of All Nations' as a title of ChristFather Matta El-Meskeen digs deeply in Scripture, both Old and New Testaments,as well as into the Church Sacraments in order to describe the mutual love andunion between Christ and those who believe in him. Father Matta, the spiritualfather of St. Macarius' Monastery in the ancient desert of Scete, is one of the distin-guished Orthodox theologians and spiritual writers of this century. The present arti-cle is taken from St. Mark Monthly Review, the magazine of the Monastery, whereit was published in Arabic (October 1995) and in English (March 1996).

'Saint Athanasius of Alexandria and Early Monasticism' examines the vitalroles the great Archbishop and the rising monastic movement had for the survivalof each other and the interrelationship between them. This paper was presented atthe last International Conference on Patristic Studies at Oxford (August 21-26,1995).

Thanks to Dr. Sai..d Rizkaslla, we have for the first time in this journal an arti-

cle about the Arabic Christian Heritage in the Middle Ages. He introduces in thisissue the family of Awla-d Al-Assa-l who were among the leaders of the Copticrenaissance in the 13th century and who left for the Church a treasury of Christianliterature in Arabic. Dr. Rizkalla has his Ph.D. from the Institute of Coptic Studiesin Cairo and his fields of research are Coptic Art and Coptic History.

Editor

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Special Issue of Coptic Church Review

ST. CYRIL OF ALEXANDRIA(His Life, Works, Liturgy and Theology)

• Scheduled for Spring 1997.• New and previously published articles and reviews (Scholarly

or General are appreciated.• Deadline for the receipt of articles is February 15, 1997.

Titles of Christ:

THE DESIRE OF ALL NATIONSFather Matta El-Meskeen

“And I will shake all nations,and the desire of all nations shall come”(Haggai 2:7 KJV)

The entire verse as it appears in the prophet Haggai is as follows:6 For thus saith the Lord of hosts; Yet once, it [is] a little while, and I

will shake the heavens, and the earth, and the sea, and the dry [land];7 And I will shake all nations, and the desire of all nations shall come:

and I will fill this house with glory, saith the Lord of hosts.8 The silver [is] mine, and the gold [is] mine, saith the Lord of hosts.9 The glory of this latter house shall be greater than of the former, saith

the Lord of hosts: and in this place will I give peace, saith the Lordof hosts. (Haggai 2:6-9 KJV)

The Greek translation known as the Septuagint does not use the expression“the desire of all nations” as a title for Christ. Rather it opts for a more ambiguousexpression. However, if we refer to the Latin Vulgate, which is closer to theHebrew, we find that “the desire of all nations” is the expression of choice.

“I will shake the heavens, and the earth, and the sea, and the dryland; And... all nations”:

This earthquake which occurs in the heavens and earth and all the nations theycontain is a prophetic allusion to a radical change in the way God deals with man.Nature will participate in this change as it is liberated from its state of slavery tocorruption as a result of Adam’s sin. As it is written: “Cursed is the ground becauseof you...” (Genesis 3:17). This change will come about when mankind’s salvationis completed and he enters into his heavenly dwelling.

This took place for the first time in history when God descended to speak withMoses from the peak of Mt. Sinai. “And Mount Sinai was wrapped in smoke,because the Lord descended upon it in fire; and the smoke of it went up like the

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84 Winter 1996 • Coptic Church Review - Volume 17, Number 4

smoke of a kiln, and the whole mountain quaked greatly. . . . Now when all thepeople perceived the thunderings and the lightnings and the sound of the trumpetand the mountain smoking, the people were afraid and trembled; and they stoodafar off...” (Exodus 19:18, 20:18). In this way the Old Testament inauguratesnature’s celebration of God’s descent to speak to his people. This is the beginningof God’s old covenant with his people.

In the same fashion, we see nature celebrating the advent of the “desire of allnations.” The heavens are also involved in the celebration because He comes fromabove—from the heavens. Also, “all the nations” participate in the festivity byvirtue of the earthquake that shakes the nations. However, this event is not viewedin human, visible terms, but in spiritual terms. The “desire of all nations” is noneother than the Son of God who came in secrecy and peace without public recogni-tion: “Truly, thou art a God who hidest thyself, O God of Israel, the Savior” (Is45:15).

Indeed, we observe that the signs of the end time are displayed in much thesame fashion (Mk 13:8, 24-26). These signs accompany the Son of Man’s comple-tion of the work of salvation. At his final appearing, he will be revealed as God,coming in glory with the saints. All creation will be shaken including the earth, thesun, the moon, and the stars. This is the final celebration of man. Nature will par-ticipate in this emancipation as the curse is lifted from it.

“The Desire of All Nations”:This particular title of Christ is unique in that it describes Christ’s role in

regard to the nations in our day. The word “desire” suggests an intense love—anintimate relationship of heart, soul and spirit with this one who is Savior andRedeemer. The prophet Isaiah foretells something of the ardor and passion whichpossesses those who love Christ. Listen to his words: “Thy memorial name is thedesire of our soul. My soul yearns for thee in the night, my spirit within meearnestly seeks thee” (Is 26:8-9). Isaiah is not speaking of himself but prophetical-ly. He is speaking of a future reality when Christ will be the desire of the nations. Ifthis prophecy was for Haggai and Isaiah, it is also for us. Indeed, it speaks for us ifwe are only willing to speak the mystery of Christ in truth.

Christ’s Position as the Desire of All Nations:Christ himself sanctifies this title and encourages its use. Listen as he says,

“The days are coming when you will desire to see one of the days of the Son ofman...” (Lk 17:22). While the verse refers specifically to the desire for his “days”,the clear meaning of the passage is a desire for him. He is directing our hearts andminds to consider the depth of relationship which is to bind us to him. It is difficultto find him if we wade in waters outside the sea of desire for his love. In order tofind him, we must be motivated by a passionate desire to see him. He will not befound apart from the deep recesses of a desiring heart. He who grasps this mystery

has learned the best of man’s secrets and more. Listen as he speaks about hisgospel and his words: “Truly I say to you, many prophets and righteous menlonged to see what you see, and did not see it, and to hear what you hear, and didnot hear it. But blessed are your eyes, for they see, and your ears, for they hear”(Mt 13:17; 16).

What the prophets and righteous men longed for—to see Christ and hear hiswords—they did not receive. We who believe in Christ have received the Wordmade both visible and audible. This vision and hearing is the meaning of the word“desire.” Seeing and hearing this “Christ who is desired” have become our right. Itis also clear that the vision of Christ has become a vision of faith which is a higherlevel than the physical sense of sight. Concerning his words, his gospel has beengranted to us. Therefore, Christ has fulfilled the title assigned to him by Haggaicenturies ago (520 BC). Indeed, he is the desire of all nations by faith and thegospel. Faith makes his person present. The gospel reveals to us his word.

Concerning the prophets who desired but neither saw nor heard, perhaps theclearest example is Daniel. We read in his prophecy that when he desired to knowthe mystery of Christ and the end, he was told:

“Go your way Daniel, for the words are shut up and sealed until the time ofthe end. Many shall purify themselves and make themselves white, and be refined;but the wicked shall do wickedly; and none of the wicked shall understand; butthose who are wise shall understand. And from the time that the continual burntoffering is taken away, and the abomination that makes desolate is set up, thereshall be a thousand two hundred and ninety days. Blessed is he who waits andcomes to the thousand three hundred and thirty-five days” [in other words “untilthe coming of Christ”] (Daniel 12:9-12).

After Christ declares: “many prophets and righteous men longed to see whatyou see, and did not see it, and to hear what you hear, and did not hear it,” heapplies this word to us when he says: “But blessed are your eyes because they see.”This is the same blessing pronounced in the book of Daniel on those who are to bepresent at the coming of Christ.

After this the book of Daniel describes Christ in the following terms: “to bringin everlasting righteousness...to anoint the most holy,...an anointed one, a prince”(Dan 9:24-25). This is one of the most beautiful and most powerful revelatory titlesof Christ. He alone is righteous. He is the seal of all visions and the end of allprophecies. He alone is holy, Christ the prince of peace.

Not only did Daniel prophesy about the coming of Christ. Other prophets andrighteous ones spoke these inspired words:

We hear Jacob the Righteous, the father of Patriarchs declare: “The sceptreshall not depart from Judah (the tribe of Judah), nor a lawgiver from between hisfeet (a king who orders and establishes), until Shiloh comes; and unto him [shall]the gathering of the people [be]” (Gen 49:10 KJV).

Notice that a prophecy given as early as the book of Genesis clearly relates

THE DESIRE OF ALL NATIONS 85


Christ’s rule to the nations. Jacob’s soul also desired to see this “Shiloh” of whomScripture spoke. But he did not see or hear.

Consider also the prophet Balaam “who sees the vision of the Almighty,falling down, but having his eyes uncovered” (Numbers 24:16). He says: “I seehim, but not now; I behold him, but not nigh; a star shall come forth out of Jacoband a scepter shall rise out of Israel” (Num 24:17). Balaam also had an intensedesire to see this one whom he beheld as a star that lit up the sky. Still, he neithersaw nor heard.

Isaiah also says: “Behold a virgin shall conceive and bear a son, and shall callhis name Immanuel (God with us)” (Is 7:14 KJV). Through this astounding mys-tery, Isaiah reveals certain facets of Christ’s advent. How could his soul not long tosee and hear Immanuel? He cries out, “Truly, thou art a God who hidest thyself, OGod of Israel, the Saviour” (Is 45:15). His eyes grew dull before the vision was ful-filled. His ears were not allowed to hear it.

Isaiah himself speaks of this one who is coming: “For to us a child is born, tous a son is given; and the government will be upon his shoulder, and his name willbe called ‘Wonderful Counselor, Mighty God, Everlasting Father, Prince of Peace”(Is 9:6). Isaiah, as well, longed to see and hear that divine Son. However, he neitherheard nor saw him.

The Inspired word also speaks of Christ as a vineyard through Isaiah: “A pleas-ant vineyard, sing of it! I, the Lord, am its keeper; every moment I water it. Lest anyone harm it, I guard it night and day” (Is 27:2,3). Imagine how great was Isaiah’sdesire to see that vineyard and know who it was. Still, he did not see or hear.

Isaiah speaks again. “Then the eyes of the blind shall be opened, and the earsof the deaf unstopped; then shall the lame man leap like a hart, and the tongue ofthe dumb sing for joy. For waters shall break forth in the wilderness, and streams inthe desert” (Is 35:5-6). Isaiah longed to see that one who would cause rivers tospring forth in the desert, but he did not see or hear.

Isaiah calls out yet again, “Behold my servant, whom I uphold, my chosen inwhom my soul delights; I have put my Spirit upon him, he will bring forth justiceto the nations. He will not cry or lift up his voice, or make it heard in the street; abruised reed he will not break, and a dimly burning wick he will not quench; hewill faithfully bring forth justice. He will not fail or be discouraged till he hasestablished justice in the earth; and the coastlands wait for his law” (Is 42:1-4).

Isaiah’s words are for the comfort of coming generations, yet he himself doesnot grasp the depth of the words he speaks.

Daniel the prophet also says, “Many shall purify themselves, and make them-selves white, and be refined; but the wicked shall do wickedly; and none of thewicked shall understand; but those who are wise shall understand... Blessed is hewho waits...” (Dan 12:10,12). Shiloh is hated at his coming, thus fulfilling theprophetic word that the wicked shall not understand. The star of Jacob appearedbut they despised him and even produced a counterfeit of him (i.e., Bar-Cochba, d.

AD 135). The son of the virgin came. They merely said “we know his father andmother” and they began to look for an occasion to stone him. A son was born toJudah who did the works of God. They said, “he does these things by the prince ofthe demons.” He came who causes waters to break forth in the desert. He openedblind eyes and deaf ears. The lame and paralyzed carried their beds and walked.They asked, “are you he who is to come, or do we wait for another?” He came whodid works of truth. They wore him down, judged him and killed him. However thewise ones were purified. Their clothes were made white in the blood of the lamb.They were cleansed by the Spirit. These received the blessing from the mouth ofChrist because they saw and heard in truth. Their desire was fulfilled. These are theones of whom the prophets and seers spoke: “It was revealed to them that theywere serving not themselves but you, in the things...things into which angels longto look” (1 Pet. 1:12).

It is truly amazing that the “desire of all nations” is also the one desired by theangels. Is it not because he is Lord of heaven and earth whose “speech is mostsweet, and he is altogether desirable” (Song of Solomon 5:16), indeed, the desire ofthe saints and angels!

“Blessed are your ears because they hear...”, hear what they desire—the wordof Christ.

The Desire of the Gospel:The gospel is the incarnate voice of God. It is hearing and seeing, by faith, at

the same time. The desired one is found in the gospel by faith (seeing) and by theSpirit (hearing). One might well ask: “How can I long for the gospel?” The apostlePeter responds: “Like newborn babes, long for the pure spiritual milk, that by ityou may grow up to salvation? (1 Pet. 2:2).

This longing for the gospel is portrayed by a most creative means. The apostlePeter represents this desire through a suckling, laid upon his mother’s breast, urgedby an instinctive longing to obtain his mother’s pure milk. It is as though he is call-ing us to be animated by a similar instinctive, unquenchable desire to obtain thegospel. The suckling is moved to satisfy his natural hunger. He must have this milkfor the sake of his growth and health. If the infant is deprived of his longing forfood, he will refuse to nurse. He will even vomit his food if forced to nurse withoutthis desire. The gospel is viewed in the same light by the apostle Peter. If one readswithout a believing spirit, the desired result will not be forthcoming. If the gospel isread by force, the words will simply exit as easily as they enter accruing no benefitfor life and spiritual development. So, the desire for the gospel is an essential ele-ment of the gospel. Indeed, he who gave the gospel, the “desire of the nations,” alsoinsisted on a desire for it. The purpose and origin of this analogy is Christ himself ashe declares: “Many prophets and righteous ones desired to see and hear what yousee and hear.” What we see and hear through our earnest desire is Christ himself.

Dear reader, please pay attention. This is no exaggeration. It is established



truth. In this truth lies the mystery of life, the gospel and growth in Christ: “Longfor the pure spiritual milk, that by it you may grow up to salvation” (1 Peter 2:2).

The question is, “how can I long for the gospel?” The answer is at the heart ofthe meaning of “gospel.” The gospel is the voice and image of Christ. If your loverelationship with Christ has come to the point of longing, then your desire for thegospel will take on the same quality. Listen as Saint Peter speaks of vision, love andlonging for Christ: “Without having seen him you love him; though you do not nowsee him you believe in him and rejoice with unutterable and exalted joy” (1 Peter1:8). In the gospel you meet with Christ by the vision of faith. This vision creates aninexpressible joy in your heart in anticipation of the future glory. In this way, thesaying is fulfilled in us: “Blessed are you for you see and hear ‘the desired one’.”

This fact is not some hidden mystery. It is open to all as we have often pro-claimed that the reading of the gospel is an encounter with Christ. This is why itproduces inexpressible joy which gives witness to the fact that a true encounter hastaken place, leading to growth and life. This title of Christ, “the desire of allnations,” is a mystery of mysteries.

The Utmost Examples of Mutual Desire:Christ said: “I am the true vine...and you are the branches” (John 15:1,5).

What is this union of the branches and the vine, this passionate, longing love? Isnot this union the utmost example of mutual desire? “Abide in me and I in you” (Jn15:4). This is a love which never ceases day or night until the branch brings forthfruit. Is not this a case of passionate mutual love which refuses any separation?

Furthermore, what is the origin of these unique qualities? Do they not springfrom the identity of the vine as it is he who is “the desire of all nations?” Here is hewho revealed the secret: “A pleasant vineyard, sing of it! I, the Lord, am its keeper;every moment I water it. Lest any one harm it, I guard it night and day” (Is 27:2-3).

“And when the hour came, he sat at table, and the apostles with him. And hesaid to them, “I have earnestly desired to eat this passover with you before I suffer”(Lk 22:15).

He grasped the cup of his slaim love on behalf of his beloved ones in thisworld. He breathed his love into it. He poured out the passion of his soul and saidto them: “Drink of it, all of you” (Mt 26:27). It was said about Christ that “havingloved his own who were in the world, he loved them to the end” (John 13:1). It wasalso said about the cup that he took: “I have earnestly desired to eat this passoverwith you before I suffer” (Lk 22:15). Can we not discern here, dear reader, that astory is unfolding? It is a story taken from the mystery of the Eucharist. The say-ings of Christ are part of this mystery. They live in the heart of him who eats ofChrist. When we partake of the bread corporately, we partake of his love to theuttermost and the passion of his soul in its completion.

The gospel and the Eucharist are one mystery, revealing Christ as “the desireof the nations.” “[They] have tasted the goodness of the word of God” (Heb 6:5).

“...for you have tasted of the kindness of the Lord...” (1 Pet. 2:3). This is the tasteof love and passion, Christ says: “He who eats my flesh and drinks my bloodabides in me, and I in him” (John 6:56). Is this not the result of mutual love whichhas reached its highest degree? He also says: “You in me and I in you...” (Jn14:20). Is not this liaison of communion the completion of all that the soul desiresin Christ? Is it not the completion of all that Christ desires from those who lovehim and believe in him? It is also an enlarged picture of the word of the gospelwhen it takes up residence in the desiring heart.

Paul elucidates the highest degree of practical application of this name “thedesire of the nations.” He describes Christ’s union with those who believe in him—his beloved church—as a model relationship of love between a bride and groom.“Husbands, love your wives, as Christ loved the church and gave himself up forher” (Eph 5:25). Let the reader observe that Paul depicts believers in the feminineform. Christ’s love is like the love of a man for his bride—the very essence of pas-sion in its holiest sense. He further elevates his description of this holy state oflove: “...that he might sanctify her, having cleansed her by the washing of waterwith the word, that he might present the church to himself in splendor, without spotor wrinkle” (Eph 5:26-27). Saint Paul carefully places believers on the level of abride who deserves the love of her husband—the level of a holy passion. By meansof sanctification by baptism and the blood, believers attain to the state of holinessand thus become the bride of “the desire of all nations.”

It may seem to the reader that this description of a passionate mutual lovebetween Christ and redeemed mankind is a temporal expression. The truth is thatGod designed this plan, preparing it for implementation before the foundation ofthe world. It was a matter of his choice concerning those who were to be united toChrist. “...who has blessed us in Christ with every spiritual blessing in the heavenlyplaces, even as he chose us in him before the foundation of the world, that weshould be holy and blameless before him” (Eph 1:3-4). Then he further clarifiedthe ultimate objective of this unique condition of communion with Christ: “He des-tined us in love to be his sons through Jesus Christ, according to the purpose of hiswill, to the praise of his glorious grace which he freely bestowed on us in theBeloved” (Eph 1:5-6). We are to become a new creation capable of standing beforehim in heaven to proclaim praise and glory to Jesus Christ the beloved.

This is the “desire of all nations.” This is how the nations receive this “desiredone.” This is how they become one with him and he with them in the ultimateattainment of glory.

Now that we know the position of “the desired one” in regard to ourselves andour place in regard to him, the path we must follow to arrive at this passionate lovefor him has become well-marked. We join Isaiah, making his words our life’s song:

“Thy memorial name is the desire of our soul.My soul yearns for thee in the night, my spirit within me earnestly seeks thee” (Isa 26:8-9).


SAINT ATHANASIUS OF ALEXANDRIAAND EARLY MONASTICISM:A SYMBIOTIC RELATIONSHIPRodolph Yanney, M.D.

In the first pages of The Life of Antony, the young Athanasius appears as a fol-lower of the future Father of Monasticism1. Both come again in the final pages,some thirty years later, at a time when they were physically separated. Antony wason his deathbed and he had nothing to leave to Athanasius except his cloak and hissheepskin, a symbol and testimony of his veneration of the Archbishop and hisunion with him in the faith for which he was suffering exile2.

Monasticism: A New Spiritual MovementIn AD 305, St. Antony started his first monastery in Mount Pispir, on the east

bank of the Nile. This proved to be the beginning of the greatest spiritual move-ment in the Christian history after the Apostolic age. By the middle of the century,there were at least twenty monastic settlements scattered all over the Egyptiandeserts, each having hundreds of monks, with the numbers multiplying fast3. Buthow did the Egyptian Church leadership, while still waging a fierce struggle forsurvival against the Meletian schismatics and the Arian heretics, react to such anew lay movement? From the beginning monasticism considered itself anautonomous establishment inside the Church, with its own teachers, leadership,administration and rule that affected all aspects of the daily life of the monks, withintense repercussion on the Church at large. On the other hand, with the christian-ization of the Empire, the bishops acquired more power and their authority becameestablished. Christians began to regard them as princes of the Church, they wereeven commissioned by the rulers to act as judges for their people4. With rareexceptions, Church teaching and interpretation of Scripture became restricted tothe bishops and presbyters by the end of the third century5. When monasticism

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1. Athanasius: Life of Antony, Prologue, Tr. Vivian T. Coptic Church Review 1994;15:8.2. Ibid., 91. p. 57.3. Yanney R: Monastic Settlements in Fourth Century Egypt. Coptic Church Review; 1985: 6:2:39.4. Faivre A: The Emergence of the Laity in the Early Church. Mahwah, NJ: Paulist Press, 1990: 148.5. Ibid., p. 205.

started there were reasons, on theological and disciplinary ground, to suspect thenew movement. Monasticism, as seen by the outside observer, shared some of thebasic features and practices of heretics. The Encratite Gnostics reprobated mar-riage6. Some historians believe that the Manichaean ascetic movement in Egyptthat preceded the Pachomian cenobitic monasticism by about half a century notonly influenced it, but also later infiltrated into it, especially after the former wasbanned by Theodosius in 3827. Christian monasticism could have been easilyaccused of Manichaean tendency in its practices of celibacy and asceticism. Thismay be the reason why the early monks were always sensitive to the charge ofheresy. In The Life of Antony Athanasius stressed the fact that the great anchoriteavoided the fellowship of Meletians, Manichaeans and Arians8. Early in his life asa Christian, Pachomius was troubled and confused by the different heresies, eachclaiming to possess the truth. He was even urged to join the Meletians and theMarcionites. He knew the truth by a vision in which he saw a shining lamp amidstthe darkness of the world. He heard a voice that told him that the lamp was theGospel of Christ preached in the Church of Alexandria with Alexander its bishop9.The Apophthegmata Patrum gives the story of Abba Agathon (fifth century) whoaccepted to be called a fornicator, a proud man and insane but never a heretic10.The Apophthegmata also has Amma Theodora refuting the Manichaean teachingon the body11. The association with any heretic was extremely prohibited in thedesert12.

Athanasius Advocate of MonasticismThe defensive language of these early monastic writings reveals the fact that

collision between the Church leadership and the rising monasticism could and didhappen. Actually the reaction of the clergy was mixed. While some bishops wel-comed the new movement as a spiritual revival that would benefit the wholeChurch, others did every possible endeavor to kill it in its infancy. It was here thatthe historic role of Athanasius for the survival and prosperity of monasticismcomes. He was the Archbishop of Alexandria for nearly fifty years and he lived tobecome the unchallenged Christian leader in Egypt. He believed in monasticismand throughout his life he was always in close contact with the monks. He admit-

ST. ATHANASIUS AND MONASTICISM 91

6. Cross: The Oxford Dict. of the Christian Church. OUP, 1983:457.7. Stroumsa GG: The Manichaean Challenge to Egyptian Christianity. In: The Roots of Egyptian

Christianity. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1986: 308,309.8. Life of Antony, op. cit., 68-70 (p. 45-47).9. Letter of Bishop Ammon, 12. In: Pachomian Koinonia, vol. II (Tr. Veilleux A, Kalamazoo, MI:

Cistercian Pub., 1981). p. 79,80.10. Ward B: The Sayings of the Desert Fathers. Kalamazoo, MI: Cistercian Pub., 1975: 18.11. Ibid., 71,72.12. Ibid., 182,185,189,204.


ted that he was a disciple of Antony and saw him often13. He heard aboutPachomius in his early youth, before his consecration14. About AD 329, soon afterhis ordination, he visited the monasteries in the Thebaid. He was the first Christianleader to choose monks for the important positions in the Church. Among thesewas St. Serapion of Thmuis who led the Church during the third exile ofAthanasius (356-62). In his letter to Abbot Dracontius who fled from the episco-pate preferring the monastic life, Athanasius gave the names of seven other abbotswho, among many other monks, had become bishops by the year 354/355 whenthe letter was written15. To avoid ordination Pachomius had to hide from thePatriarch when he visited the Koinonia14. When Antony visited Alexandria (c.338), Athanasius never left him16. He kept close contact with all the monastic cen-ters by letters if not in person. His extant writings include several letters to themonks in general or to a particular monastic Father such as Amoun of Nitria andHorsiesios, the third Father of the Koinonia, who consulted him about difficult the-ological and pastoral problems17. These letters show the personal relations ofAthanasius with the monks to whom he was writing, as well as his total awarenessof the latest events in the monasteries.

Athanasius used to spread the knowledge of the new movement and theenthusiasm for it through his sermons. Bishop Ammon who was a Pachomianmonk in the middle of the fourth century writes in his Letter how he chose theblessed life of the monks after hearing about them from Athanasius18.

Athanasius played a crucial role in the spread of monasticism outside Egypt.When he left it on his second exile (AD 339-346) he was accompanied by twosaintly monks from Nitria - Amoun, one of the Tall Brothers and Isidore, whomAthanasius later assigned to direct the guest house of Alexandria. Their livingexample inspired others to start monasteries in Europe. It was to the brethren inthese monasteries that Athanasius wrote the Life in 356, shortly after the death ofAntony. This was probably the earliest book in the monastic literature. It wasdescribed as 'the most important document of early monasticism'19. 'No other bookhas done more to propagate the monastic life'20.

Literary Interaction Between Athanasius and the Desert FathersThe teaching of Athanasius had direct impact on the Egyptian monks in both

their monastic life and theological knowledge. We know from the Apophthegmata13. Life of Antony, op. cit., Prologue: 8.14. The Bohairic Life of Pachomius :28. In Pachomian Koinonia, op. cit., vol. 1. p. 51.15. Letter to Dracontius, (NPNF, 2nd series, vol. 4, p. 557-560).16. Life of Antony, op. cit., 69-71 (p. 46, 47).17. Letters of Athanasius: 48, 49, 52, 53, 57, 58. Tr. in NPNF, Second series Vol. 4.p. 556, 557, 563,

564, 569.18. Letter of Bishop Ammon, Prologue, op. cit. p. 71.19. Quasten J: Patrology: Vol. 3. Antwerp: Spectrum; 1960: 39.20. Bouyer L: The Spirituality of the New Testament and the Fathers. New York: Desclee; 1963: 307.

Patrum that during the second half of the fourth century Athanasius' books werekept and read by the monks in their cells; they occasionally used them in answer-ing heretics21. Another example appears in the speeches of Pachomius quoted byhis ancient biographers which echo the same ideas found in Athanasius' FestalLetters22.

Father Matta El-Meskeen comments on the relation of Athanasius to monasti-cism saying,

"Athanasius who had received the spirit of asceticism from Antonyfollowed his master and inspired the same spirit in the young generation,with the result that multitudes of monks filled Nitria, Cellia, Scete and theThebaid. As their head he took care of them and depended on them.They became an inseparable part of the Church and a strong weapon thathe used against the Arians.

"Athanasius' friendship with the monastic leaders including Amounof Nitria, Antony of Pispir and Pachomius of Tabennesi had its strongeffects in directing the monastic life, preserving it in sound ascetic disci-pline, purging it of adverse teaching and supplying the monks with soundtheological knowledge..."23

We should not expect that the theological and literary interaction betweenAthanasius and the early monks to be a one-way street. Comparing the soteriologyof Origen, Antony and Athanasius, in a paper delivered at the North AmericanPatristic Conference in 1994, Professor Charles Kannengiesser showed howAthanasius took from Antony his new way of reformulating Origen's doctrine ofsalvation. While Origen spoke in terms of cosmotheology, both Antony andAthanasius focused on the divine incarnation as the core of the salvationeconomy24.

Attitude of Church Leaders Towards the Early MonasticismThe complete support which Athanasius gave to the monks does not mean that

his attitude toward the movement was unanimous in the whole Church. Some ofthe Church leaders were not happy with the rising monasticism that attracted thou-sands before the middle of the fourth century. They considered it a rival charismat-ic authority that challenged their own institutional power. People went to themonasteries to seek the cure of their illnesses. They asked the monks about their


21. The Sayings of the Desert Fathers. op. cit., 182.22. Instructions Concerning a Spiteful Monk (36, 41. In Pachomian Koinonia, op. cit. vol. 3. p. 29, 32,

33). See Rousseau: Pachomius (The Transformation of the Classical Heritage; 6): 124, 143 & 145.23. El-Meskeen M: Saint Athanasius the Apostolic (Arabic). Scete, Egypt, 1981: 181.24. Kannengiesser C: Antony, Athanasius, Evagrius: The Egyptian Fate of Origenism. Coptic Church

Review, 1995: 16:1:3.


spiritual problems and confessed their sins to them25. They addressed the monks asAbba (father). Even visitors from overseas knew the way to the monasteries.

However, it seems that the physical presence of Athanasius was necessary todeter any frank antagonistic action against the monasteries. But when Athanasiusleft Egypt in his second exile (AD 339-346), the bishops of Upper Egypt foundtheir chance to get rid of the Pachomian monasteries altogether. When Pachomiusstarted to build his last monastery in Phnoum, near Isna (AD c. 340), the bishop ofthe area gathered a large crowd and tried to drive the monks away, but he failed.Other bishops began to expel the monks from their dioceses. Pachomius who wasin his terminal illness was called to meet the bishops at Latopolis, the modern Isna.Since he was unable to walk he was carried on a donkey by the monks to thechurch where he was put on a stretcher. In the church Pachomius saw bishops,monks and armed guards, and he found himself under trial. The only charge weknow about was his clairvoyance. Pachomius was silent. Among the bishops weretwo of his previous disciples who advised him to defend himself. Instead, heentreated them to recall their life in the monastery and witness to the work of Godin it. At this the synod went into turmoil. Many of the monks were beaten withhammers. The bishops shouted, "Touch no one other than Pachomius". A manwith a sword attacked Pachomius. Two of the monks then managed to snatch himand tried to escape. The doors had already been locked but they left through a sideexit and carried him to the nearby monastery of Phnoum. Pachomius died a fewmonths later26. Athanasius returned back the same year and in his later three exileshe never left Egypt and the monasteries encountered no trouble for the rest of hiscareer.

The Monks’ Support for AthanasiusAthanasius himself had to struggle for his existence from the first moment he

was elected as bishop of Alexandria in 328. Arians, Meletians and Eusebians com-bined their forces to get Athanasius down at any price. They started by circulatinga rumor that his ordination was noncanonical. In a speech to his monks at thattime, Pachomius declared that Athanasius was chosen by God to become a pillarand a lamp for the Church. He frequently praised his orthodoxy and whenAthanasius visited Upper Egypt, which was a stronghold for the Meletians,Pachomius organized the monks in a procession to escort him in his way to themain monastery at Tabennesi27.

Later when the Arians started to take the upper hand in Alexandria, supportedby Emperor Constantius II, they spread the rumor that Antony supported their

25. Paralipomena: 27. In Pachomian Koinonia, vol. 2. op. cit. p. 51.26. The Greek Life of Pachomius: 112. In Pachomian Koinonia, vol. I. op. cit. p. 375. Malaty T:

Pachomius Father of the Koinonia and Theodore his disciple. Alexandria, 1967 (Arabic).27. The Bohairic Life: 28. op. cit. p. 51.

belief. At that, Athanasius together with the other Egyptian clergy and peopleasked his help. Antony came down from the mountain and went to Alexandria (inc. 338) where he remained for several days witnessing to the Orthodox faith28. Hewrote several times to the Emperors during the first and second exiles ofAthanasius asking for the return of the Patriarch29. In his defense of Athanasius andthe persecuted Orthodox during his second exile, Antony provoked the anger of theintruding bishop Gregory and the Roman general Duke Balacius30.

It was during Athanasius' third exile (AD 356-62) that the monks had to offerhim more than words. Athanasius fled to the desert, hunted by the armies ofConstantius, in a long ordeal vividly described by Gibbon,

"Counts, prefects, tribunes, whole armies, were successively employed topursue a bishop and a fugitive; the vigilance of the civil and military powerswas excited by the Imperial edicts; liberal rewards were promised to the manwho should produce Athanasius either alive or dead; and the most severepenalties were denounced against those who should dare to protect the publicenemy... The numerous disciples of Antony and Pachomius received the fugi-tive primate as their father... and persuaded themselves that their prayers, theirfasts and their vigils, were less meritorious than the zeal which they expressed,and the dangers which they braved, in the defense of truth and innocence...When their dark retreats were invaded by a military force which it was impos-sible to resist, they silently stretched out their necks to the executioner... Thearchbishop of Alexandria, for whose safety they eagerly devoted their lives,was lost among a uniform and well-disciplined multitude; and on the nearerapproach of danger he was swiftly removed, by their officious hands from oneplace of concealment to another... The retirement of Athanasius which endedonly with the life of Constantius, was spent for the most part, in the society ofthe monks, who faithfully served him as guards, as secretaries, and as messen-gers."31.

During those long years, he occasionally visited Alexandria. His hidingplace in Alexandria was the house of the young virgin Eudaemonis. Palladius whomet this virgin fifty years later when she was seventy years old, wrote that theArchbishop 'trusted his person to no one, not to a relative, friend, cleric or anyone."32. It was dangerous for anybody to know where he was. The virgin washedhis feet, carried his letters, and brought him food, books, and news. "Withoutimparting the secret to any one," Gibbon says, "...she watched over his safety with


28. Life of Antony, op. cit., 69,70. p. 46.29. Sozomen: Ecclesiastical History 2:31 (NPNF Second Series, vol. II: 280). Life of Antony, 81. op.

cit. p 51.30. Athanasius: History of the Arians: 14 (NPNF, Second Series, Vol. 4 : 274)31. Gibbon E: The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire: 21. The Bohairic Life of Pachomius, op.

cit. 185 (p. 220-24).32. Palladius: The Lausiac History. Tr. by Meyer RT, Maryland: Newman Press, 1965:63.


the tenderness of a friend and the assiduity of a servant."31. If we can accept theLife of Saint Syncletica as a genuine writing of Athanasius, then the added story ofEudaemonis may display him as having a strong role in the early monasticism ofwomen in Alexandria. However we do not have any historical data to supportthis.33

But when it comes to monasticism among men this article has followed thehistorical data that shows how it could have been strangled in its cradle in Egypt orlost amidst heresies during the turbulent fourth century had Athanasius not beenthere. By the same token, without monasticism, Athanasius could have never sur-vived to become the hero of faith. In either case, the story of Christianity wouldhave been totally different.

33. In his recently published book Athanasius and the Politics of Asceticism, (reviewed in this issue ofCCR), Dr. David Brakke gives extensive evidence for the role fo Athanasius in women monasticismincluding the translation, for the first time from Coptic and Syriac, of three letters Athanasius wrote tothe virgins. This reference was not available at the time of the delivery of this paper.

FROM THE ARABIC CHRISTIANHERITAGE: AWLA-D AL-ASSA-LSaïd Rizkalla, Ph. D.

It has become common practice among scholars to refer to the period from thethe year 750 AD until about the year 1350 AD as the golden age for Arabic writerson humanities—with the 13th century as the most remarkable segment of this peri-od. To be exact, Egypt was the center of this intellectual revival. In fact, this goesback to several factors which led to the emergence of a great number of distin-guished Coptic scholars who played a big part in contributing to the intellectualthought of the period in general, and to the Christian thought in particular. Whenwe study the writings of the scholars and intelligentsia of this period, and especial-ly of this century, we immediately note their profound knowledge in all of thehuman sciences and the living languages of their times. They were not limited tothe religious studies only, but they also included other subjects. As for the Arabicwhich they used, all the texts that we have from this period reflect the fact that theyso mastered the language that the reader would marvel after reading the first fewlines. This also reflects the great effort they put in molding this language to meetthe needs of Christian theology and its special terms. Thus, the fathers and intelli-gentsia of the 13th century carried the intellectual torch of the early fathers, andtheir works resonated with the thoughts of the great scholars of the School ofAlexandria. They did their utmost in presenting their children in future years withan intellectual and doctrinal supply in a language they could understand and thatwas suitable to the times. Among the most famous intellectuals of this century areAnba Bûlus Al-Bu-shi, Bishop of Babylon (presently Old Cairo), Anba Yu-sa-b,Bishop of Fuwwah, Boutros of Sadamant the priest, Abu Sha-kar Ibn Al Raheb, IbnAl-Makin, Ibn Kateb Qaysar, and Awla-d Al-Assa-l and others.

Awla-d Al-Assa-lThis title refers to four men—three brothers, sons of Fakhr al Dawla Abu Al-

Mufaddal El Fadl Al Assa- l. The fourth man is a son of one of the three brothersand grandson of the former. These four men together form a basic component ofthe intellectual revival that the Coptic Church experienced in the 13th century. Allwere scholars and church writers, and they have written on several topics while one

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of them put together a Coptic lexicon, which was no doubt one of the elementsCrum used in his dictionary. Their writings reflect that in addition to their masteryof Arabic and Coptic (both written and oral) they also mastered the Syriac andGreek languages. These two languages were considered to be the languages of cul-ture and thought of the time. Their intellectual knowledge was not confined to thereligious scope only, but we see from their writings their intense knowledge ofastronomy, physics, chemistry, philosophy and history.1 Thus, in their intellectualknowlege, they combined theology and secular sciences. They did not know thepresent phony separation between science and religion. Up to the present time the‘Me-smre-’ they have written, are still being read on the anniversaries commemorat-ing the events they describe.2

From among the four Awla-d Al-Assa- l, this article will concentrate on the thirdson known as Al-Safi- Abu Al-Fada’il Ibn Al-Assa- l. It is worth mentioning that thetitles which the members of this family bear were given to them by the AyyubidSultans as a token of appreciation for their significant services to the country.

Al-Safi- Ibn Al-Assa-lAl-Safi- is one of the great intellectuals and scholars of the Coptic Church of

the 13th century. He originally came from Cairo and his house was in HaretZoweilla close to the Church of the Virgin Mary.3 Later, he spent some time inSyria and his fame reached the heights as a canonist through his book, The Safi--

Collection, which is known in the West as nomocanon. Moreover, this extraordi-nary scholar was not only a canonist, but was also a theologian, knowledgeable indoctrine, and an intellectual of the first degree. His writings, which we still have,do reflect his extensive knowledge in these fields. As for what made him famous asa canonist, this goes back to the fact that he was secretary to the Holy Synod whichconvened in 1231 AD4 to look into the practices of Anba Kyrillos III the Patriarchwho was known as Ibn Laklak. The Coptic people together with their elders andbishops did not approve of those practices and the synod concluded with issuingspecific decrees. Here we are concerned with the fact that Al Safi- was assigned tocollect the current Christian laws that governed both the ecclesiastical and secularbehavior of the Copts at the time, especially in a community that was governed by

1 Likewise, we find one scholar of the Coptic church during this century Ibn Al Maki-n who has writ-ten a book about the history of Islam and which is still available to us today and is considered a ref-erence on Islamic history.

2 Me-mre- is a Syraic word meaning verse homily, but in the Coptic Church it is used to describe sever-al writings such as biographies, history, praises, doxologies, sermons, teachings, etc. and it mostlycontains an exposition on a specific portion of the Bible or a verse.

3 See “The Churches and Monasteries of Haret Zoweilla,”—a doctorate dissertation by Father BolaEl Baramoussy, submitted to the Institute of Coptic Studies, Anba Ruweis, Cairo, Arab Republic ofEgypt, 1993—an English summary is found in the Library of Congress, U.S.A. and some Britishlibraries.

4 See Iris El Masry, Story of the Coptic Church, Volume 3, p. 216 (in Arabic).

Moslem law. In a humble manner, without finding excuses for himself (such asstating that the matter was not his speciality), in biblical obedience to those whocommisioned him to the task, and with an awareness of the importance of the intel-lectual responsibility that was given to him, Al-Safi- devoted his time to this workand completed it in c.1238 AD.

This book which is simply known by the name of The Safi-- Collection, is infact a canonical encyclopedia in which he gathered a great number of religious andsecular laws, rules and ordinances from different sources such as the ApostolicCanons and those issued by the Ecumenical Councils (including even those that theCoptic Church does not acknowledge) and the regulations and teachings of theCoptic Patriarchs of the Church of Alexandria. Moreover, he obtained some of therules from the canonical collections of other denominations. Amidst all this, how-ever, he was never exclusively a collector of information without a specific intel-lectual stand. The student immediately realizes his amazing ability to select thematerial that serves the desired goal, without at the same time contradicting any ofhis Coptic Orthodox doctrinal and traditional beliefs. Therefore, Al-Safi- did notfind it inappropriate to cite straight from the Nestorians and the Melkites, that is,the Chalcedonians, and also from other secular canons. The study also reveals hisgreat ability to arrange ideas which he drew from numerous sources, into a stronglogical sequence and to present them in accordance with the principles of a genuinescientific research, similar to what we see in contemporary academic dissertations.In the introduction of his book he clearly states his sources as well as a list ofabridgments he used in the text. However, what concerns us here is the methodicaltrain of thoughts. This exceptional scholar teaches us how to avoid confusing thetwo fields of doctrine and pure scientific research. While the doctrinal study is nodoubt related to the beliefs and traditions of the Church to whom the writings areaddressed, the pure scientific research knows no denominational barriers. The bookis a great human legacy and was later translated into Ethiopic in the 14th centuryand is still being used to this day by the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. When theMaronite Catholic Church of Lebanon, wished to revise its internal structure in the18th century, and harmonize the Christian canons with the Moslem law and aftermuch research and study, it found nothing more appropriate than this work fromwhich to select what was fitting to its circumstances and its own particular organi-zation.

When we study closely the intellectual development of this Coptic thinker, weat once see the common rule that bound similar thinkers, that none of them daredto undertake writing on any topic before first reading most if not all the patristiclegacy on those topics and familiarizing himself with the academic topics and sci-

FROM THE ARABIC CHRISTIAN HERITAGE 99


ences of their time. They then would attempt to write after being commissioned bythe authorities. This is what Al-Safi- did. He had begun his intellectual career withthe above mentioned collection, then at a later stage of his life he began a work ofabridgements.5 He completed abridgments for books of well known authors such asthat of St. John Climacus, St. Isaac the Syrian and others. Father Samir Khalil, S.J.,says that it is Al Safi- Ibn Al-Assa- l and his abridged works which were instru-mental in preserving for us books which otherwise would never have reached usin their original long format—such as articles by Yahya Ibn Ady.

After many years of intense and diverse studies, he began with great cau-tion to write books, which were basically apologetic in nature, i.e., they were inanswer to writings that attacked the Christian faith or the Coptic Orthodoxbeliefs. Moreover, this was done after he was urged and commissioned by‘those whose requests could not be disregarded,’ as he stated in the introductionto his books. As a Coptic thinker, living under the circumstances of his Churchand people, it was necessary for him to support and strengthen his brethren intheir faith and present them with a healing “reply” to the erroneous ideas. Inspite of the relatively peaceful and stable period which the Christian Egyptiancommunity enjoyed then under the rule of the just king Al-Kamel Al-Ayouby,the emergence of certain Islamic books that directly attached the Christianbeliefs was inevitable. These books were known as “Replies”. This word dif-fered in meaning from our present day use of it. What was described as a“reply” historically meant a book that attacked the Christian beliefs. But whatwe now call a “Reply” or a “defense” was in the 13th century expressed by theword “Answer”. When we study the apologetic books written by Christians, wedo not find among them and especially among Coptic writers any that initiatedattacks on Islam; rather, they were all ‘answers’ (as per our usage) to attacksfrom Moslem writers directed towards Christian beliefs. Thus, all these writingsreflect the genuine belief of the Fathers in dealing peacefully with everybody asmuch as is possible; but “Always be prepared to make a defense to any one whocalls you to account for the hope that is in you” (1 Peter 3:15) in accordancewith the methods and literary styles of the period. We therefore have books byAl-Safi- Ibn Al-Assa- l such as The Correct Way to Respond to Those WhoSlander the Bible; The Right Way to Respond to ‘Advices; Diverse Conclusionson the Debates of El Sheikh Eissa Ibn El-Warak and El Sheikh Yahya Ibn Ady;and Decisive Answers to the Arguments of El-Sheikh Abdallah El Nashé and El-

5 An abridgement in the Christian Arabic culture was different from the word “summary” in our pre-sent day understanding. It was a summary of a book written by using the author’s original wordsand sentences, where the main job of the person writing the summary was just to join the differentideas with one or more words of his own such as “then” etc.

Imam Fakhr El-Din Ibn El Khatteeb. When we examine these books, we imme-diately observe a specific method worthy of imitation. Those intellectualFathers were dealing with ideas and not with individuals; rather, they evenfound excuses for those individuals (as when Al-Safi- tried to find an excuse forAl-Tabary who had been a Nestorian before becoming a Moslem at the age of70, and who, at the command of the Sultan, wrote a book in which he attackedChristianity). They thus dealt with the ideas in a very calm way, analyzing themand refuting them using the Holy Bible and the Orthodox Tradition, and the“mind” (that is, logic and rhetoric) and this was done in a firm logical fashion,using words that were courteous and in a decent style without referring to any-one or mentioning any names.

In addition, Ibn Al-Assa- l has other books such as The Middle Book, ShortChapters on the Trinity 6 and Chapters on Baptism, Wills and Inheritance.

This is a quick glance at one of our Coptic scholars who lived in the 13thcentury—which, according to the general historical divisions, is known as the“Middle Ages,” or “Dark Ages”. Is it true to consider all what is ancient asprimitive and not contemporary, and all what is new as advanced and contempo-rary? This is a question I put before my beloved readers among the youth sothey can calmly meditate on it with an academic, contemporary mind in order toknow the tradition of their Orthodox Coptic Fathers and see for themselveswhether they (the Fathers) have ranked top among the intellectual and academictrends of their times, or they were lagging behind the troops. Moreover, wastheir ideological contribution good only for their times or was it and still is aspring from which succeeding students up to our present day can drink and getnourished?

(Translated from Arabic by Mrs. Lily Soliman, Metuchen, NJ)

FROM THE ARABIC CHRISTIAN HERITAGE 101

6 Published by Father Samir Khalil, S.J., Lebanon, 1995.

BOOK REVIEWS

Athanasius and the Politics of AsceticismBy David Brakke. Oxford Early Christian Studies; Oxford: Clarendon, 1995. Pp.xviii + 356. $65.00 (Hardcover), ISBN 0-19-826816-5

Athanasius was a control freak. At least that is what one must conclude if heor she accepts David Brakke’s conclusions in this intriguing volume. Rarely aretitles of books as accurate as this one: in Brakke’s presentation of Athanasius,everything is political, and the author examines seemingly every political bone inAthanasius’ ecclesiastical body. The bishop of Alexandria sought to control the vir-gins, monks, and schools of the Egyptian Church, all for the purpose of incorporat-ing them into a “hierarchical, orthodox, parish-centered church”—with, of course,Athanasius as its head.

This agenda, as we would put it today, had mixed—and debatable—results: itattempted “to regulate and seclude active and independent women” (a conclusionthat Susanna Elm has also recently reached in Virgins of God); it suppresseddiverse groups in the Church, such as the Melitians and Arians; it restricted “teach-ing and learning to a carefully defined space in the public Church that was under[Athanasius’] control”; it redefined open-handed monastic hospitality to excludethose not deemed orthodox; it championed a “moderate asceticism” that wasparish-based and focused on the laity, as opposed to acetic or intellectual elites: forAthanasius the “loci for piety” were not in the schoolroom or desert but in theassembly (synaxis) and the household.

There is plenty here, to say the least, for scholars and interested Church per-sons to chew on: What are the positive and negative values (and results) of ortho-doxy? What are the benefits and losses of strong episcopal authority and control?What is the monastic witness when it is guarded—and guided—by bishops?

On the whole, Brakke does not offer judgements on these or other issues heraises; occasionally, though, a hint of opinion breaks through the disinterestedscholarly surface: when Athanasius forced the monks to take sides against theArians, he took the Egyptian Church “well along the path that will lead to BishopCyril’s bringing gangs of monks to Church councils in support of Alexandrianorthodoxy.”

Athanasius and the Politics of Asceticism is a challenging, if single-minded,

102

book. In Chapter four, Brakke’s close reading of the Life of Antony, almost everydetail of the Life is read through the magnifying lens of Athanasius’ ecclesiastical-political agenda. For example, Brakke interprets chapters 72-80—Antony’s disputewith pagan philosophers—as a set-piece against “the Christianity of the schoolroom” [emphasis added]. Some of Brakke’s readings—such as this one, in myopinion—are forced, fitting the text into a preconceived thesis, but he does demon-strate that the Life of Antony is neither simply history nor hagiography; rather, onemust read it like a White House memoir, asking often and carefully what theauthor’s purpose and intentions are.

So we have Athanasius the ecclesiastic, the CEO, the manager, the manipula-tor—all of these savingly bound together with a forceful and commanding theolo-gy, spirituality, and vision. But something is missing. Not Athanasius the saint, butAthansius the believer. Perhaps it’s just my naiveté, but as I finished this book Iwas left wondering—what about Athanasius the man of prayer? Did he ever sitquietly in meditation (with the monks in the desert) without a political thought orscheme? Was he ever able to unpack those political bones, throw them on the nightfire in the desert, and watch the flames and shooting sparks dance their way toheaven?Tim Vivian Bakersfield, CA

Journeying into God: Seven Early Monastic LivesBy Tim Vivian. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1996, x + 207 pp. $16.00 (Paper),ISBN 0-8006-2885-1

Perhaps the most obvious point to make about Dr. Vivian’s book is that it rep-resents an important scholarly contribution in several ways. The seven lives newlytranslated from Greek and Coptic will help specialists in their study of these mate-rials. More broadly, they will make available to scholars texts that are hard to findand little known. And in this way our understanding of Christian asceticism in lateantiquity will be sharpened and clarified.

Much more, however, needs to be said. Dr. Vivian’s introductions to the livessupply both scholars and general readers with an excellent account of the settingsin which these saints lived and prayed. We gain a vivid understanding of what amonastery was like and how it worked. The central role of women in earlyChristian asceticism receives careful and balanced consideration. The miracles ofthese holy people and the function of their relics receive attention. Dr. Vivian’s dis-ciplined imagination opens to us a world that in the strict sense no longer exists.

At the same time, the purpose of the book is by no means antiquarian in char-acter. Dr. Vivian encourages us to be more than “tourists” in following these saintson their journeys. He invites us to see in their lives perennial aspects of theChristian’s spiritual journey, a journey that is finally an inward one that leads “into

BOOK REVIEWS 103


God.” The book, then, serves as an excellent introduction not only to asceticism inearly Christianity, but also to a spirituality capable of living in our own time.Rowan A. Greer Yale Divinity School, New Haven, CT

Augustine: His Thought in ContextBy T. Kermit Scott. Mahwah, NJ: Paulist Press, 1995. Pp. 253. $14.95 (Paper),ISBN 0-8091-3566-3

The purpose of this book is reflected in the subtitle ‘His Thought in Context.’It is not a biography of Augustine; nor is it a book that deals with his writings orspirituality. The author follows the development of Augustine’s thought, focussingon the core doctrines regarded as most distinctive of ‘Augustinianism’. In Part I ofthe book Scott discusses the historical background—the social, economic, politicaland forms of religion in the Western Roman Empire in the fourth and fifth cen-turies. In Part II he follows Augustine’s search for God. When he moved toCarthage as a young student, he abandoned the primitive Christianity he hadlearned from his mother to Manichaeism. Later in Rome and Milan he shifted toPlatonism, before his conversion back to Christianity. By the year 395 when hewas ordained bishop, his theology was already well developed. Part III discussesthe key doctrines of Augustine’s theology, a theology that dominated the West forcenturies after him and is still a potent force. A separate chapter deals with each ofthose doctrines: free choice, divine foreknowledge, predestination, original sin andthe fall. This book is a concise summary for the scholars and students of patristics,theology or church history. However, it is easily accessible to the nonspecialist.

Divine Grace and Human Agency: A Study of the Semi-PelagianControversyBy Rebecca Harden Weaver. Patristic Monograph Series, 15. Macon, Georgia:Mercer University Press, 1996. Pp. 264. $30.00 (Hardcover). ISBN 0-86554-491-3

This is a comprehensive study of the writings of the Semi-PelugianControversy, a modern term for a theological debate that started in North Africaand quickly moved to South Gaul. It took from the fourth to the early sixth cen-turies, but it affected the teaching of Western Christianity since then. It was startedby the last four treatises of St. Augustine, which he wrote before his death, dealingwith the role of Grace and human agency for salvation. In these treatises, the tradi-tional teaching by the Eastern Church Fathers, and which was carried by monasti-cism to the West, of co-operation (Synergia) between Grace and human free willthat result in merit and reward at the last judgment was disrupted. According toAugustine, those who are predestined by God as ‘elect’ are given special grace that

helps them to turn their will toward him and persist with him till their entrance intobeatitude. With the doctrine of predestination, free will and final judgment ceasedto have any reality.

Weaver traces the course of the controversy by closely studying the writingsof both camps through the century of debate that was concluded by the 529Council of Orange. On the side of Augustine were Prosper of Aquitaine,Fulgentius of Ruspe and Caesurius of Arles. Augustine’s main opponents wereJohn Cassian, and Faustus of Riez. These tried persistently to offer an attractivealternative to the extreme Augustinian teachings without denying the role of gracewhich is equally offered to everyone. They insisted that human persons have a freewill as well as a genuine role in shaping their lives and destiny. Although theirteaching was condemned in the Council of Orange, yet in subsequent centuriesmost of it became the operative theology even in the West.

The author should be commended for offering a modern study of the historicaland patristic material of a theological issue that is essential and alive till now. Thebook is useful for the scholar, churchmen as well as the general reader.

Hypatia of AlexandriaBy Maria Dzielska. Translated by F. Lyra. Cambridge, MA/London, England:Harvard University Press, 1995. Pp. 157. $29.95 (Hardcover). ISBN 0-674-43775-6

Hypatia, the leading Neoplatorist and brilliant mathematician of Alexandriawas brutally murdered by the Christian mob in AD 415. Her unfortunate story andher untimely death made one of the dismal moments in the history of the Church inthe fifth century. The story of Hypatia was exploited by the skeptical antichristianand anticlerical authors of the 18th and 19th centuries. In this book Maria Dzielska,who is an internationally recognized authority on the cultural life of the Romanempire tries to separate facts from fantasy and fiction in order to offer the reader areal scholarly study of Hypatia. In Chapter I, The Literary Legend of Hypatia, shegives an abstract of the historical essays, novels and poems about her that appearedin the last two centuries. She then tries to find from the historic sources the originof this legendary material. In Chapter II, Hypatia and her Circle, she examines theextant writings of the disciples of Hypatia whom she taught in Alexandria betweenc. 380 and 415, in order to find the real character of Hypatia. The most notable ofthese students was Synesius bishop of Ptolemais, who was ordained by St.Theophilus of Alexandria. He describes her as a ‘blessed lady’ and ‘genuine guide’,and as ‘the most holy and reverend philosopher.’ She was leading her students to‘union with the divine’ through cognitive effort and ethical perfection. She prac-ticed asceticism in her daily life, was famous for her chastity and remained a virginall her life. In addition to philosophy, Hypatia wrote mathematical works thatremained popular for generations after her. In Chapter III, The Life and Death of

BOOK REVIEWS 105


Hypatia, the author has put together the fragmented historical data in order to paintthe whole picture and story without any bias. She concludes that Hypatia was anEgyptian who lived all her life in Alexandria. Her Father Theon was a mathemati-cian whose works have survived till now. His daughter assisted him and continuedhis work after his death. Philosophy was her second interest. Her students werefrom the elite class; they came from Egypt and from other places as far asConstantinople. Her students included the Roman Prefect of Alexandria and manyother Christians. Of her students, two became bishops. Her advice and support forthe Prefect Orestes led to her death. The author describes it as a political murderprovoked by long-standing conflicts in Alexandria.’

Historians and patristic scholars as well as general readers should be grateful toDzielska for this book which clarifies a dark and interesting spot in Church history.

Traditional Egyptian Christianity: A History of the CopticOrthodox ChurchBy Theodore Hall Patrick. Greensboro, NC: Fisher Park Press, 1996. Pp. xiv +226. $14.95 (Paper), ISBN 0-9652-396-0-8. Order copies from: Education/LiturgyResources, 140 College Street, Oxford, NC 27565; or from: St. Shenouda theArchimandrite Coptic Society, 1701 So. Wooster St., Los Angeles, CA 90035

Since 1967, when Professor Aziz Ateya wrote a concise survey of CopticChurch history in his book History of Eastern Christianity, there has been noscholarly attempt to write a modern Coptic history that includes the material avail-able in new articles and monographs in various languages. By this book, the authorwho is an episcopal priest and professor of early Church history tries to fill thisgap. With hundreds of footnotes and a 25-page bibliography of primary and mod-ern sources, he divides the book into 11 chapters, each covering a period in the lifeof the Church since its birth in the first century. In less than 150 pages, Patrick doesthe impossible task of covering the work of the School of Alexandria, the Churchleadership in the ecumenical councils, the rise of monasticism, the suffering underdifferent Muslim rulers after the Arab conquest, and finally the revival in the 20thcentury. The author should be commended for the massive information he has putin this small book. It deserves a place in every library and should be put in thehands of the Coptic youth.

An Introduction to New Testament ChristologyBy Raymond E. Brown, S.S. Mahwah, N.J.: Paulist Press, 1994. Pp. 226 $9.95(Paper) ISBN 0-8091-3516-7

The explosive amount of literature on biblical and theological studies pub-

lished during the last few decades has made many of the old manuals used at thepastoral level or in Bible study groups obsolete. This book, written by one of theleading Catholic authories on the Bible, and who is well respected by other denom-inations as well, bridges the gap between the scholars and the average churchteacher. The subject of Christology, the full divinity and full humanity of Christ, ishere explained from various aspects: Jesus’ deeds in different occasions, and hiswords especially concerning the Kingdom of God and his divine titles; and the tes-timony of the New Testament Christians. Important themes in Christology such aspre-existence, conception, boyhood, resurrection and second-coming are treated inseparate chapters.

The Jews in the Time of JesusBy Stephen M. Wylen. Mahwah, NJ: Paulist Press, 1996. Pp. 215. $14.95 (Paper),ISBN 0-8091-3610-4

Historical studies always have their role in Bible study. In this book RabbiWylen reviews the political, social, religious and intellectual life of first centuryJudaism. This is the background against which Christianity arose, and its descrip-tion will give us a more clear picture of the life and teaching of Christ and of theearly Church. In four separate chapters, the author gives an account of second tem-ple Judaism (the Jewish history during the five centuries before Christ): returnfrom exile and building of the temple, Greek rule, independence under theMaccabees, and finally Roman rule. Several chapters describe the Jewish religionand belief in the first century, their festivals, sects and teachers. A separate chapterdeals with the trial of Christ. Although the book reflects a great awareness of recentbiblical scholarship, it is written in a straight non-technical language with the gen-eral reader in mind. It contains a wealth of information that cannot be found in anysingle source.

Mary of Magdala: Apostle and LeaderBy Mary R. Thompson, S.S.M.N. Mahwah, NJ: Paulist Press, 1995. Pp. 145 $12.95(Paper), ISBN 0-8091-3573-6

The biblical image of St. Mary Magdalene has not changed much in the Eastalong the years thanks to the influence of the early writings of Origen and St.Chrysostom. The Western Church Fathers, however, identified her with two otherwomen—the sinner who anointed Christ’s feet (Luke 7:37) and Mary of Bethany(John 12:3). This was the basis for a new image for Mary Magdalene, that of thepenitent harlot, which became very popular in the Middle Ages. By the 12th centu-ry there was rapid multiplication of her relics and shrines in Europe. Legends, fan-

BOOK REVIEWS 107


tasies and miracles surrounded the devotion to her. Modern biblical studies havehelped to put an end to the confusion between the three biblical women, and theRoman Catholic Church corrected her teaching about her. In this book, Sister MaryThompson closely examines the gospel texts, the early apocryphal writings andother historical material from the first Christian century in order to give a moreaccurate portrait of the Magdalene and describe her role in the early Church as‘disciple, leader and apostle’.

Compendium of Spirituality, Volume IEdited by Emeterio de Cea, O.P. Translated by Jordan Aumann, O.P., StatenIsland, New York: Alba House. Pp. 194. $12.95 (Paper). ISBN: 0-8189-0724-X.

This is the first volume of a concise, comprehensive treatise on spirituality. Ofthe fourteen articles in this book four deal with the history of spirituality: Christianlife in the New Testament, teaching of the Eastern Fathers and spirituality in theWestern Church during medieval and modern times. Five articles discuss someaspects in spiritual theology including its nature, divine indwelling, action of theHoly Spirit and Mariology. Common questions in spiritual life are examined in thefive remaining articles: universal call to holiness, purification (active and possive),prayer, mysticism and spiritual direction. The book is intended for the general read-er who is interested in better understanding and deepening his prayer life.

BOOK NOTICES

Faith to CreedEdited by S. Mark Heim. Grand Rapids, Michigan. Eerdmans, 1991. Pp. 206.$12.99 (Paper). ISBN: 0-8028-0251-5

Papers delivered in the consultation ‘Faith to Creed: Toward a Common his-torical approach to the Affirmation of the Apostolic Faith in the Fourth Century’,which was organized by the National Council of Churches on October 25-27, 1989at Waltham, MA. The different contributors concluded that the Nicene-Constantinopolitan Creed is an expression of the Christian Faith in the fourth cen-tury, as well as today.

A Gallery of Reflections: The Nativity of ChristBy Richard Harries, Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1996. Pp. 92, with 36 photos.$20.00 (Hardcover).

Full-color reproductions of Christian artwork depicting the nativity of Christ,

from the early centuries to the twentith century; with description of the history anddevotional intent of each by the bishop of Oxford.

The Book of Acts in its First-Century SellingEdited by Bruce W. Winter. Published by Patercoster Press, Cumbria, (UK) & Wm.B. Eerdmans, Grand Rapids, MI (USA), 1994/95; $37.50 per volume (Hardcover).

Volume I: The Book of Acts in its Ancient Literary SettingsEdited by Bruce Winter and Andrew D. Clarke, Pp. 479. ISBN: 0-8028-2433-I.

Among the topics included in the 14 chapters of this volume are: Acts in bibli-cal history; Motif of fulfilment and purpose of Luke-Acts; Acts of Paul as a sequalof Acts; Acts and subsequent ecclesiastical histories; Acts and the Pauline Corpus;Acts and Classical rhetoric.

Volume II: The Book of Acts in its Graeco-Roman SettingEdited by David W. J. Gill and Conrad Gempf. Pp. 627. ISBN: 0-8028-2434-X.

Part I discusses cultural and social issues thqat include: travel and shipwreck,.food shortage, Roman religion and the house-church. Part II has a separate chapterfor each Province of the Roman Empire from Syria to Rome.

Volume 3: Paul in Roman CustodyBy Brian Rapske. Pp. 512. ISBN: 0-8028-2435-8.

Themes in Part I include the legal system, citizenship and status in the Roman-World. Part II discusses Paul’s trials in Philippi, Jerusualem, Caeseria and Rome.Part III discusses Paul’s prisons in Acts.

Volume 4: The Book of Acts in its Palestinian SettingsEdited by Richard Bauckham. Pp. 600. ISBN: 0-8028-2436-6.

Topics covered include: Paul’s pre-Christian career; Persecution by Jews,Early church; relation with the Essenes; and Palestinian politics.

BOOK NOTICES 109

COPTIC CHURCH REVIEWINDEX OF VOLUME XVII, 1996

• No. 1 & 2: 1-48, No. 3:49-80, No. 4:81-112.• Main articles are indicated by boldface page numbers.

110

AAlexander, Pope, 68Ancient Egypt and Christianity, 76Antony, 92Athanasius, St.

Athanasius and Monasticism, 90See also pp. 68, 102

Awla-d Al-Assa-l, 97

BBook Reviews

Beshir V: Coptic Roots: 78Boniface, Archimandrite: EasternMonasticism and the Future of theChurch, 74

Brakke D: Athanasius and thePolitics of Asceticism, 102

Brown R: Introduction to NTChristology, 106

Cunningham L: Thomas Merton,Spiritual Master, 80

DeCea E: Compendium ofSpirituality, 108

Dzlelska M: Hypatia of Alexandria,105

Harries R: Nativity of Christ, 108Heim SM: Faith to Creed, 108Ishak FM: Coptologia, 79Isichei E: A History of Christianity in

Africa, 79Kelly JND: The Story of John

Chrysostom, 71Kolta KS: From Ikhnaton to Jesus,

76St. Mary Church, East Brunswick:

Pope Kyrillos VI, 80Men A: Awake to Life, 80Patrich J: Sabas, Leader of

Palestinian Monasticism, 73Patrick TH: History of the Coptic

Orthodox Church, 106Raphael MB: Coptic Language

Analysis, 80Scott TK: Augustine: His Thought in

Context, 104Theophan the Recluse, St. Raising

them Right, 80Thompson MR: Mary of Magdala,

107Vivian T: Seven Early Monastic

Lives, 103Waddell H: Beasts and Saints, 75Weaver HR.: Divine Grace and

Human Agency, 104Winter BW: The Book of Acts in its

First Century Setting, 109Wylen SM: Jews in the Time of

Jesus, 107

CCalendar of Fasts and Feasts, 4: back-

coverChristology, 59, 106Church Fathers

See under Athanasius, Cyril, JohnChrysostom, and under DesertFathers and under Patristic

Church HistoryHypatia, 105Abba Kyrillos, 1-48 (Special Issue)Athanasisus and Monasticism, 90Christianity in Africa, 79Patriarchal Succession, 67See also under Coptic and under

MonasticismChryostom, see under JohnConference of Addis Ababa, 25-27Coptic

Coptic Roots, 78History of the Coptic OrthodoxChurch, 106

Coptic Personalities (20th Century)• Fr. Abd-Al-Masih the Ethiopian, 10, 11

• Fr. Abd-Al-Masih Al-Masudi, 9• Fr. Abd-Al-Masih Salib Al-Baramousi, 9

• Bishop Gregorios, 36, 43, 44• Fr. Matta Al-Miskin, 36, 41-43, 51and 83

• Bishop Samuel, 36-39• Fr. Sergius Malati, 32, 33

Coptologia, 79Cyril I, St., 68Cyril I, Christology of, 59Cyril VI, see under Kyrillos

DDesert Fathers

See under Beasts and Saints, Antony, Isaac, Pachomius andSabas

EEthiopian Church, 21-28Eucharist, 13, 88, 89

FFaith, 51

HHeresies

Appollinarism, 60, 61Arianism, 60, 91Manichaeism, 91Nestorianism, 61, 62, 63Semi-Pelagianism, 104

Hypatia, 105

IIncornation, 59Isaac of Syria, St., 16

JJames, Pope, 68, 70John Chrysostom, St., 71John I, Pope, 68John II, Pope, 68John IV, Pope, 70John V, Pope, 69John XIX, Pope, 10

KKyrillos VI, Pope, Special Issue,

1-48; 70

LLiturgical Cycle

Awake to Life, 80Calendar, 4: Backcover

LiturgyLanguage Analysis of CopticLiturgy, 80

In the Life of Abba Kyrillos, 13

INDEX OF VOLUME XVII 111


MMark II, Pope, 68Mary, BV, Apparition at Zeitoun, 45-

47Mary of Magdala, 107Matrimony, 89Michael, Pope, 68Monasteries and Monasticism

Athanasius and Asceticism, 73Athanasius and Monasticism, 90Beasts and Saints, 75Eastern Monasticism, 74Monastery of St. Macarius, 41-43Monastery of St. Mina, 48Palestinian Monasticism, 73

Seven Early Monastic Lives, 103

NNasser and Abba Kyrillos, 31-34

OOrigen, 93

PPachomius, St., 92, 93Patriarchial Succession, 67Patristic Studies,

Athanasius and Monasticism, 90Awla-d Al-Assa-l, 97Cyril of Alexandria, 59

Popes of Alexandria (The number isthat of the succession from St.Mark: for references see under thename of each Patriarch):Alexander (19)Athanasius (20)Theophilus (23)Cyril I (24)John XIX (113)Kyrillos VI (116)Shenouda III (117)

SSabas, St., 75Sacraments

See under Eucharist and MatrimonySafi Ibn Al-Assa-l, 98Saints, Biblical meaning, 55-57Saints

See under Church Fathers, DesertFathers, Mary and Patristic

Salvation and Faith, 51Shenouda I, Pope, 69Shenouda III, Pope, 39-41, 44, 70Scripture

Book of Acts, 109Desire of All Nations, 83Jews in the Time of Jesus, 107Mary of Magala, 107

Soul/Body Analogy and Incarnation,59

Spiritual LifeCompendium of Spirituality, 108Desire of All Nations, 83Salvation and Faith, 51School of Virtue (Kyrillos VI), 80Spirituality of Abba Kyrillos VI,13-18

Thomas Merton, 80

TTheodore, Pope, 68Theology

Augustinianism, 104Christology, 59, 106Divine Grace and Human Agency,104Nicene Creed, 108Salvation, 51

Theophilus, Pope, 68

1997 CALENDAR OF FASTS AND FEASTS

*THE SEVEN MAJOR FEASTS OF OUR LORD**The Seven Minor Feasts of Our Lord

*** Feasts of Virgin Mary****Fasts

*January 7 - CHRISTMAS**January 14 - Circumcision of Our Lord

****January 17 - Paramoni (2)*January 19 - EPIPHANY

**January 21 - First Miracle of Our Lord at Cana***January 29 - Dormition of Virgin Mary**February 16 - Entrance of Our Lord into the Temple

****February 17 - Fast of Nineveh (3)****March 3 - Great Lent (55)

March 19 - Feast of the Cross***April 2 - Apparition of the Virgin at Zeitoun in 1968

*April 7 - ANNUNCIATION*April 20 - ENTRANCE OF OUR LORD INTO

JERUSALEM (PALM SUNDAY)**April 24 - Holy Thursday*April 27 - EASTER**May 4 - St. Thomas’Sunday

***May 9 - Birth of Virgin Mary**June 1 - Entrance of Our Lord into Egypt*June 5 - ASCENSION

*June 15 - PENTECOST****June 16 - Apostles’Fast (26)

July 12 - Martyrdom of St. Peter and St. Paul****August 7 - Fast of the Virgin (15)**August 19 - Trnasfiguration of Our Lord

***August 22 - Assumption of the Body of Virgin MarySeptember 11 - New Year’s Day (Feast of the Martyrs)September 27 - Feast of the Cross

****November 25 - Christmas Fast (43)***Decmeber 12 - Presentation of Virgin Mary into the Temple

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