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COMMUNAL RELATIONS IN ZMR/SMYRNA, 1826-1864:
AS SEEN THROUGH THE PRISM OF GREEK-TURKISH RELATIONS
by
N. Feryal Tansu
A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements
for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy
Department of Near and Middle Eastern Civilizations
University of Toronto
Copyright by N. Feryal Tansu2008
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ABSTRACT
COMMUNAL RELATIONS IN ZMR/SMYRNA, 1826-1864:
AS SEEN THROUGH THE PRISM OF GREEK-TURKISH RELATIONS
by
Feryal Tansu
Doctor of Philosophy
Department of Near and Middle Eastern Civilizations
University of Toronto
2008
This dissertation examines the level of social and cultural interaction between the Greek
and Turkish communities of zmir and the impact of the centralizing Ottoman reforms on the
society of zmir during the age of the Ottoman modernization. It focuses on the years between
1826 and 1864 that marked a turning point in the administrative history of the Ottoman Empire.
Analyzing this subject requires understanding the social-cultural and economic dynamics of
zmir that played a crucial role in the formation of the social fabric of the city. Ottoman-Turkish
archival material and to some extent Greek newspapers of the time are used as primary sources.
The sources discussed in this dissertation demonstrate that the central authority attempted to re-
integrate zmir into its administrative and political structure in accordance with the centralizing
or repressive Tanzimatreforms. However, Tanzimatreforms did not disturb the social cohesion
of zmir, which the city produced over the centuries with its local character and some peculiar
dynamics. The evidence also indicates that the Empire did not aim to mold social relations in
zmir, instead benefited from citys already existing social-cultural and economic situation,
which was well suited to its modernization program. This study attempts to write a social and
cultural history of zmir, by considering the ethno-religious policies of the Ottoman state in the
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given period and questioning Ottoman modernity through the prism of the Greek-Turkish
communal relations. Much of the conventional Turkish and Greek historiography of the post
WWI years has analyzed 19th century zmir's history in terms of two conflicting nations.
While Turkish historiography has focused on the ethnic homogeneity of Turks and its history,
modern Greek historiography has stressed the suppression of the Ottoman Greeks under the
Ottoman rule. Such approaches have engendered the commonly used categories of Greek versus
Turkish or Muslim versus non-Muslim. Approaching zmir as an organic whole, instead of
dividing the city according to ethno-religious criterion, this dissertation tries to uncover the
dynamics of coexistence and communal relations, which marked the life of the city for centuries,
but was brought to an abrupt end as a result of the modern nation state formations.
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
It has been a privilege being a PhD student of my supervisor Virgina Aksan. She deeply
influenced my intellectual development, enlarged my vision and perception of Ottoman History
over the years. Her exceptional personality and scholarly skills turned the process of my PhD
into an enjoyable trip within history. I have benefited more than I ever thought from her wisdom
and her approach to history and constructive criticisms. Without her encouragement, dedicated
and wholehearted supervision I could not write this dissertation. Amir Hassanpour profoundly
influenced my approach on historical issues and enriched my theoretical knowledge. He has
always been very generous in making long discussions with me about complicated issues not
only in Ottoman History, but also in general western and wear and Middle Eastern history and
politics. His constructive suggestions and continuous support and advice made this dissertation
possible. Moreover, our long conversations while wandering around in the historical places and
narrow streets of zmir and stanbul will remain as unforgettable and wonderful memories for
me. zer Ergen was the first person to encourage and convince me to pursue my PhD abroad.
When we first met in Turkey neither of us knew that I would be his unofficial PhD student. It
was very kind and generous of him that he voluntarily supervised my dissertation out of Canada.
His deep scholarly skills and knowledge of Ottoman history directed me to correct sources in the
Ottoman Archives. He was very patient and generous with his time in reading and checking
Ottoman-Turkish documents with me. I conducted the analysis of the Ottoman Turkish
documents under his exclusive supervision and continuous support.
My intellectual development initially began with Elisabeth zdalga during my
undergraduate years in the sociology department in the Middle East Technical University. When
I decided to conduct PhD abroad she gave me ample encouragement. Studying closely with her
not only made me develop a special interest about social change in Turkey, but also to search for
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the historical heritage of the country. I would like to thank Reat Kasaba who encouraged me to
work on the subject of zmir and guided me at the beginning of my research with his great
expertise in the region. James Reilly helped me understanding complex and overlapping relations
in Near and Middle Eastern societies. My adventure of learning Modern Greek Language began
with George Kirikopoulos in the University of Toronto. His teaching talent, continuous support
and encouragement gave me the courage to learn this language. Jens Hanssens comments on
overall thesis made me re-consider zmir in broader geographical location and think about
possibilities of a future comparative study.
My special thanks go to Angelos Dourlaris who was my Greek tutor in stanbul. I could
finish this dissertation on planned time because of his generous help and encouragement. It was a
misfortune that I had pneumonia when I went to Athens in order to complete my dissertation and
he devotedly scanned Greek Newspapers for me and patiently explained them to me. Moreover,
his special interest in the history of the Aegean region and zmir provided me with the
opportunity to had long and enjoyable conversations with him. He not only tolerated me with his
sense of humor in all my difficulties with the Greek sources, but also gave me endless support
during the writing process of this dissertation.
I would like to thank my department at the University of Toronto, the Department of
Near and Middle Eastern Civilizations, for awarding me with a research travel grant to support
my research in stanbul. I would also like thank to the staff in the Prime Ministry Ottoman
Archives for their kind help.
Vasilis Yandas offered me great hospitality whenever I was in Athens, and turned my
downs into highs. It was reassuring to have his friendship during these stressful times. The
encouragement of my dear friend Sait zervarl provided me with very important support during
my research and writing process in stanbul and Athens. He generously helped me in finding
some urgently needed sources, and sent them from stanbul to Athens. His kind and quick help in
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the most hectic times in the last days before the submission to my committee will remain as a
very precious memory for me. clal Ergen from the very beginning to the end of my PhD, gave
me moral support and made me believe that it would finish on time. It was very kind of Stavros
Anestidis to provide me with the necessary sources in the library of the Center for Asia Minor
Studies. I would like to thank my dear friend Pnar Besen who edited this study with great care
and sincere interest, and communicated with me day and night about some details. efik
Pekseven is another dear friend of mine who very generously offered me help from stanbul
when I was desperately in need of some sources in Athens.
When I moved from Toronto to stanbul I made two life-long friendships; Blent
Erdoan and Ekrem zorbeyi became my dearest senior friends in stanbul. When I went to
stanbul from Athens with many complaints and tiredness during the writing process, they sent
me back to Athens with great encouragement to complete this study. Not only their affectionate
and sincere moral support, but also their wisdom of life and sense of humor gave me relief and
courage in the most difficult times. I am grateful to them to be there for me whenever I needed.
I have a great debt of gratitude to pay to my parents, Gnl and Tuncer Tansu, who
always unconditionally supported me not only during my PhD years but also in all my
educational journey. Their affectionate and endless support has been very uplifting in writing this
dissertation. I also would like to thank my father for his help and patience in reading and
discussing British consular reports with me. Providing unconditional support, my two best
friends in zmir, my grandmother, Suzan Kalakli, and cicianne, Muzaffer Ozgul, were always
there for me during my studies. I am also grateful to my brother Kaan Tansuwho took care of
my parents in zmir when unexpected illnesses emerged in the family during my absence.
I am equally greateful to Osman Kken, who from the beginning to the end, closely
shared every stage of my PhD years with me. He provided continuous companionship during my
PhD courses and research. Sometimes he accompanied me in the libraries, sometimes he listened
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to my long discussions. As he promised at the beginning, Osman conducted all the technical
requirements of this dissertation, which was the most complicated part for me. His affectionate
and sincere interest sustained me throughout this study.
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viii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Abstract iiAcknowledgments ivTable of Contents viiiList of Figures xList of Appendices xi
Introduction 1
Stating the Problem: Why Study Communal Relations in zmir? 1
Sources 10
Conceptual and Terminological Issues 16
Literature Review 17
Chapter 1. zmir 1826-64 25
The General Image of zmir in the 1800s from the gaze of outsiders 27
The Early History of zmir & Emerging Center-Periphery Relationships 33
The Long Eighteenth Century and the Importance of zmir 40
Local Notables and the Question of Governance in zmir 42
The Socal Order Disrupted 1770-1820s 43
Mahmud II, the Greek Revolt and the Impact on zmir 48
Natural Disasters & their Impact on the Communites of zmir 53
Chapter 2. Socio-Economic Networks in Izmir in the 19th
Century 57
The role of the Greek and Turkish communities in the economic activity of the city 65
Demographic structure in the 19thCentury 74
Spatial organization of city 77
Social and Cultural Life in the 19thcentury 89
Printed Press 89
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Education 92
Social Clubs 100
Hospitals 102
Chapter 3. Ottoman Reforms & Izmir 103
Ottoman Modernization 103
Judicial Reforms 114
Administrative Reforms 115
Economic Reforms 119
Social Reforms 123
Chapter 4. The Greek Revolt and Change: The Impact On Urban Life 126
The impact of the Greek Revolt 126
The impact of the reforms on the Greek-Orthodox and Muslim-Turkish Communities 156
Chapter 5. Communal Relations, Post 1840s 181
Greek-Turkish Property Relations 182
Social interaction among common people 189
Tolerance and Ottoman attempts to stimulate political loyalty 194
The Perception of the local authorities 201
The Concerns for the urban development and social order of the city 206
Commercial Life 212
Breakdown of Order 217
Conclusion 220Bibliography 229Glossary of terms 251Appendices 253
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LIST OF FIGURES
Figure-1British Trade in the zmir Port in 1835 59
Figure-2Population of zmir in the 19thCentury 75
Figure-3Distribution of zmir Greeks Units According to Quarters and Districts 87
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LIST OF APPENDICES
Appendix-1Map of zmir and Surrounding Region 253
Appendix-2 Pictures 254
Appendix-3 Ottoman Archive Documents 259
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1
INTRODUCTION
Stating the Problem: Why Study Communal Relations In zmir?
The motivation behind this study originated from my concern about the conventional
Turkish and Greek historical studies of zmir in which Greeks and Turks are depicted as two
conflicting communities or nations. Using ethno-religious criteria has engendered the
commonly used categories of Greek versus Turkish populations, Muslims versus non-Muslims
and Levantine versus Ottoman Muslims or non-Muslims. I believe that writing the history of
cities according to ethnic and religious origins does not allow for a meaningful and complex
analysis of the multi ethno-religious Ottoman society. I was interested to know exactly when this
perception of conflicting Greco-Turkish communities first began to develop in the multi ethno-
religious society of zmir. I wondered whether it was a result of the oppressive policies of
Mahmud II during the Greek revolt in the 1820s or of the Tanzimat, which caused unrest among
both the Muslim and non-Muslim population in some other regions of the Empire. Challenging
conventional approaches, I wanted to examine the society of zmir, especially from the point of
view of Greek-Turkish relations, by approaching the city as an organic whole without dividing it
according to ethno-religious criteria during the period of Ottoman modernization.
Although I was aware of the identity problems in multi-cultural Ottoman cities, during
my research in this study I once more realized how the people of zmir interconnected and how it
is misleading to look at the zmir society as a society composed of clear cut layers of ethnicities,
such as Turks, Levantines, Greeks, Jews, and Armenians. A wonderful surprise towards the end
of this study also made me experience this fact: I read about a certain Baltazzi (Baltac) family
from zmir which was one of the leading and much loved Ottoman Greek families in zmir
according to Greek newspapers of the period and some secondary sources. I learned from a much
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senior friend of mine1while we were chatting in Samos that a member of the Baltazzi family,
Alex Baltazzi,2lives in zmir and owns one of the biggest travel agencies in Turkey. I was very
surprised of course, because they ought to have left zmir in accordance with the 1922 forced
Greek and Turkish population exchange agreement of the Lausanne Treaty in 1922. I found his
address. I asked for an appointment through e-mail, briefly explaining my interest in his family.
But, in my e-mail I called his family a "Greek family" as my sources mentioned. In his brief
reply he told me that I am very interested in your study, and I definitely want to meet and talk
with you because I am against classifying the Baltazzi family in any religious or communal
category. I met with him in his office and we had a long conversation. He is 70 years old, a very
nice and respectable gentleman. He speaks five languages, English, French, Greek, Italian and
Turkish. He is very interested in history; he reads history books and historical journals. He told
me that his family was a Levantine family, not a Greek one. They are the progeny of a mixture of
Venetian and Chiot ancestors. He is Catholic from his mother's side so they were able to stay in
zmir in 1922 by receiving Austrian citizenship. His father was a Greek, an Orthodox Christian,
but his mother was a religious Catholic and wanted her son to be brought up a Catholic. His
father accepted this so Mr.Alex Baltazzi and his family are Catholic. I feel very lucky to have
had the chance to meet with a grandson of one of the Baltazzis in zmir. Talking to him made me
realise how a superficial categorization of ethnic communities in the city makes it difficult to get
a sense of the multiculturality of zmir.
This study examines the level of social and cultural interaction between the Greek and
Turkish communities of zmir and the relations of the communities with the state during the age
of Ottoman modernization, specifically between 1826 and 1864. We don't know much about
economic and social interactions between the Greek and Turkish communities of zmir in the
1At this point I would like to thank my dear friend Captain Adnan enol for letting me know that Alex Baltazzilives in zmir.2I would like to thank to Mr. Alex Baltazzi for the long conservation we had and for sharing his knowledge withme.
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period between the years1826 and 1864. How did a growing market economy and the tension in
society caused by the Greek revolt of 1821 affect social relations between the two communities?
How were communal relations between the Greek and Turkish communities of zmir affected by
circumstances of economic development and social unrest in the Tanzimat Period? To what
extent were the Tanzimat principles of equality across sectarian frontiers applied in zmir? These
were the questions I asked at the beginning of my research in this study. Answering such
questions was not possible through considering zmir only within the port city category in the
eastern Mediterranean. I abandoned using port city category and its framework alone to study
urban social history of zmir between 1826 and 1864. Instead, I tried to examine various types of
relations considering significant historical events.3 Studying zmir within the category of the
port city would lead to basically focusing on economic relations in the city. Examining a city
giving priority to its port city characteristic requires consideration of the economic logic, which
was the primary factor for the existence of the port cities. The modernization paradigm ignored
this point and focused on values, norms and culture and consumption patterns in analyzing the
diffusion process in the urban development of the port cities.4 Such an approach basically
focuses on the elements of the incorporation process of the Ottoman Empire into the capitalist
expansion of the 19thcentury. Therefore it viewed port cities as the clearest manifestations of the
incorporation into the capitalist world economy.5Although focusing on the transformations that
this incorporation process led to reveal important economic relations, this approach curtailed
other social, cultural and political dynamics of the multi-ethno-religious Ottoman port cities.
That is to say, using port city framework alone would not cover other dynamics of urban social
3I agree with the critique of Edhem Eldem for the analysis of stanbul only within the framework of port city, andhis suggestion of considering various kinds of other relations under the concept of contact in its broader sense.Edhem Eldem, stanbul: from imperial to peripheralized capital, in The Ottoman City between East and West,Aleppo, zmir, and stanbul, eds. Edhem Eldem, Daniel Goffman, & Bruce Masters, (Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity Press, 1sted. 1999, 2nded., 2000) 137-138. We can relatively apply what Edhem Eldem suggested for thestudy of 18thand 19thcentury of stanbul, to the case of zmir.4 alar Keyder, Eyp zveren, Donald Quataert, Port-Cities in the Ottoman Empire, Some Theoretical andHistorical Perspectives, Review, XVI, 4, Fall 1993, pp. 520-522.5Ibid., pp. 519-558.
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relations. Edhem Eldem suggested the concept of contact in its broader sense in order to
analyze overlapping and intricate economic, political and social relations and imperial features of
stanbul: contact of different cultures and ethno-religious groups, conflict between political aims
and economic self-interests, and between beliefs and mentalities, and balance among the
contradictory tendencies, and more importantly a period of mediation between East and West,
center and periphery, Islam and Christianity, state and society, modernization and tradition, elite
and masses, and empire and republic.6Similarly, in aprroaching the urban social history of zmir
I have tried to explore various types of relations: firstly, the impact of the Greek revolt on the
Greek-Turkish communal relations in zmir; secondly, the relation between the Ottoman state
and the Greek community of zmir during the Tanzimat period; thirdly, the relationship between
the Greek state and the Greek community of zmir; fourthly, the impact of the centralizing
reforms on the Greek community of zmir, and finally, the impact of the modernizing state
regulations on communal life in zmir, especially, on relations between the Greeks and Turks in
the city. In examining these relations, the picture I drew from my primary sources also directed
me to think about the nature of the social fabric of the city, which affected communal relations in
the period of Ottoman modernization. Moreover, I also realized that I needed to think about the
question of center-periphery politics and the internal socio-cultural dynamics of the city in order
to understand zmir society in its urban transformation during the centralizing Ottoman reforms.
The period of this study was chosen as the years 1826 to 1864, since they marked a
turning point in the administrative history of the Ottoman Empire. 1826 was the year in which
the Janissaries were destroyed, and during which the Greek revolt was in full swing.7The New
6Eldem, 2000, 138. I did not intend to use the same categories for analyzing Ottoman capital for studying the urbanhistory of zmir. However, similar to Eldems approach, I preferred to analyze various kinds of relations in studyingzmir in the years 1826 to 1864.7The abolition of the Janissaries not only led to military changes, but also significant administrative changes in theEmpire. When the Janissary corps was abolished, the kadlost his means (kolluk kuvvetleri) to carry out his duty ofensuring public order and fulfilling municipal responsibilities. Therefore, the office of kaddeteriorated, becomingresponsible only for judiciary matters. Accordingly, the ministry of ihtisab [(ihtisab nazrl), ihtisab: Office of the
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Provincial Organization (Vilayet Nizamnamesi) was issued in 1864, after which the
administrative organization of the Empire and specifically of the cities radically changed.8
Within the given period of this study (1826-1864) zmir was neither a province (it became
province in 1866) nor had a municipality (it was founded in 1868). One of the points that I
wanted to underline in my dissertation was that the urban modernization and transformation of
zmir began through its economic, administrative and social-cultural dynamics while the city
even was not yet a province itself and did not benefit from the Provincial Organizations of 1864
and 1871.9There are a number of significant historical moments in the history of zmir just
before and and in the middle of the 19th century that affected the nature of relations among the
communities and their relations with the Ottoman state: The instigation of urban riot by the
Janissaries in 1797 (when great Greek causalities occurred), the oppressive policies of the state
during the initial years of the Greek revolt along the Aegean coastline and islands, the
declaration of the Tanzimat (1839 and 1856 imperial edicts) and the continuing fires and
superintendent of guilds and markets] was founded in the capital, and ihtisabdirectorates (ihtisab mdrlkleri)were founded in the provinces in 1826. The ihtisab nazr replaced the kad's municipal duties regarding social orderand the collection of taxes, and the organization of urban life. However, in the following years police organizationwas founded in 1845, and the office of public security (Zabtiye Mirlii), was founded in 1846 to carry out theseduties of the ihtisab nazrlso that ihtisab mdrbecame only responsible for controlling narhand esnaf. lberOrtayl, Trkiyedari Tarihi, (Ankara: Trkiye ve Ortadou Amme daresi Enstits, 1971) 203-204. However, thebasic reason for the foundation of the ihtisab nizamnamesi in 1826 was to meet the expenses of the Asakir-iMansure-i Muhammediye, which was established after the abolishment of the Janissaries. The names of the tax thatwas collected according to the ihtisab nizamnamesiwere of the likes of rusm- cihadiyye. Mbahat Ktkolu,1826 Dzenlenmesinden Sonra zmir htisab Nezareti, [Ministry of htisab of zmir] inzmir TarihindenKesitler,[Pieces from History of zmir] ed. Mbahat Ktkolu, (zmir: zmir Bykehir Belediyesi Kltr Yaynlar, KentKitapl Dizisi, 2000, from now on 2000b) 62.8According to the Provincial Reform Law of 1864 new provincial units, vilayets, replaced the traditional eyaletsystem. Each vilayetwas divided into livas (sancaks), each sancakwas composed of kazas, and a kazawas made upof nahiyes, which were divided into villages, karyes. This system aimed at increasing the authority of localgovernors, in contrast with the attempt of the Tanzimat to strengthen centralized power. Stanford J Shaw and EzelKural Shaw, History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey, 1808-1975, (Cambridge, New York: CambridgeUniv. Press, 1977) 88-89; lber Ortayl, Tanzimat'tan Cumhuriyet'e Yerel Ynetim Gelenei [The Tradition of theLocal Administration from the Tanzimat to the Republic], (stanbul: Hil, 1985) 61. However, the structure of the1864 Provincial Law preserved the centralized administration, and led to an effective administration of the provincesby the center. lber Ortayl, Tanzimat Devri'nde Osmanl Mahalli dareleri, (1840-1880), (Ankara: TTK, 2000) 54;Ortayl, 1979, p. 290.9In 1870s, another history started in zmir when the Public Debt Administration became effective and led toisolation of the local bourgeoisie class in western Anatolia, and the change in the zmir society continued with theYoung Turk policies in 1910s).
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epidemics in the middle of the 19th century might be keyholes10through which to understand
the communal relations in the multi ethno-religious zmir society in its urban transformation.
There is a vast literature about the urban socio-cultural histories of the Middle Eastern
and Balkan cities and general social-cultural11 and economic histories of zmir.12 The recent
Middle Eastern13 and Balkan urban hisotires14 and urban histories of zmir15 explore social
relations and communal interactions within the context of Ottoman modernity, and transcend the
10The term is used by Virginia Aksan in her Theoretical Ottomans., It will be published in Historyand Theory.She used the terminology in Tim Brook Time and Global History, a research paper presented to a multiyearproject at McMasterUniversity, Globalization and Autonomy.http://www.humanities.mcmaster.ca/~global/ga/globalizationautonomy.htm11Raif Nezih,zmir'in Tarihi[History ofzmir ], 1927; Adnan Bilget, Son Yzyldazmir ehri, (zmir, n.p., 1949);Hakk Gltekin,zmir Tarihi [History of z mir ],( zmir: n.p., 1952); Tuncer Baykara, zmir ehri Tarihi [History
of City of zmir ], (zmir: Ege niversitesi Matbaas, 1974); Necmi lker, 17. ve 18. Yzyllardazmir ehri Tarihi[The Historyof zmir in the 17th and 18th centuries] (zmir: Akademi Kitabevi, 1994); nar Atay, Tarih indezmir, [zmir in History], (zmir: n.p.,1978); Rauf Beyru,zmir ehri zerine Birnceleme[An Analysis on the Cityof zmir], (Ankara: ODT, 1969), 18. ve 19.Yzyllardazmir[zmir in the 18thand 19thCenturies], (zmir: Teksir,1973), 19.Yzylda zmir'de Yaam [Life in the 19thCentury zmir], stanbul, 2000]; Nedim Atilla, zmir PostaTarihi, (1841-2001) [Postal History of zmir, 1841-2001), ( zmir: zmir Byk ehir Belediyesi Kltr Yaynlar,Kent Kitapl Dizisi, 2001).12Daniel Goffman, zmir and Levantine World, 1550-1650, (Seattle, 1990); zmir from Village to Colonial PortCity, in The Ottoman City between East and West, Aleppo, zmir, and stanbul, eds. Edhem Eldem, DanielGoffman, & Bruce Masters, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1 sted. 1999, 2nded., 2000); Reat Kasaba,The Ottoman Empire and The World Economy, The Nineteenth Century, (New York: State University of New York,1988), Was There a Compradore Bourgeoisie in Mid-Nineteenth Century Western Anatolia?, Review, XL, 2,Spring, 1988, pp. 215-228, zmir,Review, XVI, 4, Fall, 1993; Elena Frangakis-Syrett, The Commerce of Smyrna
in the Eighteenth Century, 1700-1820, (Athens: Centre for Asia Minor Studies, 1992).13Jens Hanssen, Fin de Siecle Beirut: The Making of an Ottoman Capital, (Oxfors: Oxford University Press, 2005);Nora Lafi, Municipalits Mditerranennes : les rformes urbaines Ottomanes au miroir d'une histoire compare,(Berlin: K. Schwarz, 2005), Une ville du Maghreb entre ancien rgime et rformes ottomanes : gense desinstitutions municipales Tripoli de Barbarie, 1795-1911, (Paris: L'Harmattan; Tunis: IRMC. Institut de recherchesur le Maghreb contemporain, 2002; Bruce Masters, Christians and Jews in the Ottoman Arab World: The Roots ofSectarianism, (Cambridge, UK., New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001; Ussama Makdisi, The Culture ofSectarianism: Community, History, and Violence in Ninteenth Century Ottoman Lebanon, (Berkeley, California:University of California Press, 2000); Beshara Doumani,Rediscovering Palestine: Merchants and Peasants in JabalNablus 1700-1900, (Berkeley : University of California Press, 1995); Leila Tarazi Fawaz,An Occasion of war: civilconflict in Lebanon and Damascus in 1860, (London, New York: I.B. Tauris, 1994, Merchants and Migrants inNineteenth Century Beirut, (Cambridge: Harward University Press, 1983); Moshe Maoz, Ottoman Reform in Syriaand Palestine, 1840-1861: the impact of the Tanzimat on politics and society, (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1975).14Mark Mazower, Salonica,City of Ghosts, Christians, Muslims and Jews 1430-1950, (London, New York, Torontoand Sydney: Harper Perennial, 2nd ed., 2005, 1sted. Harper Collins Publishers, 2004); Blent zdemir, OttomanReforms and Social Life: Reflectons from Salonica, 1830-1850, (stanbul: The Isis Press, 2003); MeropiAnastassadou, Salonique 1830-1912, (Leiden: Brill, 1997); Nikolai Todorov, The Balkan City, 1400-1900, (London:University of Washington Press, 1983).15Sibel Zandi Sayek, Public space and urban citizens: Ottoman zmir in the remaking, 18401890, unpublishedPhD. Dissertation, (University of California, Berkeley, 2001); Marie Carmen Smyrnelis, Une socit hors de soi:Identits et relations socials a Smyrne aux XVIIIe et XIXe sicles, unpublished PhD. Dissertation, (Paris: Ecole desHautes en sciences Sociales, 2000); Oliver J.Schmitt, Levantiner, Lebenswelten und Identitaten eineretnokonfessinollen Gruppe im osmanischen Reich in langen 19. Jahrhundert [Levantines: Life Worlds andIdentities of an Ethno-Denominatinal Group in the Ottoman Empire during the Long 19th Century](Sdosteuropaische Arbeiten 122, Mnchen: r. Oldenbourg, 2005).
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borders of local histories. The urban social histories of the multi-ethno-religious Middle Eastern
cities are generally analyzed through considering two pivotal historical events in the region: the
rule of Mehmed Ali Paa between 1830 and 1840 and ethno-religious tension leading to sectarian
violence under the intense European intervention from the years 1840s to 1860s.16As far as the
histories of Balkan cities is considered, renouncing conventional ethnic or national awakening
or resistance paradigms,17 new urban Balkan histories have presented different approaches to
analyzing urban histories. Rural uprisings, the foundation of the independent Greek state and the
autonomous rule of Serbia were the crucial historical events that shaped the urban transformation
of the Balkan cities. Administrative and social structures and relations in the Arab lands and
16Ussama Makdisi approached sectarian conflict as an expression of Ottoman modernity that composed of conflictand contact between European colonialism, Ottoman Tanzimat policies or Ottoman imperialism. He mentionedthe year 1841, when the first major violent events occurred, as the rise of the sectarianism and 1861 as the officialend of it with the decleration of Rglement Organique. Ussama Makdisi, The Culture of Sectarianism: Community,History, and Violence in Ninteenth Century Ottoman Lebanon, (Berkeley, California: University of California Press,2000). While Makdisi mainly focused on the power struggle amont the Druze and Maroniate Elites and the origis ofsectarian violence, Farah Caesar more dealt with the diplomatic relations and international implications and role ofthe British and French in the Ottoman Lebanan. Farah Caesar, The Politics of Interventionism in Ottoman Lebanon,1831-1861, (London: New York: I.B. Tauris, 2000. Engin Akarl in his The Long Peace, Mutasarrafiyya Period,also dealt with the origins, revisions of the events and the developments in the following period in the MountLebanon. Engin Deniz Akarl, The Long Peace: Ottoman Lebanon, 1861-1920, (Berkeley: University of CaliforniaPress, 1993). Leila Fawaz in her An Occasion of War: Civil Conflict in Lebanon and Damascus in 1860, also
focused on the origins of the sectarian violence in Mount Lebanon and Damascus mentioning the foreign impact,avoided from analyzing the issue only within the content of Muslim versus Christian conflict and Christian versusDruzes. She also touched upon the issues of importance of negotiation among the communities and mutualcolloboration of the elites, as sometimes happened during the aggressive events. According to her, the weakOttoman central authority, influential traditional and local powers together with the changing economic conditionsin the region led to a gap that was filled by sectarian networks. Leila Tarazi Fawaz, An Occasion of war: CivilConflict in Lebanon and Damascus in 1860, (London, New York: I.B. Tauris, 1994. Among the studies on theMiddle Eastern cities of the Ottoman Empire, the works of Jens Hanssen and Beshara Doumai provided a revisionistapproach in dealing with the period of increased European penetration and centralizing Ottoman reforms. Hanssenmainly focusing on the Hamidian period of 1876-1908, analyzed the urban dynamics and its relations with variousother factors, like foreign intervention, centralizing Ottoman policies and role of local notables and merchants, inBeirut. In his analysis of Ottoman Arab provinces from 1870s to 1908, what he called the era of provincialcapitals, (p. 75), he stressed the dialectic relationship between center and periphery and simultaneity of the growingcentralization and local character of the city. Hanssen, 2005. Doumanis work, which covered two centuries ofOttoman Palestine (1700-1900), revealed the urban and rural dynamics of the region during the centralizingOttoman reforms and growing European influence. His work demonsrated that before Ottoman reforms of theTanzimat and Hamidian period, the urban and rural transformation of Jabal Nablus already started throughcommodization of the land, integration of urban area with rural regions and monetization of rural economy.Doumani, 1995.17 Pachalis Kitromilides, Imagined Communities and the Origins of the National Question in the Balkans, inEnlightenment, Nationalism, Orthodoxy, Studies in Culture and political thought of south-eastern Europe, GreatBritain: Variorum, 1994) 149-192; N. Pantazopoulos, Community Laws and Customs of Western Macedonia underOttoman Rule, Balkan Studies, v.2, n.3 1961-1962, pp. 1-22; Stephen Xydis, Medieval Origins of Modern GreekNationalism, Balkan Studies, n. 9, 1968, pp. 1-20; Konstandinos Vakalopoulos, Modern History of Macedonia,1830-1912, (Thessaloniki, n.a, 1988).
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Balkans were quite different from zmir and in general western Anatolia, which did not
experience even something similar to such civil violence as in the Arab lands and Balkans in the
middle of the 19thcentury. zmir experienced a smiliar ethnic violence between 1919 and 1923 in
the age of nationalisms. The ethnic violence between 1840s and 1860s and overlapping and
complex relations of civil war in the Arab cities made a big difference to the direction of the
Arab cities. Similarly, ethno-religious clash among the Orthodox Christian communities and
their conflict with the Ottoman state in the second half of the 19 th century affected political,
economic and social developments of the Balkan cities, not just then, but later as well. That is to
say, there were no such rigid historical events in the social and cultural history of zmir and
western Anatolia until 1908, which deeply affected the social-cultural and political developments
of the future, as were in the Arab lands of the Empire and the Balkans in the given period of this
study (1826-1864) even until the 1908 Young Turk rule. The social-cultural history of zmir did
not attract the attention of scholars for a long time. zmir, the commercial center in the Eastern
Meditarrenean and port city of Western Anatolia, which had maintained its ethnic diversity for
centuries, experienced an upheaval in its ethnic composition beginning in the 1910s. By the
middle of the 1920s it was transformed into an ethnically homogeneous Turkish city. The
process of demographic change, not unique to the city, was shaped by a number of factors,
including the incorporation of the region into the world capitalist economy, the modernization of
the Ottoman state (Tanzimat reforms 1839-1876) and the birth of nationalist politics in 1910s; in
a word, the onset of modernization. Some young scholars recently showed interest in the period
of ethnic conflict in zmir and Western Anatolia between 1908 and 1922 and wrote PhD
dissertations on the subject,18and also Reat Kasaba, as an expert on the region questioned the
18Vangelis Kechriotis The Greeks at the End of the Empire, A non-Muslim Ottoman community between Autonomyand Patriotism, (University of Leiden, 2005); Biray Krl, From the Ottoman Empire to Turkish Nation-State:Reconfiguring Spaces and Geo-Bodies, unpublished PhD Dissertation, (New York: University of New York atBinghamton, 2002).
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period of ethnic violence and examined its background.19Very little of the works on the social-
cultural history of zmir deals with the social relations and communal interaction within the
period this study covers.20 The urban social histories of zmir that cover the period of this
dissertation deal with communal relations from different angles. One such historical-
architectural study examines how the relationship between the people of zmir cut across ethno-
religious lines by studying the physical organization of the city based mostly on French
newspapers of the period and to some extent the Ottoman archival material.21 Another study
concentrates on the communal relations among the European and other ethno-religious
communities of the city in the late 18th and early 19th centuries using largely Ottoman
historiography in French.22 Lastly, another focuses on the Levantine identity and life in the
Ottoman Empire with examples of the zmir, Pera and Galata districts of Istanbul.23While this
study renounces Eurocentric approaches like of the decline thesis and modernization or
westernization, it makes a contribution to the recently written Ottoman urban social histories.
What differentiates this study from the others is that it concentrates specifically on the Greek-
Turkish communal relations (1826-1864).24 These are usually examined as two conflicting
nations by much of the conventional Turkish and Greek historiography of the post-WWI years.
19Reat Kasaba, zmir 1922: A Port City Unravels, in Culture and Modernity from Meditarrenean and to IndianOcean, eds. Leila Tarazi Fawaz, Christopher Alan Bayly, (New York: Colombia University Press, 2002, pp. 204-229.20Sibel Zandi Sayek, Public space and urban citizens: Ottoman zmir in the remaking, 18401890, unpublishedPhD. Dissertation, (University of California, Berkeley, 2001); Marie Carmen Smyrnelis, Une socit hors de soi:Identits et relations socials a Smyrne aux XVIIIe et XIXe sicles, unpublished PhD. Dissertation, (Paris: Ecole desHautes en sciences Sociales, 2000); Oliver J. Schmitt, Levantiner, Lebenswelten und Identitaten eineretnokonfessinollen Gruppe im osmanischen Reich in langen 19. Jahrhundert [Levantines: Life Worlds andIdentities of an Ethno-Denominatinal Group in the Ottoman Empire during the Long 19th Century](Sdosteuropaische Arbeiten 122, Mnchen: r. Oldenbourg, 2005).21Zandi Sayek, 2001, Orchestrating Difference, Performing Identity: Urban Space and Public Rituals in NineteenthCentury zmir, in Hybrid Urbanism: On the identity discourse and the built environment, ed. Nezar Al Sayyad,(Westport, Conn: Praeger, 2001).22Smyrnelis, 2000.23Schmitt,Levantiner, 2005.24The Greek community of zmir, and to some extent the change in Greco-Turkish relations in the 19 th centuryzmir, have been subject to investigation in the first quarter of the 20 thcentury at the end of the Empire in the PhD.Dissertation of Vangelis Kechriotis The Greeks at the End of the Empire, A non-Muslim Ottoman communitybetween Autonomy and Patriotism, (University of Leiden, 2005).
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What this study also does to delve deep into Ottoman-Turkish material. In this respect, the aimof
this study is to contribute to the urban social history as it is currently being written all over the
Empire.
Sources
In order to address communal relations in zmir, I consulted archival material in the
Prime Ministry Ottoman Archives in Istanbul and the Ottoman court registers of zmir, some
Greek newspapers of the period, British Consular reports and the observations of many travelers
of the period.
I. eriyye Sicilleri (Court Registers):
One of the main archival sources of my dissertation is evidence from the "court registers"
(er'iyye sicilleri) of zmir, which provide a better insight into debates on the use of urban space
and intercommunal interaction between the Greek and Turkish communities of the city. The type
of information contained in the court registers tells us more than other official documents do. In
these registers, the judicial case is described according to testimony of the parties concerned. The
records do not include any interpretations of the law or actual decisions made. Rather, the
parties came to court and testified as to the conflict between them. The reason they came to court
was to record the decision and their agreement with it, whether it was the selling-buying of
property or goods or or inheritance. The purpose was to have a state document that would be
recognized officially in case of need. In using court registers, I did not deal with the event itself
or analyze the result of the cases in terms of jurisprudence. In studying these registers, I
translated the data into historical information, which is possible by comprehending the
terminology of these registers. Therefore, I based my analysis on sicilterminology. In the light of
some basic concepts of Islamic law, I tried to analyze Greek and Turkish relations in zmir in the
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given period. care-yi tavile (a long term rental), gedik (the right to run a place without
possessing its land and the right of practicing handicraft or making trade), zilyet (the right of
possession of the land because of long term use of it) are some examples of such concepts.
II. Ayniyat Defterleri, Meclis-i Vala'dan:
Ayniyat notebooks are the genuine registers of "orders" (buyruldu), and correspondence of the
"office of the grand vizier" (sadaret). The Meclis-i Vala registers of the Ayniyat notebooks
constitute the most important firsthand source material for my study because they reflect the
implementation of the Tanzimat reforms. The minutes of the meetings (meclis zabtlar) of the
Meclis-i Vala written by the katips are absent in the archives. Until today no researcher has
found any of the minutes. However, the decisions and memos of the Meclis-i Vala are available in
these Ayniyat Notebooks. Moreover, the decisions of the Meclis-i Vala were published in the
official newspaper of the empire, Takvim-i Vekayi, in order to serve as a warning to others.25They
are addressed to zmir's collector of funds (muhassl)26, the district-chief (kaymakam), the
provincial council (meclis), and the governor of zmir (vali), when it becomes a province in
1864), or city magistrate (kad).
25Musa adrc, Tanzimat Dnemi'nde Anadolu Kentlerinin Sosyal ve Ekonomik Yaplar. (Ankara: TTK Yaynlar,1991) 190. After fifteen years of an overwhelming workload of issuing laws, the Supreme Council lost itsfunctional effectiveness. In addition, the new leaders of the Tanzimat executives Ali and Fuat Pashas aimed toachieve rapid progress through efficient institutions. In 1854, because of political and administrative reasons theSupreme Council was left only with its judicial duties. A new legislative body was formed under the title HighCouncil of Tanzimat, Meclis-i Ali-yi Tanzimat. The duties of the Meclis-i Vala were transferred to this new body,now responsible for completing and extending the Tanzimat reforms. Ibid., p. 189; Shaw & Kural Shaw, 1977, p. 78Roderic Davison, Reform in the Ottoman Empire, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1963) 52-53. After theformation of the Meclis-i Ali-yi Tanzimat, the Meclis-i Valaalso continued to work along with it. Meclis-i Ali-yiTanzimatcontinued to work until 1861, andthen united with theMeclis-i Vala. adrc, 1991, p. 189.
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III. Bab- Ali Evrak Odas, Sadaret Evrak Mektubi Kalemi (A.MKT):
The Mektubi Kalemi was responsible for conducting all the correspondence for the
"office of the grand vizier" (sadaret) with all the ministries, kaymakam, muhassl, meclis, and
kad of the provinces and towns including making summaries of the petitions and presenting
them to the office of the grand vizier.
This classification includes the documents during and after the Tanzimat period, between
the years 1840-1935. The quality of the documents in this classification is important in that it
shows the running of the new institutions of the Tanzimat, to what extent the Tanzimat principles
were applied in the provinces and districts, and furthermore what were the sources of conflict
among the people and how they were solved by local authorities. Therefore, this classification is
one of the best among the ones that served the purpose of this dissertation.
IV. Bab- Ali Evrak Odas, Sadaret Evrak (A.DVN):
The content of the documents in this classification is very similar to those in the A.MKT
collection. Therefore, the A.DVN classification, too, is very beneficial in understanding the
nature of conflict between and within the Muslim and Greek communities of zmir and the
attitude of the local officials in solving these disputes.
In both A.DVN and A.MKT registers, we see the petitions (arzuhal) of the Ottoman
subjects to the office of the grand vizier and the replies to them as kaime (the order which is
written on a long paper), buyruldu(order or decree), berat(deed grant) or informing letters
to the muhassl, kaymakam, kador provincial council. In examining these registers, one of my
aims was to find examples of meclis mazbatalar, the records of zmir's large representative
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provincial council.27These meclis mazbatalarconstitute a very good source for social history,
since the provincial council had the authority to make decisions concerning the daily disputes
among the people. These disputes are described in detail in the meclis mazbatalar.
V-VI. Cevdet Adliye (1711-1876) and Cevdet Zaptiye (1603-1882) classifications:
The content of the documents in these two sections are almost the same. In the Cevdet
Adliye classification, we mostly find the adjudication implementations (yarg uygulamalar) of
theMeclis-i Vala. The documents used in this section are about the regulations of the Tanzimat
in zmir. There are plenty of documents in this section about all towns and cities in Western
Anatolian coastline, even for the years that exceed the period of this study.
VII. Zabtiye Nezareti Evrak (1849-1909)
No record of gendarmerie minutes, in which the officials describes the disputes between
the parties in detail, was available for zmir in this section. It would be such a good source to
look at causes of dispute among ordinary people in daily life more closely. The only ones found
were a few registers of the minutes taken in Ayvalk and Istanbul. Moreover, before the
foundation of the office of public security (Zaptiye Mirlii) in 1846 and the Gendarme
Ministry (Zaptiye Nezareti) in 187928 there was the avubalk, chief of sergeants of
gendarmerie which carried out the functions ofZaptiyebefore 1846, which concerns this study.
Unfortunately, no avubalk registers are available either in the archives. If these documents
27The large representative provincial council (byk meclis), and the small provincial council (kk meclis)were founded in 1840. TheByk Meclis worked until 1868, when ura-y Devletwas formed. It served as a court inorder to implement Tanzimat regulations and conduct the regulations of the 1840 penal code with the authority ofmaking decisions except for the crimes of murder, theft and intentional harm. The Meclis had to refer the cases ofthese crimes to Meclis-i Vala. Ekrem Bura Ekinci, Osmanl Mahkemeleri, Tanzimat ve Sonras[Ottoman Courts,Tanzimat and After], (Istanbul: Ar, 2004) 130.28The office organization was founded in 1845, and the office of public security(Zabtiye Mirlii), was founded in1846 to carry out former duties of the kad. Its name was changed to Zaptiye Nezareti"gendarmerie ministry" in1879.Babakanlk Osmanl Arivi Rehberi[The Guide of Prime Ministry Ottoman Archieves], (Istanbul, 2000) 249.
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were found and made available for research, it would be a very beneficial source for social
historians.
VIII. Temettat Defterleri
The Temetat Notebooks are the registers of the "income tax" (temettuat vergisi), taken
from merchants and tradesmen during the Tanzimat. These notebooks constitute one of the most
important sources for the study of the economic history of the Ottoman Empire during the reform
age. Although some Turkish historians have underlined the importance oftemettat notebooks for
the economic histories of the Ottoman cities, they are not used very effectively by the scholars.29
There are thirteen temettnotebooks available for zmir. Nine of them belonged to the French (66
pages), Greek (linoz)30 (70 pages), Danish (16 pages), Russian (44 pages), Tuscan (32 pages),
Sardinia (8 pages),Ana Polnan (16 pages), Genoese (24 pages), Flanders 6 pages) communities
of zmir and the rest four notebooks belong to some small Muslim neighbourhoods of the city.
29 Mbahat Ktkolu, Osmanl Siyasal ve Kltrel Tarihi Kaynaklarndan Temett Defterleri,[TemettNotebooks from one of the Sources of the Ottoman Political and Cultural History], Belleten, v. 225, n. 59, 1995, p.395-418, zmir Temett Saymlar ve Yabanc Tebaa, zmir Tarihinden Kestiler, (zmir: zmir Byk BelediyesiKltr Yaynlar, Kent Kitapl Dizisi, 2000) 36-59; Demir, smet, Temett Defterlerinin nemi ve HazrlanSebepleri, Yeni Trkiye Dergisi Osmanl zel Says, n. I-XII, 1999, pp. 315-326.; Tevfik Gran, OndokuzuncuYzyl Temettat Tahrirleri, in Osmanl Devleti'nde Bilgi ve Istatistik[Data and Statistics in the Ottoman Empire],eds. evket Pamuk ve Halil nalck, (Ankara: T.C. Babakanlk Devlet Istatistik Enstits, 2000) pp. 73-94; Saidztrk, Trkiyede Temettat almalar, in Trkiye Aratrmalar Literatr Dergisi, Trk ktisat Tarihi, v. 2,n.3, 2003; Huricihan slamolu, Temettat Registers as a System of Classification of the Ottoman Modern State,Workshop on Land Records in the 19th Century Middle East, 1-3 March 1996, Cambridge, Mass., Conferenceorganized by Center for Middle East Studies at Harvard University; Musa adrc used temett notenooks in hisstudy of the Anatolian cities. Musa adrc, Tanzimat Dneminde Anadolu Kentleri'nin Sosyal ve Ekonomik Yaplar[The Social and Economic Structure of Anatolian Cities during the Tanzimat Period], (Ankara: TTK, 1991);Abdllatif ener partly dealt with the Temett notebooks in his book Tanzimat Dneminde Osmanl Vergi Sisemi,[The Tax System in the Tanzimat Period], (stanbul: aret Yaynlar, 1990).30The name of the temettnotebook for Greek community of zmir titled as linoz Cematainin Emlak ve GelirDefteridir. The term linoz in Ottoman Turkish is a distorted form of the word Hellen. Vizantinos Skarlatos, [Dictionary of Greek Language], v.I, (Athens, 1975) 408; Dimitrakos Dimitrios[Mega dictionary of Greek Languae], v.3 (Athens, 1950) 2445.
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IX. British Consular Reports
I also used a limited number of British Consular Reports in the Public Record Office in
British National Archives.
X. Greek Primary Sources:
The Greek newspapers published in zmir: Amaltheia () 1845-1868, Mnimosini
() 1835, Melisiyenis () 1845, Smyrni () 1871.
XI. Secondary Sources
The court registers and the above mentioned documents in the Prime Ministry Ottoman
Archives classifications helped me to examine center-periphery relations, the implementation of
the reforms of the first half of the nineteenth century, andthe social relations between the Greeks
and Muslims. However, they did not much serve my purpose of understanding the social and
cultural relations in daily life, the zmir Greeks perception of the nascent Greek state and the
modernizing Ottoman state. Some Greek newspapers of the period helped me in filling this gap
in my dissertation, but I still wanted to see the involvement of the Ottoman Turkish community
in the dynamic economic activity of the city and economic relations between the zmir Greeks
and Muslims. I believe that not understanding the position of the Muslims in the urban economic
life of the city leaves a gap in accounting for the factors that were decisive in shaping the socio-
cultural and economic dynamics in zmir that determined the nature of the communal relations.
Just determining who was Greek or Turk in the cosmopolitan population of zmir proved
problematic.
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Conceptual and Terminological Issues
Throughout this study for the Orthodox Christian Greek Ottoman subjects in zmir the
term Ottoman Greeks or Greek subjects is used as equal to Turkish word Rum or Reaya.
For the Greek citizens in the Greek state the terms Greeks of the Greek state or Greeks of
Greece are used. However, to identify who was who in zmir is a difficult issue. To identify
non-Muslims Greeks, Armenians and Jews in zmir became a complicated subject after the
turn of the 19thcentury because of the flood of increasing number of people who were granted
protection by the foreign consulates (beratlmerchants) in zmir and its surrounding regions
and the Ottoman Greeks change of their identities into Greek nationals. After the foundation of
the Greek state in 1831, the identification issue of the Greek Orthodox Christians even became
more complicated. It is known that the Greek consulate in zmir was very active in selling Greek
passports in 1860. To have a Greek passport was more advantageous for Orthodox Christians
since it was easily exchanged for its Russian equivalents.31 Therefore, Orthodox Christians,
Armenians, and sometimes Jews, are seen in the first place as Greek, British, Russian, or French
protected subjects or nationals. However, it is easy to differentiate who was who in the Ottoman-
Turkish documents because for the protected non-Muslims and Europeans the terms like beratl
(berat holder, patent holder), Avrupa taciri (European merchant), ngiltere Devletl
himayesinde bulunan (the one who is under the protection of the British State), and Rusya
devlet teb'asndan(The one who is a subject of the Russian State) and for the Ottoman subjects
devlet-i aliyye tebaasndan olan(the one who is a subject of the Ottoman State) are used. As
far as the Ottoman Greeks in zmir are concerned, change of their identity cards does not indicate
that they were not Ottoman Greeks who inhabited zmir for centuries. Moreover, I consider the
Greeks of Greece who migrated and settled in zmir as zmir Greeks. A group of merchants and
tradesmen of Greeks of Greece migrated to zmir and its surrounding region during the Tanzimat
31Kasaba, 1888a, 71.
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period. This group along with the Ottoman Greek subjects and protected Greeks played crucial
role in the formation of middle bourgeoisie class in zmir and Asia Minor,32which I will mention
in section 2.1.1. Therefore, I identfy three groups of Greeks Ottoman Greeks, protected Greeks
and migrants of Greeks of Greece as zmir Greeks.
As far as Muslim Turks are considered in zmir, I used the term Muslim or Turk
interchangeably, since Muslim refers to Turk in the Empire. I preferred not to use the pair of the
terms Orthodox Christian and Muslim. The two terms are religious categories, but an
Orthodox Christian might be a Greek, a Bulgarian, a Serb or a Russian in zmir. Therefore,
instead of Muslims and Orthodox Christians, for the sake of this study I used terms Ottoman
Greeks and Muslims or Ottoman Greeks and Turks, and protected Greeks, Greek
nationals, and Greeks of Greece.
Literature Review
Before turning to zmir in the period 1826-64, it is worth reviewing the historiography of
the city. I benefited from the extensive works of Reat Kasaba, Elena Frangakis-Syrett and
Daniel Goffman on zmir that studied how this city grew and played an important role at
different periods in the long history of the Ottoman Empire. I also used the publications of zmir
32Anagnastopoulou, 1998, p. 307. The Ottoman Greeks had the right of obtaining Greek citizenship easily by theKanlca Agreement (27 May 1855). This solved commercial and diplomatic problems between the Ottoman andGreek state, however, the identity problems of the Ottoman Greeks continued to exist. Citizenship law (19 July1869) brought new regulations for this identity problem through interference of the big Western States: Before 1869,the Ottoman state used to recognize the Otoman Greeks who obtained Greek citizenship as Greek nationals. After1869, the Otoman Greeks who obtained Greek citizenship through staying in Greece for three years, were notrecognized as Greek citizens by the Ottoman state anymore, but recognized by the Greek state as Greek citizens.This made them to be subjected to the tax regulations of the Ottoman subjects in the Empire that they opposed to. Asa result, the Ottoman state although did not recognize the Greek cizitensip of the Ottoman Greeks sometimes winkedat them to pay lesser taxes, however sometimes treated them as Ottoman subjects. This made them to search forways to persuade the Ottoman state to accept them as foreign nationals. As result, this double identity of theOttoman Greeks, on the one hand, made them to increase their wealth, on the other hand, led to confusion anddisorder in their economic relations with the Ottoman state in terms of payment and amount of taxes. Therefore, thisled tension between the Ottoman and Greek state. Ibid., pp. 310-312.
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Municipality on zmir. Of these zmir series, I benefited the most from Mbahat Ktkolus
works on Izmir. Works of some other Turkish historians, like Adnan Bilget,33nar Atay,34and
Rauf Beyru,35 also give us clues with which to explore the communal relations in zmir in the
19thcentury.
The Izmir series of Christos Sokratous Solomonidis, who was from zmir, provide
extensive and detailed knowledge about various aspects of 19thcentury zmir. Solomonidis was
born in zmir in 1897 and died in Athens in 1976. His father published the most influential Greek
Newspaper Amalthiain zmir for many years (1838-1922). The Hellenic Character of Smyrna,
1821-1922,36 Journalism in Smyrna, 1821-1922,37 Smyrna Triology: Smyrna during the
awakening, Easter of the unredeemed Greeks, independent Smyrna,38and Theatre in Smyrna,
1657-192239 are only some examples of Solomonidis series of books on zmir, which I have
used in this study. He did not use any archival material he was not a professional historian
and dedicated his works to prove the Hellenic character of his hometown by extensively using
traveler accounts and Greek books of the pre-1922 era. Although his works involve a lot
information about the relationships among the communities of zmir, he did not analyze Greek
and Turkish relations in an objective manner.
Solomonidis represents the Eurocentric approach, where Ottoman history is examined
through a comparison of Islamic civilization with Western civilization, which is always
presented to the advantage of the latter by emphasizing Muslim backwardness. Some
33Adnan Bilget, Son Yzyldazmir ehri, [The History of the City of zmir in the Last Century] (zmir, n.p., 1949).34nar Atay, Tarihindezmir, [zmir in History], (zmir: n.p.,1978).35Rauf Beyru,zmir ehri zerine Birnceleme[An Analysis on the City of zmir], (Ankara: ODT, 1969), 18. ve19.Yzyllardazmir[zmir in 18th and 19th Centuries], (zmir: Teksir, 1973).36Christos Sokratous Solomonidis, , [The Hellenic Character of zmir], (Athens, n.p.,1972).37Christos Sokratous Solomomidis, (1821-1922), [ Journalism in zmir, (1821-1922],(Athens, n.p.,1959).38Christos Sokratous Solomonidis,: , , [zmir Triology: zmir During the Awakening, The easter of the unredeemed Greeks, Independent zmir](Athens, n.p.,1970).39 Christos Sokratous Solomonidis, (1657-1922), [Theathre in Smyrna (1657-1922)],(Athens, n.p.,1954).
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professional and local amateur Turkish historians, by contrast, have contested this approach in
writing the history of zmir. They produced works which gave rise to the idea of the
multiculturalism of zmir, even though they themselves did not emphasize the multiculturalism
of the city or approach zmir as a multi-cultural Ottoman society.40 Tuncer Baykara is among
those who criticized conventional western approaches. 41In rejecting the arguments of the
Eurocentric approach, he emphasized the Turkishness of the city and the destructive influence
of the non-Muslims over the real native Turkish inhabitants of the city.42General histories of
zmir, like that of Tuncer Baykara, who attempted to reveal the Turkish zmir, strongly
contradict the general perception that zmir was an infidel (gavur) city, because of the
presence of a considerable number of non-Muslim population.43Moreover, to view the Turkish
population of zmir as the real owners of the city is a mistaken and inaccurate starting point if
one wants to begin to understand the multi-ethno-religious zmir society. In addition to Baykara,
Rauf Beyru calls the Turks of zmir the real owners of the city, (kentin asl sahipleri)44 when
discussing the communities and population of zmir in his book Life in the 19 thcentury zmir.45
Not only professional and amateur historians, but also travelers named the Turks of zmir the
real owners of the city or of the country.46Since they shared the same religion with the ruling
Ottoman dynasty, the Turks might be seen as the representatives of the state and real owners of
the city by the travelers in the 19th century. Ziya Somar, a Turkish literary figure, described
intellectual and literary developments in the Turkish community of zmir in the late 19th and
40Halit Ziya Uakligil. Krk Yl, [Forty Years] v.1-5, (stanbul: stanbul Matbaaclk ve Neriyat, 1936); Dursun, M.Kamil. zmir Hatralar [Memoirs of zmir]. ed. enel, nal (zmir: Akademi Kitabevi, 1994); Nail Moral,Mtarekede zmir, nceleri ve Sonralar [zmir During the Armistice, Before and After], (stanbul: Tekin, 1976);Yaar Aksoy,Bir Kent, Birnsan:zmir'in Son Yzyl, S. Ferit Eczacba'nn Yaam ve Anlar [A City, A Person:The Last Century of zmir, The Life and Memoirs of S. Ferit Eczacba] (stanbul: Dr. Nejat Eczacba Vakf,1986).41Tuncer Baykara,zmir ehri Tarihi[History of City of zmir], (zmir: Ege niversitesi Matbaas, 1974).42Baykara, 1974, 63-64.43Baykara, 1974, pp. V-VI, 21, 55, 63.44Ibid., p. 65.45Rauf Beyru,zmirde Yaam, [Life in zmir in the 19thcentury zmir], (stanbul: Literatr Yaynlar, 2000).46Nassau, 1859, p. 190.
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early 20th centuries.47Arkan called Somar's study a valuable and successful attempt to reveal
cultural change in Turkish zmir, in addition to gavur zmir. In his memoirs of zmir, Halit
Ziya Uaklgil, another Turkish literary figure, noted the influence of the missionary schools in
zmir, the culturally and intellectually advantageous position of the non-Muslims, and the
Turkish community's absence in the economic, social and cultural life of the city. 48Such studies
divided zmir into Gavur zmir and Turkish zmir. Hence, the presumed economic and
social-cultural predominance of the non-Muslim and European communities in zmir have
motivated native historians and writers to seek out the Turkish zmir, as they called it.
Moreover, some amateur historians have also focused on demonstrating the Turkish character of
the city.49However, they have not discussed the issue in the framework of a likely existence of
multiculturalism or harmonious coexistence and interaction between the various ethno-religious
communities of zmir. It is true that the Eurocentric approach often ignores and silences the
Muslim Turkish communities of the empire. However, I argue that without freeing ourselves
from nationalist or nativist attachments, expressed in studies that try to demonstrate the Turkish
or Hellenic character of the city, social histories cannot contribute to reveal a more accurate
picture of the multi-ethno-religious Ottoman cities. Even in the studies that have dealt with the
social history of Izmir, intercommunal relations have been neglected. In examining this issue, I
prefer to view the society of zmir as an organic whole, with both Muslims and non-Muslims
populating one city, rather than dividing it into two parts: the Gavurand the Turkish.
zmirs history gained considerable attention in last ten years through the publications of
scholarly studies by the zmir Municipality. Its publications of the series of zmir books since the
47Somar, 2001.48Halit Ziya Uaklgil published one of the first Turkish journals of zmir,Nevruz (1884) with Bakzade Hakkand Tevfik Nevzat. He wrote in the first newspapers of zmir, Hizmet (1886) and Ahenk (1895), in order to reviveTurkish cultural life of the city.49 Melih Grsoy, Tarihi, Ekonomisi ve nsanlar ile Bizim zmirimiz, [Our zmir with its History, Economy andPeople], (zmir: 1993); akir Mehmet, mbatn Trks Gavur zmirden Gzel zmire, [The Folksong of Imbat,from Gavur zmir to Beatiful zmir], (zmir, 1989); U.Olga, Gzel zmir ne idi ne oldu, [How was the Beatifulzmir and What Happened], (zmir: 1939); Mehmet Okurer, Kurtulutan Kurulua zmir, [zmir from Independenceto Foundatin], (zmir: 1970).
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year 2000, revealed various unknown aspects in the history of zmir.50In the present literature,
the best known works on zmir are about the economic history of zmir in 15th, 16th, 18thand 19th
centuries: Relying exclusively on Ottoman archival material and some consular reports, Mbahat
Ktkolu produced studies mostly on the economic histories of zmir, for the 15th, 16th, and 19th
centuries.51While she does not examine the data in terms of social and cultural history, her
studies do enable us to understand the economic development of zmir and demographic
structure of of the city from in the 16thand 19thcenturies. The other three basic studies on the
city were carried out by Reat Kasaba,52Elena Frangakis Syrett53and Daniel Goffman.54They
commonly emphasized that the cosmopolitan population of zmir served this city well. zmir
grew as a major commercial center and managed to resist or recover from external assaults and
50Besmi Nusret Kaygusuz,Bir Roman Gibi, [Like a Novel] (zmir: zmir Bykehir Belediyesi Kltr Yaynlar,Kent Kitapl Dizisi, 2nd. ed., 2002); Engin Berber, Rumeliden zmire Yitik Yaamlarn zinde [The Lost Livesfrom Rumelia to zmir] (zmir: zmir Bykehir Belediyesi Kent Kitapl Yaynlar,2002); NedimAtilla, zmirPosta Tarihi (1841-2001) [Postal History of zmir 1841-2001]. zmir: zmir Bykehir Belediyesi Kltr Yaynlar,Kent Kitapl Dizisi, 2001; lhan Pnar,Haclar, Seyyahlar, Misyonerler vezmir : Yabanclarn Gzyle OsmanlDnemindezmir, 1608-1918, [Pilgrims, Travellers and Missionaries andzmir:zmir from the eyes of foreigners,1608-1918], (zmir: zmir Bykehir Belediyesi Kltr Yaynlar, Kent Kitapl Dizisi, 2001); FranszSeyahatnameleri ve Tarihin aynasnda zmir Kolokyumu, (zmir: zmir Byk ehir Belediyesi Kltr Yaynlar,Kent Kitapl Dizisi 2002); Mbahat Ktkolu, zmir Tarihinden Kesitler [Notes from History of zmir], (zmir:zmir Bykehir Belediyesi Kltr Yaynlar, Kent Kitapl Dizisi, 2000), XV ve XVI. Asrlardazmir Kazasnn
Sosyal ve ktisadi Yaps [Social and Economic Structure of the District ofzmir in the 15th and 16th Centuries],(zmir : zmir zmir Bykehir Belediyesi Kltr Yaynlar, Kent Kitapl Dizisi, 2000); .Olaf Yaranga, 19.Yzyln lk Yarsnda Fransz Gezginlerin Anlatmlarnda zmir [zmir in the Accounts of the French Travelers inthe second half of the 19thcentury], (zmir: zmir Bykehir Belediyesi Kltr Yaynlar, Kent Kitapl Dizisi 1sted. 2000, 2nd. ed. 2002); Zeki Arkan, zmir Basnndan Semeler, 1872-1922, [Selections from the zmir Press,1872-1922] (zmir: zmir Bykehir Belediyesi Kltr Yaynlar, Kent Kitapl Dizisi , 2001; Ziya Somar, Yaknalarn Fikir ve Edebiyat Tarihimizde zmir[In Our History of Intellectual and Literature, zmir], 1st. Ed. , 1944,2nd. ed., zmir: zmir Bykehir Belediyesi Kltr Yaynlar, Kent Kitapl Dizisi, 2001.51Mbahat Ktkolu, XV. ve XVI. Asrlardazmir Kazasnn Sosyal ve ktisadi Yaps, 2000, zmir TarihindenKesitler, 2000), "zmir Ticaret Odas statistiklerine Gre XX. Yzyl Balarnda zmir Ticareti," in Son Yzyllardazmir ve Bat Anadolu Uluslararas Sempozyumu Teblileri, ed. Tuncer Baykara, zmir: Akademi Kitapevi, 1993),Yunan syan Srasnda Anadolu ve Adalar Rumlarnn Tutumlar ve Sonular, in Tarih Boyunca Trk-Yunanlikileri, nc Askeri Tarih Semineri Bildiriler, (Ankara: Genel Kurmay Basmevi, 1986).52Reat Kasaba, The Ottoman Empire and The World Economy, The Nineteenth Century, (New York: StateUniversity of New York, 1988), "Was There a Compradore Bourgeoisie in Mid-Nineteenth Century WesternAnatolia?",Review, XL, 2, Spring, 1988, pp. 215-228, "zmir ",Review, XVI, 4, Fall, 1993, pp. 387-410.53Elena Frangakis Syrett, The Commerce ofzmir in The Eighteenth Century 1700-1820, (Athens: The Center forAsia Minor Studies, 1992), "The Economic Activities of the Greek Community of zmir in the Second half of the19th and Early 20th Centuries" in Ottoman Greeks in the Age of Nationalism, 1999, eds. Issawi and Gondicas,"Western and Local Entrepreneurs in zmir in the 19th and early 20th Centuries," in Son Yzyllardazmir ve BatAnadolu Uluslararas Sempozyumu Teblileri, ed. Tuncer Baykara, (zmir: Akademi Kitapevi), 1993.54Daniel Goffman,zmir and the Levantine World, 1550-1650, (Seattle: Washington University Press, 1990),zmir from Village to Colonial Port City, in The Ottoman City between East and West, Aleppo,zmir, andstanbul, eds. Edhem Eldem, Daniel Goffman, & Bruce Masters, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1st ed.1999, 2nd ed., 2000).
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natural disasters that visited the city persistently and regularly. They argued that that the
economic wealth and the strength of local commercial networks played a key role in providing
the people of the city to become the agents of a long term of growth. In their analyses, the
political and economic sites of power worked in cross purposes; the latter trying to contain the
former. They all agreed that the collaboration of the people of Izmir, especially Ottoman Greeks
and Turks residents of the city was indispensable for the long term prosperity of the city.
However, the nature of the communal relations among the people of the city was left
unaddressed by them.
Trying to filling this lacuna, this dissertation has examined communal relations of the city
through the window of the Greek-Turkish relations. In doing this, it challenges the current
literature of the Ottoman reforms, and re-interprets Ottoman reforms. Rather than seeing them as
a set of western imposed policies that led to a radical break with the pre-Tanzimat regulations
andfavored the empires non-Muslim population, it argues that these reforms actually opened up
new ways of co-existing and reinforcing each other to the people of different ethno-religious
communities in Izmir. As this study argued, not interfering in the social and cultural relations
among the people of zmir and controlling social order and cohesion of the society by benefiting
from both Tanzimat and pre-Tanzimat principles, the imperial government played an important
role in generating the prosperity of the city.
Another comprehensive study on Asia Minor from the beginning of the19thcentury to
1919 was written by Sia Anagnostopoulou.55 Examining various kinds of relations, she deals
with the class issue, the formation of middle bourgeoisie, and the community organization and
administration of the zmir Greeks and the administration of the city itself, specifically after the
years 1876, as the center of Asia Minor. Although in some places she mentioned the
55Sia Anagnostopoulou, , 19-1919. [Asia Minor, 19th c.- 1919. The Greekorthodox Communities. From Millet-i rum to the GreekNation] (Athens: Ellinika Grammata, 1998).
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intercommunal interaction among the different community members, her focus is not directly on
communal relations in the city, especially for the given period of this study.
Some recent studies have analyzed social interaction in the multi ethno-religious society
of zmir from different angles: Sibel Zandi-Sayek examines the characteristics of cultural
plurality and coexistence in zmir through the social and physical context of public events
between 1840 and 1890. She contradicts the general idea of adversity between Muslim and non-
Muslim communities. She demonstrates that "The Smyrniotes organized themselves across
religious, ethnic, and national divides to confront, embrace, and act upon the Tanzimat
changes."56 Zandi-Sayek offers valuable insights into communal relations during the Ottoman
reforms by using mostly the physical organization of the city, and the place of Muslims and non-
Muslims in it. However, she does not directly deal with communal interaction at the social level
among the communities. Similarly, Marie-Carmen Smyrnelis dissertation also focuses on the
inter-communal relations in the multi ethno-religious public sphere of zmir.57 Her study
concentrates on the late 18th and early 19th Centuries of zmir. Having largely depended on
Ottoman historiography in French, she proves the existence of communal interaction basically
between the European and other ethno-religious communities of the city by analyzing century
old dynamics of multi-cultural co-existence. Analyzing basically Europeans relations with the
Ottoman non-Muslims and Muslim communities and proving their interaction at various levels in
the society, she did not focus on Greek-Turkish communal relations and use Ottoman-Turkish
and Greek first hand sources. Oliver Schmitts work on Levantine identity and life in the
Ottoman Empire analyzed Levantine identity and life in the Ottoman Empire with the examples
56Sibel Zandi Sayek, Public space and urban citizens: Ottoman zmir in the remaking, 18401890, UnpublishedDissertation, (University of California, Berkeley, 2001), Orchestrating Difference, Performing Identity: UrbanSpace and Public Rituals in Nineteenth Century zmir, inHybrid Urbanism: On the identity discourse and the builtenvironment, ed. Nezar Al Sayyad, (Westport, Conn: Praeger, 2001).57Marie Carmen Smyrnelis, Une socit hors de soi: Identits et relations socials a Smyrne aux XVIIIe et XIXesicles, unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, (Paris: Ecole des Hautes en sciences Sociales, 2000).
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of zmir and the Pera and Galata districts of stanbul.58The focus of his work is not communal
relations in the city, but the impact of the factors like the Tanzimat regulations, the influence of
the Catholic Church and consuls, the special position of zmir regarding its commercial relations,
and a growing anti-Catholic sentiment in the West on the Levanine identity in zmir. Challenging
the conventional approaches of nation-building processes and their impact on the Ottoman
Levantines identity, he touchs upon the issue of communal interaction, which is not the basic
focus in his work.
This study specifically analyzes communal relations in zmir from the perspective of
Greek-Turkish relations. The places of interaction manifested themselves in the urban
organization of the city: commonly shared neighbourhoods, bazaars and working places in the
khans, and festivities, and Islamic and commercial courts were the main places of social
interaction among people of zmir with different ethno-religious background. Examining the
interstices of the Ottoman Greek and Muslim communities of zmir during the transformation of
Ottoman society from 1826 to 1864, this study aims to contribute to recently written urban social
histories of the Ottoman cities.
58 Oliver J. Schmitt, Levantiner, Lebenswelten und Identitaten einer etnokonfessinollen Gruppe im osmanischenReich in langen 19. Jahrundert[Levantines: Life Worlds and Identities of an Ethno-Denominatinal Group in theOttoman Empire during the Long 19th Century] (Sdosteuropaische Arbeitten 122, Mnchen: r. Oldenbourg,2005).
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centralized administration, and led to an effective administration of the provinces by the center.61
This dissertation aims to highlight that the urban modernization and transformation of zmir
began through its economic, administrative and social-cultural dynamics while the city even was
not yet a province itself and did not benefit from the Provincial Organizations of 1864 and 1871.
The basic idea of the Tanzimat reforms evolved during the transition from the rule of
Selim III to Mahmud II. The latter managed to initiate Westernization efforts of the former. After
the experience of Selim IIIs conflict with the ayans, who led the execution of him, Mahmud II
carefully dealt with them in the following years. Although the imperial government of Mahmud
II ratified Sened-ittifak(the Deed of agreement) with the leading ayans in 1808, he was quick to
attempt to restore central authority over them after the 1820s. Moreover, Selim IIIs
unsuccessful attempt of replacing Janissaries with the Nizam- Cedid Army(The Army of New
Order) was accomplished by Mahmud II as well. However, Mahmud II went further and also
abolished the Bektashi order that was closely associated with the Janissaries, and implemented
strict policies in the capital to control public opinion and impose the central character of the
sultanate over the society. That is to say, Mahmud II effectively implemented control
mechanisms in the state aparatus and society. He was more radical or had enough time to be
more radical than Selim III to take necessary precautions in restoring the centralization of the
sultanate. Hence, he was able to get ulema and some leading bureaucrats to prepare the basic
principles of the 1839 imperial edict without deviating from the Islamic tradition of the Empire.
That is to say, (as it will be discussed in the section of Ottoman Modernization) the period of
the Westernization reforms of the sultanate, which Selim III pioneered, was the transformation
period in the Empire. In other words, the imperial center began to struggle to adapt itself to the
changing military, economic, political and social relations in the West.
61See FN 8.
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In the pages that follow the impact of the 1839 and 1856 imperial edicts on zmirs
communal relations will be discussed. But during this transformation period some pivotal events
also occurred in zmir: destructive earthquakes of 1817, 1834, and the big fire of 1845, and re-
ocurrance of the epidemics of plague and cholera in the city until the 1840s that led to a serious
decimal of the population; the outbreak of the Greek Revolt in Morea in 1821, which negatively
affected zmirs society in economic and social terms. However, this did not last a long time, the
efforts of the center and local athorities managed to control social tensions in the city by 1823;
The General Image of zmir in the 1800s from the gaze of outsiders
Traveler and missionary accounts of zmir exist in abundance, especially in the 19th
century.62 Considering their Eurocentric biases in their accounts, I did not use travelers
observations in analyzing communal relations in zmir. I used their accounts in order to gather
factual information about the location of the neighborhoods and the events furing the turbulent
times in the city such as the 1797 Janissary instigated revolt and the years of the Greek revolt.
Travelers stayed in the cities they visited only for a limited period of time and in a certain place
and usually in the Frank district of zmir. Therefore, they did not have the chance to see and
observe every part of the city. They were not residents of the cities they visited, unlike the
missionaries, who became residents who observed the economic, social and cultural situation of
the city. Therefore, missionary accounts provide more accurate evaluations of the social and
cultural life of the cities they lived in.
62Weber, S.H., Voyages and Travels in the Near-East Made During the 19th Century, (Princeton, n.p., 1952), thisbook is a collection of essays of travellers who visited zmir in the 19th century; lhan Pnar,Haclar, Seyyahlar,Misyonerler ve zmir: Yabanclarn Gzyle Osmanl Dneminde zmir, 1608-1918, [Pilgrims, Travellers andMissionaries and zmir: zmir from the eyes of foreigners, 1608-1918], (zmir: zmir Bykehir Belediyesi KentKitapl Yaynlar, 2001); Fransz Seyahatnameleri ve Tarihin aynasnda zmir Kolokyu