Collocations in English language

8/9/2019 Collocations in English language

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DEPARMEN OF ENGLISH SUDIES ANDCENRE FOR APPLIED LINGUISICS

FACULY OF HUMANIIES, UNIVERSIY OF LAVIA

LANGUAGE FOR INERNAIONALCOMMUNICAION:

LINKING INERDISCIPLINARY

PERSPECIVES

UNIVERSITY OF LATVIA PRESS


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CONENS

PAPERS IN ENGLISH

Svetlana Agagyulova

Figurative Perception o the Concept Internet inCommon Linguistic Consciousness . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7

Jelena Anđelković English – Contact Induced Changes in Serbian –

From Borrowing to Code-Switching and More . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14

Tatjana Bicjutko

Modelling Literary Communication: Contemporary

Childhood Memoir . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28

Jekaterina Čerņevska

Linguistic Politeness in English or Engineering . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39

Nadezda Emelianova

Wenglish: Peculiarities o Language Structures and

Speech Forms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46

Ruzan Gabrielyan

A Corpus-Based Study o the Pragmatic Functions

o English Interjections in Spoken Discourse . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53

Mariia Isaeva

Stylistic Peculiarities o Code-Switches in English and

Russian Printed exts o Mass Media . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62

Anna Jurčenko

eaching ESP Collocations Using Authentic Materials . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73

Konstantin Khomutskiy

Application o Diverse Metaphorical Models in

Mass Media Articles Devoted to Russian Domestic Policy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87


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4

Ineta Luka

ESP Competence Assessment in ertiary Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101

Elena MakarovaIntonational Means o Signaling Inormation Structure

in Non-native English Speech . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 116

Svetlana Manik

Creating Deinitions or LSP Dictionaries: the Case

o English-Russian Socio-Political Dictionary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 122

Anna Prokhorova, Maria VasilyevaBuilding Bridges into the English Speaking World . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135

Teresė Ringailienė

Stereotypes about Scholars in Popular Scientiic Articles

in English and Lithuanian: a Multimodal Perspective . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 142

Tetyana Shlikhar

Speciic Nature o Drama ranslation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 155

Irina Sokolova

Communicative Competence Development in

Educational Setting . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 169

Yulia Stukalina

eaching ESP in the Blended Format: Using

Non-raditional Learning Environments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 177

Leszek Szymański

Anglicisms in Selected Polish Speech Acts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 190

Nadežda Šubņikova

Authentic Materials as a ool in eaching Vocabulary

to Marine Engineers at the ertiary Level . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 200

Nelly Tincheva

The Doctor X-Rayed My Head and Found Nothing: the Linguistic Phenomenon o Malapropisms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 213


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Jeļena Tretjakova

Attributional and Relational Metaphor in Railway

erminology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 226

PAPERS IN FRENCH

Maria Antoniou

Politesse et traduction : le cas du couple grec moderne

et rancais . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 234

Jonathan Durandin

Didactique du FLE à l’université en Lettonie :

pourquoi et comment un nouveau paradigme

philologique s’est développé dans les années 2000 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 246

Svetlana Marukhina

Le multilinguisme et l’enseignement superieur :

le statut du rançais dans le cursus russe . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 262

Asma Skander Nouvelles tendances lexicales et syntaxiques

de la presse ecrite italienne . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 270

Irina A. Tsybova

Sur le rôle des éléments gréco-latins dans

l’enrichissement lexical des langues européennes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 281

PAPERS IN GERMAN

Žanna Bormane

Zwillingsormeln in der übersetzung

(der Sandmann von E..A. Homann au russisch) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 288

Linda Bišofa

Einige überlegungen zu den lehrwerken da,

ihrer geschichte und auswahl im remdsprachenunterricht . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 301

Ieva Sproģe

„Scenes and Frames” – theorie als örderndesinstrument bei der übersetzung und dem remdsprachenerwerb . . . . . . . . . . . 311


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6

PAPERS IN SPANISH

Ana León Manzanero

El papel del alumno y del proesor enla enseñanza-aprendizaje de español como lengua extranjera . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 322

Miguel Ángel Pérez Sánchez

eoría y práctica de la lectura extensiva . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 336

Alla Placinska

La traducción de los nombres propios letones

al español . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 349

Klara Priedīte

Análisis contrastivo de la semántica de las unidades

raseológicas emotivas en español, ruso y letón . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 364


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FIGURAIVE PERCEPION OF HE CONCEPINTERNET IN COMMON LINGUISIC

CONSCIOUSNESS

Svetlana Agagyulova

Astrakhan State University, Russia

Abstract. Linguistic consciousness is a part o consciousness that ensures the mechanismso speech activity and is to be studied through the semantics o various language unitsin the course o nomination and communication. As the Internet is one o the mostimportant means o communication and possesses high social signiicance, the subjecto the article is the concept Internet and its speciic characteristics. he purpose o thearticle is to investigate igurative perception o the concept Internet in common linguisticconsciousness, which is studied with the help o interpretative and contextual analysesand experimentally, particularly by means o an associative experiment. he experimentwas carried out among representatives o the Russian culture, who are non-proessional

users o the Internet. Over a hundred respondents o dierent ages and occupations werequestioned. A text abstract is taken as a short piece o writing on a studied subject. ospeciy the igurative perceptual component o the concept Internet short essays on thetopic were analyzed that reveal their idea o the concept. Analyzing the essays dierentreasons to use the Internet and general perception o the Internet were distinguished.

Key words: Internet communication, concept studies, linguistic consciousness, igurativeperception, interpretative and contextual analyses

Internet communication and concept studies are principal tendenciesin linguistic studies o recent years. he Internet is a worldwide network,which ensures inormation and communication opportunities. he subjecto the article is the concept Internet and its speciic characteristics. Concept is a ‘multidimensional meaningul mental image with value, igurative andnotional characteristics’ (Karasik (Карасик), 2004: 109). he purpose o thearticle is to investigate igurative perception o the concept Internet in commonlinguistic consciousness. Linguistic consciousness is a part o consciousness‘which provides mechanisms o speech activity and is studied through

the semantics o various language units in the course o nomination andcommunication’ (Popova, Sternin (Попова, Стернин), 2007: 31). Figurativecomponent o the concept is considered to make a mental note o cognitivemetaphors which help bear the concept in consciousness and reveal its ethno-cultural speciicity (Vorkachev (Воркачев), 2004: 7).

LANGUAGE FOR INERNAIONAL COMMUNICAION:LINKING INERDISCIPLINARY PERSPECIVES, 2014, pp. 7-13


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8LANGUAGE FOR INTERNATIONAL COMMUNICATION:

LINKING INTERDISCIPLINARY PERSPECTIVES

Relection o the objective world in dierent images and notions in sensoryperception and rational knowledge is individual cognitive activity o a humanbeing (Ananjev (Ананьев), 1980: 121). Images help verbalize and verbal

representation provides complementary inormation about the qualities o theobject which are not understood sensory perception (Gostev (Гостев), 1992:16-17).

Figurative perception o the concept is comprehended as the trace osensory presentation in memory in unity with metaphorical shits (Karasik(Карасик), 2005: 27). o this side o the concept visual, auditory, haptic,gustatory senses and sense o smell can be added as they characterize objects,phenomena, events relected in our memory and represent relevant data opractical knowledge (Karasik (Карасик), 2004: 154).

Figurative perception o the concept Internet in common linguisticconsciousness is studied with the help o interpretative and contextual analysesand experimentally, particularly by means o an associative experiment(Wierzbicka, 1992). A text abstract is taken as a short piece o writing on astudied subject. o speciy the igurative perceptual component o the conceptInternet short essays on the topic were analyzed that reveal their idea o theconcept (Karasik (Карасик), 2007: 56). Analyzing the essays dierent reasonsto use the Internet and general perception o the Internet were distinguished.

he experiment was carried out among representatives o the Russianculture, who are non-proessional users o the Internet. Over a hundredrespondents o dierent ages and occupations were questioned. All the datareceived, the respondents are divided into several groups. he most numerousgroup turned out to be young people aged 16-25, who use the Internet tocommunicate with riends, to search or some inormation or their inalsand projects. his group is the most technically- and Internet-savvy one. hesecond group includes people aged 25-35 who mostly appreciate the possibilitieso shopping and paying bills on the Internet. Besides they are in a search o

lost riends and new contacts. hey communicate on the Internet both withproessional and private purposes (chatting, sending e-mails, contracts orreports). he third group o respondents aged 36-50 is busy with the searcho inormation pertinent to everyday lie, i.e. recipes, dierent tips or women,weather orecast, horoscope, dream books. he least numerous group consistso people over 55 years old, one o the reasons is that retired adult generationcannot use the Internet.

Figurative perception o the concept Internet in common linguisticconsciousness is observed in short essays; one o the examples is given below: ‘hinking about the Internet the ollowing pictures come to my mind as beingable to look up many things. I can get directions or look at products (shopping).Also I usually go to communicate with riends that I haven’t seen in a whileor that I’m trying to make plans with’. ‘I imagine all the uneducated peopleusing the internet that constantly download mail ware, illegal music, videos,


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9S. Agagyulova. FIGURAIVE PERCEPION OF HE CONCEP INTERNET ..

sotware, rojans, ad ware, viruses & then come here & tell us about it. It’shilarious. Also they can try & get something or ree’.

As a result o the content research o the associative sphere o the key

lexeme several semantic ields were singled out:• Internet is a source o inormation•

Internet is means o communication•

Internet is an entertainment•

Internet is a network • Internet is a place

• Internet is a community Most respondents pointed out the Internet providing vast amount o

inormation practically on all imaginable themes and topics that is why thesemantic ield Internet is a source of information is given. People mentionedthe Internet as a broad inter-connected network o inormation gatheringand receiving or an unlimited source o inormation. It is critical to under-line an easy and quick access to the inormation stored or universal usage.Highlighted links and tons o inormation beyond them; an easy click mighttake a user to something he or she has been looking or days. he ormat o thedata retrieved was also mentioned as the inormation is used in the orm o atext, audio, video. Many young people compared the Internet with a library or

books because o great amount o containing inormation, scientiic, historic orcultural. It is o great importance to people studying at schools and universities.Moreover young people consider social websites as a good source o news.

he Internet not only changed the attitude to the inormation gettingand giving process but also to the process o communication. So the secondsemantic ield is Internet is means of communication. ‘Communication on theInternet is not just mere exchange o inormation but intercourse that embracesinteractions and relations’ (Ageev (Агеев), 2002: 14). Communication involvesthree interconnected processes: communicative, interactive and perceptual.

Communicative process means inormation exchange, interactive process isconnected with dierent activities taken place between dierent sides and per-ceptual process helps establish mutual understanding. Moreover, due to spe-ciic conditions o interaction and perception in the situation o remote usageInternet communication has the ollowing peculiarities (Rheingold, 2000):

• Anonymity which allows creation of individual personality;• Absence of responsibility that means almost everything can be said

without taking into consideration morals or ethics o the society,community;

•

Insincerity which takes place as the interlocutor is not seen and wordsand smileys can be deceitul;

•

Freedom to act, to express yoursel; there are ew restrictions and alldreams can come true, different creative projects can be implemented;

• Absence o time limits and distance restrictions.


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he Internet provides huge opportunities or communication and a loto respondents noted its necessity and importance in the modern world. It iseasy to ind someone to talk to, it is not necessary to make an appointment or

know the schedule to ‘meet’ a person. he Internet connects people all overthe world working and communicating together and connecting like they havenever been able beore. It is the opportunity to communicate with people indierent parts o the world and share ideas, the ability to better understand andknow the world. hose asked compared the Internet to phones and mail boxesbecause both o them are the way that people contact each other.

he Internet provides its users unlimited resources in the sphere oentertainment that is why another semantic ield is singled out and it isInternet is an entertainment . he respondents cannot but mention the actthat the Internet allows people to download services such as music and ilms.he Internet is also compared to a dating agency or club because o a lot osites where people can ind single girls and boys and get acquainted with anyo them. he Internet is an endless resource o new music, latest movies, and virtual games available practically ree. It is getting more and more popular toplay games on-line. Unortunately, ree and easy access to the Internet sourceshas some drawbacks (Furnell, 2002). Some male respondents mention theavailability o adult-oriented pictures and iles, noting that children are not

protected against such kind o inormation.he Internet is a global system o interconnected governmental, academic,public, corporate, and private computer networks, which is based on thenetworking technologies. So some Russians when thinking about the Internetpoint out not its unctional side but the technical appearance, i.e. Internet is anetwork. he Internet is perceived as a vast network o integrated systems, as agreat number o intertwined interlaced lines, routes, ibers located in dierentdirections on a certain space. In this respect the ollowing semantic ieldappears Internet is a place. On the one hand the Internet is considered to be an

enormous world that is no longer separated by borders or territorial division.On the other hand, the Internet is compared to a certain place; it is spokeno as a real place such as a small country with its own rules or even a smallerplace, or example a shopping mall, hypermarkets, lea market as people canind and buy almost everything. Sometimes the Internet is seen as a whirlpoolthat can take down in the unknown depth.

In most essays the people asked do not express their attitude to the pointdiscussed but tell about their strongest associations. However there is strongindignation concerning the way people use the provided inormation and

the way they communicate and behave on the Internet. Although it is anincomparable resource it has its pitalls, online pornography and gamblinghas caused a dramatic increase in addiction worldwide. he respondents donot suggest any means o protection but they point out the government shouldstay away rom the Internet except or protecting against sexual predators.


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hey mention uneducated people downloading illegal music, videos, sotwarethough it is very popular in Russia to download ree books, music, ilms andteaching aids as well. Moreover despite the act that the Internet is highly

developed technology viruses can be ound in the Internet and that damagespeople’s sotware and hardware.

Internet is a community is sure to be the most important semantic ieldas the Internet is also a place with dierent people inhabiting it, visiting it,guiding it, and controlling it, who orm an on-line community. An on-linecommunity is a virtual community that exists on-line and whose membersprovide its unique existence through taking part in membership procedures.An on-line community can take the orm o a system where anyone canpost content or one where only a restricted number o people can initiateposts. On-line communities have also become a supplementary orm ocommunication between people who know each other primarily in reallie. An on-line community shares similarities and dierences with a socialcommunity. Unlike a social community, an online community providesreal-world communities a place to come together using the Internet. Similarto a social community, being a member o an online community allows youto meet with several people in a chat room, or send messages to one another.An advantage o being a part o the online community is that it is always on

and does not have operating hours. Online Communities are easier and is amore accessible way to keep in touch with people who are geographically aror with those who have conlicting schedules with onesel (Budiman, 2008).

People o dierent ages and occupations are devoted users o the Internetbut the adult users state children have an opportunity to be educated in waysthat past generations never could have imagined and what impact it has onchildren’s social skills. Nowadays people in Russia do nothing without socialnetworks. Schoolchildren and students preer vk.com (vkontakte.ru) wherethey spend much time chatting, listening to music, and joining various groups

in accordance with their interests. Adult people enjoy odnoklassniki.ru whichhelps them to ind their classmates, roommates, riends lost in the course othe lie and to make new contacts. hose who travelled or studied abroad andhave acquaintances and riends there use mostly Facebook.com. Additionally,one o the greatest attractions towards online communication is the senseo connection users build between each other and the awareness o theirglobal audience. eachers widely use social networks to involve students inresearch and educational activities, parents use social networks and get betterunderstanding o their children who spend hours on their pages.

Although the Internet enables amazing opportunities or communication,still there are some problems with online communication, which were relectedin dierent essays. he most common problem with virtual communicationtend to be online harassment, which means threatening or oensive contentaimed at riends or strangers. Another orm o harassment prevalent online is


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called laming. According to a study conducted by Peter J. Moor, laming is de-ined as displaying hostility by insulting, swearing or using otherwise oensivelanguage (Moor, 2010).

As it has been written above Russians are getting more and more involvedin social networking and here arises another problem that seems to be morean issue o privacy. Online communities like vk.com or odnoklassniki.ru havea very unclear distinction between private and public inormation. For mostsocial networks, users have to give personal inormation to add to their proiles.Usually, users can control what type o inormation other people in the onlinecommunity can access based on the users’ amiliarity with the people or theusers’ level o comort. But sometimes there appears some sort o a conlictwhen a mere acquaintance asks to be added to ‘riends’ and when that person isnot invited he or she gets oended.

Basic igurative characteristics are considered to be the ollowing: theInternet as a net o intertwined parts located in dierent directions on openspace and the Internet as a closed space with restricted access to store in-ormation. Besides certain characteristics o Internet communication weredetermined due to speciic conditions o people’s interaction and sel-perception on the Internet.

ReferencesBudiman, A. M. (2008) Virtual Online Communities: A Study of Internet Based

Community Interactions. Ohio University and OhioLINK. Available rom http://etd.ohiolink.edu/view.cgi/Budiman [Accessed on December 17, 2011].

Furnell, S. (2002) Cybercrime: Vandalizing the Information Society . Boston, MA:Addison-Wesley.

Griiths, M. (1995) Technological Addictions. Routledge. Available rom http://www. pscw.uva.nl/sociosite/psyberspace.html [Accessed on June 30, 2009].

Moor, P. J. and Heuvelman, A. (2010) Flaming on Youube. Computers in Human

Behavior , 26 (6): 146-153.Rheingold, H. (2000). The Virtual Community: Homesteading on the Electronic Frontier.

London: MI Press.Wierzbicka, A. (1992) Semantics, Culture, and Cognition. Universal Human Concepts in

Culture-Specific Configuration. NY: Oxord University Press.Агеев, В. Н. (2002) Семиотика. Москва: Изд-во ‘Весь Мир’.Ананьев, Б. Г. (1980) Психология педагогической оценки Избранные психологические

труды. Москва: Политиздат.Воркачев, С. Г. (2004) Счастье как лингвокультурный концепт. Москва: ИТДГК

‘Гнозис’.Гостев, А. А. (1992) Образная сфера человека. Москва: Просвещени.Карасик, В. И. (2004) Языковой круг: личность, концепты, дискурс: монография .

Москва: Гнозис.Карасик, В. И., О. Г. Прохвачева, Я. В. Зубкова, Э. В. Грабарова. (2005) Иная

ментальность. Москва: Гнозис.


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Карасик, В. И. (2007) Языковые ключи: монография. Волгоград: Парадигма.Попова, З. Д., Стернин, И. А. (2007) Когнитивная лингвистика. М.: АСТ: Восток-

Запад.

Svetlana Agagyulova (Candidate o Philology, Associate Proessor) is currently workingat Astrakhan State University, Russia. Research studies include linguistic consciousness,Internet communication and concept studies. E-mail: [email protected]


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ENGLISH – CONAC INDUCED CHANGESIN SERBIAN – FROM BORROWING O

CODE-SWICHING AND MORE

Jelena Anđelković

Faculty o Organizational Sciences, University o Belgrade, Serbia

Abstract. he dominance and the penetrating inluence o the English language onpractically every other world language are beyond any doubt. he ongoing orthographic,lexical, morphological, syntactic and pragmatic changes in the Serbian languageprompted by its contact with English show that Serbian is no exception to the currenttrend o linguistic Аnglo-globalization. Serbian linguists have so ar ocused on linguisticborrowings, i.e. Anglicisms, the creation o a Serbian-English hybrid language, andthe elements o code-switching. Many have even blamed English or the current stateo the Serbian language norm, the utter neglect o its speech culture, its unctionalmarginalization (Piper 2010: 36). By using a corpus consisting o miscellaneous Serbian

language resources, the author attempts to illustrate the current English-contact inducedstate o the Serbian language in both (a) inormal written discourse (that shows somequalities o oral discourse, such as spontaneity and directness, and illustrates status-motivated use o English language elements); and (b) ormal and more rigid academicdiscourse, illustrating Anglicization o the Serbian language or speciic purposes andtechnical terminology. he ocus o the paper is not only the current state, but the utureprospects o the Serbian language as well. Namely, the author attempts to point to thedegree to which English-contact induced changes have exceeded the limits o simplelexical and structural borrowing and whether or not these may in the uture lead to seriousstructural, typological and normative shit in the Serbian language.

Key words: Anglicism, Anglo-globalization, borrowing, contact-induced language change,language norm, style, register

Introduction

he English language has undoubtedly achieved a global status andbecome the international lingua ranca and the dominant language o business,

science and other areas o lie. Its penetrating inluence has been a topical issuein recent decades, resulting in a body o research dealing with Anglicismsin almost all European languages (Furiassi, Pulcini and Gonzales, 2012: 4).Language contact situations, the power o mass media, modern inormationand communication technologies and, very oten, poor and supericial



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15 Jelena Anđelković. ENGLISH – CONAC INDUCED CHANGES IN SERBIAN ..

translation have been regarded as the major guilt groups or the widespreadphenomenon o Anglicization.

he Serbian language is no exception to the trend o Anglicisation or even

Anglo-globalization or Americanization (terms used by Prćić, 2004a, 2004b,Vlajković, 2010). Namely, English has become the dominant second languagestudied at Serbian schools, replacing all the other oreign languages. It isomnipresent in the media and (at least or the young and educated) no longerregarded as a oreign, but rather an actively used linguistic code (Filipović-Savić, 1998: 137). Some domestic linguists (Piper, 2010: 36) even warn about thecurrent state o the Serbian language resulting rom its contact with English,claiming that the representation o Serbian has dramatically decreased in thepublic sphere (advertising, company names, the media) and that it is beingreplaced by English. It is also believed that Serbian speech culture is in the stateo utter neglect, the language is being unctionally marginalized, and even itsnative speakers regard it as dysunctional and unsophisticated. he currenttrend o language globalization is regarded as one o the most signiicant actorsthat led to this state, in addition to others, such as poor language teaching andthe ailure o Serbian language standardization.

Serbian and English belong to separate branches (South-Slavic and West-Germanic) o the larger Indo-European language amily and thereore cannot

be regarded as closely related genealogically. In addition, the morphologicaland syntactic structures o the two languages are signiicantly dierent intypology, with Serbian being synthetic and inlectional, while English isan analytic language with a relatively ixed word order. In addition, the twolanguages are neither in geographical proximity nor share a common bilingualcommunity (the analysis o English-Serbian bilingual communities incountries widely populated by Serbian immigrants, such as the USA, Canada,Australia, etc., is not the topic o this paper). Despite all this, the current state othe Serbian language is oten related to its intensiied contact with English, and

most changes in it are explained as contact-induced. It is important to note that‘contact’ here is interpreted in a wider sense, so as to include social, culturaland business relations, not the geographical proximity.

he purpose o this paper is to illustrate English contact-induced changesin the Serbian language with examples rom the corpora. he author wouldparticularly like to ocus on the degree to which these changes have exceededthe limits o simple borrowing and may at some point in uture lead to seriousstructural and typological shit in the Serbian language.

1 Degrees of English contact-induced changes in Serbian

In language contact situations, certain parts o a language system,such as phonology and lexicon, tend to be less immune to inluences romother languages than other parts, its syntax and stylistics in particular. For


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this reason traditional linguists or a long time believed in system-internalmotivation and mechanisms o language structure change driven by orces olanguage economy and the need or simpliication (Filipović, 1999: 60), rather

than externally motivated (or contact-induced) changes in the structure andtypology o a language.

Newer research, however, proves that any part o language structure can betranserred rom one language, i.e. that structural and typological changes in alanguage can be contact-induced. he term sometimes used to describe this is grammatical replication, which is more likely to occur i there is a large degreeo intensive and extensive bilingualism among the speakers o the replicalanguage and i the contact extends over a longer period o time (Тhomason,2003: 689 in Heine and Kuteva, 2005: 13). A body i research into Englishinluence on European languages (Furiassi et al., 2012) proves that more andmore structural borrowings (i.e. the copying o English morpho-syntactic andsemantic patterns) have been observed in addition to material borrowings(English – derived loanwords).

According to Model of Contact-Induced Language Change provided by Sarahomason and errence Kauman (1988: 35), the scope o language changedepends on the intensity o contacts between the two languages. Namely,in case o sporadic contacts between two speech communities, individual

lexical borrowings may appear. Intensiied contacts result in more signiicantstructural borrowing, which can urther lead to strong cultural (economic,educational, political) pressure and even typological restructuring o twolanguages. he inal step is the language change or language death.

he one-way contact between the English and the Serbian languagehas certainly intensiied over the past couple o decades in all areas olie, including leisure and business. his resulted in greater requency oEnglish-contact induced changes, which are no longer restricted to sporadiclexical borrowings, but are now evident on all linguistic levels: orthography,

phonology, morphology, syntax, semantics, pragmatics, etc.Serbian linguists have so ar mostly concentrated on the ollowing phe-

nomena related to English-Serbian language contact: (1) linguistic borrow-ings, i.e. Anglicisms; (2) the creation o a Serbian-English hybrid languagewith its own (orthographic) pseudo-norm; (3) the elements o code-switching;(4) English contact-induced structural and typological changes in Serbian.

In the ollowing sections, this gradation o contact-induced changes will bereerred to regarding both the ormal and the inormal written discourse.

2 English contact-induced changes in style andregister-diversified corpora

Examples o English-contact induced changes in the Serbian languagecited in research papers written so ar come rom various sources: Internet chat


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rooms and social networks (Injac, 2002 and Vlajković, 2010), translated textsand newspaper articles (Panić-Kavgić, 2009), texts illustrating language oracademic and speciic purposes (Silaški, 2009; asić, 2010), etc. Each author has

mostly concentrated on a single sublanguage representing the corresponding variety o corpora. he diversity o corpora used in the research proves thatEnglish contact-induced changes have been observed both in general Serbianand in Serbian or speciic purposes, in ormal and inormal style, and inall language styles, even including the scientiic one. here are, however,signiicant cross-register and cross-style dierences in terms o the degree towhich these contact-induced changes have overcome the stage o simple lexicalborrowing and reached urther.

In this paper, the examples come rom language sources that range rominormal written discourse to ormal and more rigid scientiic discourse,illustrating Anglicization o Serbian language or speciic purposes andtechnical terminology. he language sources cited here belong to dierentregisters and corresponding styles. For practical reasons, we have divided thelanguage sources used here into two separate groups illustrating:

1) inormal written style and casual register (urther reerred to as I ),present in examples taken rom two social networks (Facebook andTwitter, Online 1, 2) and three issues o a Serbian ladies’ magazine

( Joy , Serbian edition – March, April and May 2012). Tis group osources shows many qualities o oral discourse, such as spontaneity anddirectness.

2) ormal written style and academic register (urther reerred to as F ),present in the our issues o a Serbian scientic journal ( Management ,issued by the Faculty o Organizational Sciences, Belgrade University inSeptember and December 2011, March and September 2012). Tis groupo sources represents the use o Serbian or specic purposes.

Due to the importance o the linguistic dierences between the two styles,

diversiied corpora will help us compare the contact-induced changes in lexicaland grammatical eatures, and also help us decide what level o contact-inducedchanges has each o the two Serbian language styles reached. Our hypothesis isthat inormal language is generally more prone to the introduction o Englishlanguage elements, and has thereore gone urther in contact-induced changesthan the ormal language.

3 Lexical borrowings – Anglicization of Serbian

he most obvious and the best researched level o English contact-inducedchanges in Serbian is certainly the introduction o Anglicisms through theprocess o linguistic borrowing. raditionally, Anglicisms were deined asEnglish words, morphemes (i.e. preixes and suixes) and idioms that areused in Serbian with dierent degrees o integration into its orthographic and


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grammatical system. he meaning o term Anglicism, however, has recentlybeen expanded to include not only words, but also phrases and sentencesthat ollow the English language norm on all linguistic levels: orthography,

phonology, morphology, syntax, semantics, pragmatics, etc.Prćić (2004a: 114-128) suggests several categories o lexical Anglicisms,

namely: (1) by type: obvious, hidden and raw Anglicisms; (2) by justiication otheir use: ully justiied, justiied and conditionally justiied; (3) by ormation:Anglicisms made by either trans-shaping or translating o English words, orby combining the two processes; (4) by status: completely naturalized, partiallynaturalized and un-naturalized. Prćić also discusses the motivation behindthe excessive use o English language elements in Serbian, claiming that thecreation o such a language hybrid is motivated either by the perceived status,dominance and prestige o the English language or by the belie o proessionalsin almost all subject-ields that only English terminology is valid and authentic.In the ollowing chapters, we are going to illustrate the abovementioned typeso Anglicisms in both styles and discuss their motivation.

3.1 Obvious Anglisms

According to Prćić (2004a: 114-115), obvious Anglicisms are all lexical units(lexemes and aixes) that are taken rom the English language and are more

or less integrated into the Serbian orthographic, phonological, morphological,syntactic, semantic and pragmatic system. Examples o this type o Anglicismsabound in all language sources used in this analysis and thereore will not bementioned here in ull.

Table 1 Obvious Anglicisms in Serbian

Nouns I šoumen, asesoar, lajnap, dobar stajling , moderni šop, bronzanimejkap, helanke od denima, hrabri miks, biznis ideja, inbox, lajk;

F edukacija, ekvilibrijum, moralni hazard , kreditor , racio analiza,dejta vendori, rejting grupa, stejkholderi, top menadžment ,autsorsing (autsorsovanje), autputi i inputi, grupver , metalniasesoar ;

Verbs I šopingovati;F pozicionirati, percipirati, plasirati, alocirati;

Adverbs andadjectives:

I okej ,hot, kul;

F determinirajući aktor, top menadžment, devastirani prostor,konfirmatorna analiza, samoevaluciona komponenta;

Prepositions: I in kombinacija;Pronouns: I ‘it’ devojka;Prexes F kros-kulturalno, e-kupovina, post-projektni, inter organizacioni,

redizajn, super struktura, makro-ekonomski problemi;

Exclamations I Ups, Vau.


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As we can see rom the examples above, obvious Anglicisms belong to allparts o speech, but nouns dominate in both ormal and inormal style. Formalstyle shows more English contact- induced verbs, adjectives and adverbs.

Exclamations and prepositions that belong to the group o obvious Anglicismshave not been observed in the ormal style at all, while there are no English-contact-induced preixes in the inormal style.

3.2 Raw Anglisms

According to Prćić (2004a: 115), Anglicisms are raw i they have beendirectly taken rom the English language without any adaptation to theSerbian orthographic system. he term lexical Anglicism corresponds to

terms lexical and sub-lexical code-switching (to be illustrated later). RawAnglicisms, a relatively new category o lexical Anglicisms, have been observedin a signiicant number in all the analyzed language sources used in thisresearch. he requency o raw Anglicisms ound in the irst two groups olanguage materials (social networks and magazines) indicates not only theiruncontrolled and ad hoc use, but even their deliberate insertion in all places.he author believes that this is due to the casual attitude towards the Serbianlanguage prompted by the widespread belie that English is a prestige language,associated with social status and power.

On the other hand, the raw Anglicisms ound in the observed scientiicarticles mostly belong to the ield o terminology, i.e. represent terms thatdescribe newly-adopted concepts and have been introduced or the purposeo illing lexical gaps in specialized languages. An interesting act is that rawAnglicisms used in ormal style observed here are sometimes put in quotationmarks, which proves that they are mostly not yet regarded as integral part othe Serbian language system, but rather as individual interpolations o Englishlanguage elements.

Table 2 Raw Anglicisms in Serbian

I eyecatcher leta, beauty doktor, plavi total look, sexy vaterpolisti, lifestyle magazin,must have dezeni, uživajte u reggae muzici koju puštaju sound sistemi, blue starke, jednostavno savršen lipgloss;

F lifestyle analiza, korporativni ‘goodwill’, ‘know-how’, ‘cloud computing’ concept,online rast, ‘spin-off’ forma, greenwashing , cost-benefit analiza.

As seen rom above, most raw Anglicisms in both styles are either nouns

and noun phrases (eyecatcher, beauty, lifestyle, lifestyle, ‘goodwill’, ‘know-how’, ‘cloud computing’, cost-benefit, etc .), while a signiicant number oadjectives have been observed in the inormal part o the corpus (total, sexy,blue).


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Raw Anglicisms are sometimes pleonasms, as in day bag torbe, an exampleobserved in the inormal style. In addition, both styles show examples o anobvious and a raw Anglicism being used together in the same context, which

results in having English and Serbian orthographic rules within the samesentence, as in seksi snake sandale, stajliš clutch tašnice, etc.

English abbreviations are oten used in Serbian written discourse as rawAnglicisms, both in ormal and inormal style:

a) Inormal style: naslov je lol (laughing out loud) , prijava ispita na a.k.a. rocket science (also known as)

b) Formal style: SSC vs. autsorsing (versus).

3.3 Hidden AnglicismsHidden Anglicisms, i.e. the ones in which English language orms and

meanings are ‘hidden’ inside Serbian orms (Prćić, 2004a: 115) and easilyintegrated into the Serbian language system. hey can be created either bymeans o translation or by remodeling and adaptation o English words toSerbian language system.

he corpora provided many examples o hidden Anglicisms createdby means o translation. hese are domestic neologisms made out Serbianmorpho-syntactic and semantic elements and are, thereore, rarely regarded as

‘oreign’. In addition to words, hidden Anglicisms are also collocations, phrasesand even whole sentences. Most o the hidden Anglicisms created throughtranslation ound in the observed corpus are collocations and phrases:

Table 3 Hidden Anglicisms in Serbian

C o l l o c

a t i o n s

I ohrabriti (= podstaći) ljude (encourage people);napraviti (= skuvati) kafu (make coffee);imati seks (have sex);

laskavi (= lep, udoban,…) model patika (flattering model o shoes).F ući u (= započeti) posao (to enter business);

dizajnirati (= osmisliti, sastaviti, …) finansijski izveštaj (= to design a nancialreport).

P

h r a s e s

I Moje ime je (My name is..) = Zovem se, Ja sam…;Šta god. (Whatever.) = Bilo kako. Kako bilo.;Pričaj mi o tome. (ell me something about it!) = Ma šta mi kažeš! / Menikažeš!;Gospodin pravi (Mister Right);

Zgrabi ih sve (Grab ‘em all);Reci da faltama (Say yes to pleats);Zaboravi! (Forget it!) = Nema veze! / Nije važno, itd.

F Što je pre moguće (As soon as possible). = Što pre.


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4 Serbian orthographic pseudo-norm

Anglo-Serbian language is ‘a hybrid o Serbian and English and a new urban

sociolect, characterized by the gradual and unjustiied replacement o Serbianlanguage elements with corresponding English elements and the creation o anorthographic pseudo-norm’ (Prćić, 2004b: 560-562). he motivation o such alanguage hybrid is either the perceived status o English words and expressionsor the belie o proessionals in almost all areas that only English terminologyis valid and authentic (Prćić, 2000: 872).

Examples o Serbian language norm violation, inconsistent use o bothSerbian and English orthographic rules and the creation o new orthographicpseudo-normative conventions is very common (and sometimes even extreme)

in the part o the corpora illustrating the inormal style. hese norm violations,though not that extreme, are not completely absent rom the ormal style, as theollowing will attempt to outline.

4.1 The Alphabet

he most extreme examples o English-contact induced Serbianorthographic norm violation are the replacement o Serbian Latin alphabetletters containing diaclitics with other letters or consonant clusters o the

English alphabet and the introduction o non-Serbian (English) letters insteado Serbian consonant clusters. Namely, in the inormal register, especially in theexamples coming rom social networks, Č is consistently being replaced with CH (e.g. uocheni nedostatak , tachna informacija, chim završimo, zakljuchavati temu, Milichica), Š with SH (e.g. zashto, greshka , Milosh Mish), KS with X (fax, extra , max).

he Serbian language alphabet excludes the use o double consonants and vowels, except in some cases (or urther reerence, see Pešikan, 2002). hedoubling o letters is, however, present in inormal style, especially with theyoung: Pisallica, Alleksandra, Lazza. he doubling o vowels is usually madewith the intention to imitate English language norm: alboom (album), glooopo (glupo).

4.2 Transcription

Serbian transcription rules do not allow transer o oreign words in theiroriginal orm, with the exception o proper nouns. his implies that all the ex-amples o raw Anglicisms cited above illustrate total disregard o transcription

and utter ignorance or reluctance to consult transcription dictionaries. In addi-tion, examples ound in the corpus show a great arbitrariness in the transer oindividual Anglicisms. For instance, there are several ways o transerring theword e-mail in both ormal and inormal style: as e-mail (in its original orm,as a raw Anglicism), imejl or i-mejl (adapted to the Serbian language norm),


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e-mejl (a hybrid orm between the Serbian and the English transcriptionrules). he same goes or the ollowing: cool/ kul (inormal) and stakeholder/stejkholder, pre-paid / prepaid / pripejd, online/onlajn (ormal).

In accordance with the abovementioned, raw Anglicisms that are notadapted to Serbian transcription rules cannot get Serbian suixes that markcase, tense, person, gender and verb aspect. hereore, these are examplesound in the inormal style are not allowed: dva atraktivna looka, u S&L storeu (English in S&L store).

he requency o the Serbian orthographic norm regarding the transer oAnglicisms indicates the ignorance and disregard o the orthographic norm.It, however, warns us about one more act: that the Serbian orthographic rulesneed to be urgently revised, having in mind the growing trend o Anglicization.

4.3 Punctuation

he most obvious Serbian punctuation norm violation is the placement oquotation marks. Without exception, it ollows English language rules in allparts o the corpora, by placing both the opening and the closing quotationmark upwards: ‘ u zimskom snu’ (inormal), ‘ Vinča’ Institut za nuklearne nauke (ormal style), etc.

Another peculiarity observed in the inormal style is the use o & symbol

instead o Serbian conjunction i (English and ) , typical o inormal English, as well as the expression &Co. instead o Serbian i tako dalje: suviše tanka, suva & neposlušna, najlepše letnje tašne & cipele, manjak samopouzdanja, višak stresa& Co.

4.4 Capitalization

he online sources used in this paper show (only) a ew examples oSerbian capitalization norm violation prompted by its contact with English.

hese mostly reer to names o institutions, titles o books and ilms,internationalisms and anglicisms in terminology, in which the initial letterso all the words are capitalized: Predsednik Saveza Studenata (= Savezastudenata), Dom Omladine (= Dom omladine) Beograda (inormal) , Cost-Benefit Analiza , Model Sposoban da Opstane (ormal), etc.

5 Serbian-English code-switching

Even though code-switching is traditionally associated with bilingual

or multilingual individuals and communities, the author has here olloweda new approach to code-switching suggested by Filipović (2009: 90-93), bywhich code-switching also occurs in monolingual communities (Serbia) withseemingly monolingual speakers (young and educated Serbian people). heollowing structural criteria are used to distinguish between borrowing and


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code-switching: (a) the degree o structural integration, (b) the requency ouse, (c) belonging to the lexicon o the language that provides the structuralrame and (d) the social unction in language interaction (Filipović, 2009: 92).

In addition, according to Myers-Scotton (1993 in Savić 1995: 476) and her Matrix Language Frame Model , there are two languages in code-switchedsentences: the matrix language – ML (that serves to provide the structural, i.e.morphological and syntactic rame to a statement in code-switching) and theembedded language – EL (that provides the rules or morphological markingo morphemes). In case o English-Serbian code-switching, ML is Serbian,while EL is English. Following these criteria, we can conclude that examples olexical and sub-lexical code-switching are rare. Namely, most o the exampleso contact-induced changes show a high requency o use, belong to the lexicono the matrix (Serbian) language and are (partly or ully) integrated intomorphological and syntactic system o the Serbian language .

Individual cases o intra-sentential code-switching are characterized bylower requency in the inormal style and almost complete absence rom theormal style. hey completely lack morphological, orthographic and syntacticintegration into the Serbian discourse. he author believes that the observedexamples in the inormal style mostly serve a speciic social unction, motivatedby the perceived status o the English language and its power: Wow , stavila si

‘and then suddenly I felt nothing’ kao cover sliku?, I just became the mayor ofRed ispred šaltera, Nema uopste gramatike lol ? N ow I think even less of you. =)),Day No.1 Srecan rad!

However, they can also indicate bad translation skills, negligence andignorance, especially in the ormal style: Prema proračunima Institute forEconomic Sciences , etc.

6 Morphological Changes in Serbian

Most examples listed in sections above show that the Serbian language hasnot yet undergone signiicant morphological changes due to its contact withEnglish and the introduction o Anglicisms. Namely, the majority o lexicalAnglicisms illustrated above (with the exception o raw Anglicisms and code-switching) have been partly or ully integrated into the Serbian morphologicalsystem, i.e. they get get case suixes, marked tense, person, gender and verbaspect. In addition, even though the content morphemes may be English, thesystem morphemes are still Serbian, as the ollowing examples clearly show:u beogradskom clubbing u (in Belgrade clubbing), 100 lajkova (100 likes),

SHARE-ujte nasu stranicu (share our page).However, slight tendencies towards simpliication and reduction in the use

o inlectional, especially nominal, morphology, as well as towards mapping oEnglish word order in Serbian phrases and sentences have been observed andillustrated by the examples below. he author believes that this tendency is the


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result o the act that these less stable and more marked structural paradigmso the Serbian grammar system are more prone to contact-induced changes.

6.1 Phrases and word orderMost deviations rom the Serbian language norm appear on the level

o noun phrases consisting o two nouns. A signiicant number o examplesillustrating Serbian noun phrases replicating English word order rules andoten disregarding Serbian inlectional morphology (particularly case markers)have also been observed in both styles:

Table 4 Replication of English word order in Serbian noun phrases

I Templ Univerzitet (= univerzitet Templ);Sziget festival (= festival Siget );vaterpolo reprezentativci (= reprezentativci vaterpola);

F e-mejl prototip (= prototip imejla);Cloud Computing concept (= koncept / pod nazivom/Klaud kompjuting ; ‘Vinča’ Institut za nuklearne nauke (= Institut za nuklearne nauke ‘Vinča’);PR aktivnosti (= akivnosti odnosa sa javnošću);KM projekti (= projekti upravljanja znanjem);CPM metoda (= metoda kritičnog puta).

As we can observe rom the examples above, the replication o Englishword order in noun phrases is particularly evident when the irst part o thephrase is an English acronym – a raw Anglicism, as in PR aktivnosti (PublicRelations activities) and KM projekti (Knowledge Management projects), usedinstead o aktivnosti ljudskih resursa and projekti upravljanja znanjem) andsimilar examples.

he irst constituent o a noun phrase, a noun in nominative case, is oten

used in adjectival unction, mostly as a possessive adjective. In this way, Serbianadjectival inlections have been avoided, reduced and simpliied.a) Inormal style: FONIS projekat (= FONIS-ov projekat), Gaga stil (= Gag in

stil), Joy predlog (= Džojov predlog)b) Formal style: marketing orijentacija (= marketinška orijentacija),

menadžment filozofija (= menadžer ska / upravljačka filozofija), …..Serbian grammar does not allow constructions consisting o preposition za

(English for ) and a verb ininitive. he examples o this construction, however,prove that obvious replication o the English ininitive phrase has taken place,

probably having language economy or a reason: Moda za poneti (Serbian alternative: modni predmeti koje možete dakupite i ponesete sa sobom; English – fashion to take);

ponuda za umreti (Serbian alternative: ponuda toliko dobra da zbog njevredi umreti; English – offer to die or).


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7 Syntactic, Structural and Typological Changesin Serbian

hese levels o English contact-induced Serbian language change haverarely been dealt with by Serbian linguists, except by Šević (1996) whoanalysed English structural borrowings into the Serbian standard variety(Filipović-Savić, 1998: 144) and concluded that there are no indications that themorphosyntactic rame o Serbian sentences will change in the near uture.

By examining the corpora used in this paper, the author has observed aew examples o structural borrowings, i.e. the mapping o English syntacticconstructions in Serbian. hese all reer to the tendency towards statementnominalization, generally more common in the English than in the Serbianlanguage. Namely, in discourse situations where Serbian language normpredicts the use o the use o verb phrases, adjectives and or more complexstructures, nouns and noun phrases have been used instead, thus changingother sentence elements as well. It must be noted that, although the tendencytowards statement nominalization has been introduced into Serbian throughimprecise translation, the author believes that it is no longer restricted to it, andcan thereore be observed as an element o contact-induced language change.

Table 5 English-contact induced statement nominalization in Serbiane.g. F / I Serbian English translation1 I Pronašla je potpuno ispunjenje i

sreću.She ound complete filfillment andhappiness.

2 I Taj događaj je ohrabrio mojebavljenje glumom.

Tat event encouraged my acting .

3 F Ovaj rad predstavlja ogromnudodatu vrednost za sve one kojiupravljaju rizikom.

Tis paper represents hugeadditional value or all those whorun risks.

In all the examples in the table above, we have underlined Serbian nounphrases and their corresponding English translations. Serbian sentences listedabove, however, may sound more acceptable and less English i paraphrasedthis way: Postala je potpuno ispunjena i srećna (e.g.1), Taj događaj me je podstakao da se bavim glumom (e.g. 2), Ovaj rad je veoma koristan za sve kojiupravljaju rizikom (e.g. 3). In other words, adjectival phrases (e.g. 1, 3), andsubordinate clauses (e.g. 2) would be more welcome than noun phrases as partso the sentences above.

he low requency o syntactic changes observed in the corpus indicatesthat there is still not enough evidence o contact-induced structural changesin the variety o Serbian spoken in Serbia. Such changes are only slightlyevident among luent bilinguals in Serbian (predominantly) monolingualspeech community, but represent an exception rather than a rule. As opposed


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to Serbian-English code-switching situations in bilingual communities whereEnglish is gradually becoming the matrix language (Savić 1995: 475-492), suchchange is not likely to occur in Serbia in the orseeable uture.

Conclusion and Discussion

he author believes that the examples presented above represent the truepicture o the current English-contact induced state o the Serbian languageand indicate the uture prospects o its development.

Following the contact-induced model o language change provided by Sarahomason and errence Kauman and outlined in the Introduction, we canconclude that the power o new inormation and communication technologieshas deinitely accelerated the English contact-induced changes in the Serbianlanguage. hese are no longer restricted to uncontrolled introduction olexical Anglicisms, but have spread to structural borrowings and even showtraces o lexical, sub-lexical and intra-sentential code-switching, even thoughthese changes are happening in a seemingly monolingual speech community.he heralds o such changes are young, educated and urban (partial or ull)bilinguals. Even though the examples o contact-induced changes in Serbianmorphology and syntax are not requent enough to indicate signiicant

structural and typological changes, but may lead to more intensiied structuralconvergence with the English language, especially i we have in mind the ever-growing exposure to English and high English language proiciency among theyoung.

Another issue the paper attempted to draw attention to is the negligenceo the Serbian language culture and disregard o its norms. he author doesnot advocate language purity, which is an impossible and certainly unwantedsolution to the trend o linguistic Anglo-globalization, but rather wishes toindicate the need or a more elaborate and diachronic research o the current

state and uture prospects o the Serbian language norm that would have toinclude more extensive corpora, diversiied unctional styles and take social variables and English language proiciency o the respondents into account.he ultimate goal o such research would be the revision o the Serbianstandard language model and the creation o an elaborated one that wouldaccount or the present language situation and its uture.

References

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varijeteta – U prilog jedinstvenoj teoriji jezičkih promena. Zbornik Matice Srpske za filologiju i lingvistiku, 42 (1): 59-68.


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Filipović, J. (2009) Moć reči – Ogledi iz kritičke sociolingvistike. Beograd: ZadužbinaAndrejević.

Filipović-Savić, J. (1998) Novi pristup analizi preključivanja kodova. Zbornik Matice

srpske za filologiju i lingvistiku, 41 (1): 135-145.Furiassi, C., Pulcini, V. and Gonzales, F. R. (eds.), (2012) The Anglicisation of European

Lexis. Amsterdam / Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Co.Heine, B. and Kuteva, K. (2005) Language Contact and Grammatical Change. Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press.Injac, G. (2005) Pozajmljenica ili promena koda? Engleski jezik u srpskom i poljskom

pisanom diskursu. Prilozi proučavanju jezika. Novi Sad, 36: 125-135.Panić–Kavgić, O. (2010) Prevodilačke greške u novinskim člancima u rubrici Meridijani

nedeljnikaVreme. Zbornik Matice srpske za filologiju i lingvistiku. 53 (2): 99-113.Pešikan, M. (2002) Pravopis srpskog jezika. Matica Srpska.Prćić, . (2000) O sindromu milenijumske bube i jeziku anglosrpskom. Južnoslovenski

filolog. LVI: 867-873.Prćić, . (2004a) O anglicizmima iz četiri različita ali međupovezana ugla. Zbornik

Matice srpske za filologiju i lingvistiku. 47 (1-2): 113-129.Prćić, . (2004b) Kontaktna jezička kultura i nastava jezika u svetlu nove unkcije

engleskog kao odomaćenog stranog jezika. Pedagoška stvarnost. L (7-8): 559-569.Savić, J. (1995) Structural convergence and language change: Evidence orm Serbian /

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Internet Sources

1) Available rom http://www.facebook.com/ [Accessed on January 4, 2013].2) Available rom https://twitter.com/ [Accessed on January 7, 2013].

Jelena Anđelković (M.A., eaching Assistant) is currently working at the Facultyo Organizational Sciences, University o Belgrade. Her research interests includelanguages in contact, language or speciic purposes, terminology and terminography,and critical sociolinguistics. E-mail: [email protected]


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MODELLING LIERARY COMMUNICAION:CONEMPORARY CHILDHOOD MEMOIR

atjana Bicjutko

University o Latvia

Abstract. he communicational dimension o literary genres is a comparatively recent

ocus uniting narratologists, linguists and cognitive psychologists. When literary genresare understood as part o schematised knowledge negotiation, the literary schema acquiresa special status o a higher-level conceptual structure organising ways o reading. Based inthe theory o image schemas Michel Kimmel’s idea on their macrostructural unction increating global contours o prototype plots (Kimmel, 2005, 2008, 2009) allows us to claimthat any prominent narrative genre raises high expectations o a speciic macrostructurecomposed o image schemas. Choosing the contemporary childhood memoir as the objecto research, we attempt to create a global plot topology rendering the inner dynamics othe memoir prototype. o demonstrate the model, the Irish childhood memoir brand isused or its prominence in genre consciousness. Being a productive way to conceptualise

the genre, the approach links plot causality o childhood memoir to its image schemastructure and creates ample opportunity or a deeper linguistic analysis o individualnarratives.

Key words: mental model, image schema, story macrostructure, metaphor , childhoodmemoir

Introduction

Genre has always been used as a classiying statement, especially in theield o arts and media, though the theory o genres as a principle o orderand a set o restrictive practices underwent a considerable change in the 20th century. hus ‘today, genre is quite easily used to reer to a distinctive categoryo discourse o any type, spoken or written, with or without literary aspirations’(Swales, 1990: 33).

Given the scope, genre, understandably, remains a uzzy concept, andparticularly slippery when used in arts, mostly so because o its association

‘with a disreputably ormulaic way o constructing (or aiding the constructiono) particular texts – a kind o writing or speaking by numbers.’ (Swales,1990: 33). he question arises how to deploy genre analysis in the trajectoryo literary genres and not to devalue the literary merit o books under theirumbrella. In other words, what conceptual tools may help outline a generic



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29Tatjana Bicjutko. MODELLING LIERARY COMMUNICAION: CONEMPORARY ..

ramework o a currently prominent genre such as, or example, childhoodmemoir and subsist in its urther analysis?

The Concept of Genre: Cognitive Reconception ofCategorization

One can argue or discourse analysis embracing the three-dimensional view o genre as ‘the product and process o communicative practice within asocial context, as the application o a theoretical ramework or understandingthat regularity, and as the locally constructed understanding o the rules andconventions or a particular orm’ (Vaughan and Dillon, 1998: 559). Amongmany, Vaughan and Dillon argue, however, that the conceptualizationo regularity with the sole ocus on the text would be incomplete, sounderstanding o a genre can be signiicantly augmented by research onmental representations o its structure. Genre theory and cognitive psychologycombination oers a potentially richer and more complete understanding oreader comprehension o literary texts, memoirs included. Whereas genrescholars theorise on the role o genre characteristics in conveying meaningand orming user responses, cognitive psychologists seek to capture anunderstanding o genre through schematic representations and mental models

ormed by readers.he concept o genre, thus, can be viewed both as reerring to atextual pattern and/or to a reader construction, the latter is ‘the particularconstellation o properties and expectations a reader may have concerningworks o particular type’ (Bortolussi and Dixon, 2003: 252). Making sense otexts readers do not only deploy their linguistic competence, but also addresstheir so-called encyclopaedic knowledge, that is, both knowledge o textsand knowledge derived rom texts. Furthermore, despite the uniqueness oindividual experience, we share its conventional representations prompted

by our social way o lie. Given that, readers’ representations o genre can beplaced on the same ooting as representations o other categories studied incognitive psychology, so that ‘readers have a collection o salient examples orprototypes available or each genre label with which they are amiliar, andreaders are usually able to assess the similarity between a given work and thoseprototypes’ (ibid. 252).

Developed in the 1970s by the cognitive psychologist Eleanor Roschprototype theory became the most inluential or cognitive semanticists andsigniicantly impacted cognitive linguistics as a whole, or it inally called intoquestion the deinitional or classical theory o human categorization (see Evansand Green, 2006: 248-267). In this new rival view, ‘categories are deined not interms o necessary and suicient conditions but with respect to prototypes and various amily resemblance relations to these prototypes’ (ibid.).


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Empirical indings presented by Rosch inspired the linguist GeorgeLako to the ormulation o the theory o idealised cognitive models (ICMs)(Lako, 1987), which appeared ‘as part o a synthesis o existing research on

categorization within the various branches o cognitive science’ (Cienki, 2007:176). he relatively stable mental representations are called ‘‘idealised’ becausethey abstract across a range o experiences rather than representing speciicinstances o a given experience’ (Evans and Green, 2006: 270). Relating to quitecomplex knowledge structures, any ICM deines our knowledge o a category,where the most characteristic eatures are at the centre o an ICM (e.g. twowings, a beak and the ability to ly or a bird) and the most itting membersare prototypes (robin). Lako (1987: 284) enumerates the ive basic types oICMs, namely, image-schematic, propositional, metaphoric, metonymic, andsymbolic, and it is image schemas that are o particular import here.

Image-Schemas

‘o summarize thus ar, a schema has been historically deined as aixed template or ordering speciic inormation, whereas an image has beendeined as a representation o speciic patterns capable o being renderedschematically’ (Oakley, 2007: 216). For Lako, image-schemas are undamental

building blocks o and oundational or cognitive structure. He claims thatour experience o space is structured by image-schemas such as ,--, , -, -, -,- as the arguably most important ones. What is more, the scholarmaintains that the same image-schemas structure concepts themselves, i.e.they ‘deine most o what we commonly mean by the term ‘structure’ whenwe talk about abstract domains. When we understand something as having anabstract structure, we understand that structure in terms o image schemas’(Lako, 1987: 283). hus, arising rom our basic bodily experiences, projected

onto nonbodily experiences and helping to structure other complex concepts,image-schemas structure our conceptual system as a whole.

Since ‘categorization is usually not an end in itsel ’ (Barsalou, 1992: 25), and,as Kovecses (2006: 19) argues, ‘it is a cognitive process that we use to achievesome goal, such as [or example] sitting down to read’, it is only logical that‘[i]n cognitive literary studies the notion o image schema can boast a certaincareer by now’ (Kimmel, 2009, 160). Such research however has been mostlybased on metaphor analysis overlooking other possibilities o the explorationo image-schematic story themes. Building on van Dijk and Kintsch’ (1983)

inluential model o mental representations and with literary narrative in view,Kimmel (2005) constructs his case study to demonstrate how ‘image-schematicmacro gestalts account or important cognitive aspects o global story structure’(2005: 200). Compressed macrostructures, and, consequently, compressedrepresentation o plot, are important both or story recall and coherence during


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reading; ‘the most undamental macrostructural unction o image schemas isthe creation o a condensed and global representation readers use in plot recall(or expected plot)’ (Kimmel, 2005: 210; the bold is mine). Accordingly, in his

study o Joseph Conrad’s short novel Heart of Darkness Kimmel ‘propose[s] amodel in which compound gestalts represent major aspects o the plot-deiningmacrostructure’ (199).

Without going into detail o Kimmel’s intricate system o the readerlyunderstanding o the text, his proposed diagrammatic representation (Kimmel,2005: 211) is particularly appealing (see Figure 1 below). So, it is apparent thatthe image-schemas o container and source-path-goal represented as circles aresuperimposed by a orce-dynamic schema represented by opposing arrows, thediagram explicitly demonstrating that image-schemas ‘may ... orm complexstructures that make sense o complex sets o events’ (Kovecses, 2006: 224).

OU-SPACE

pathIN-SPACE

BARRIER

FORCEARACOR

DRIVINGFORCE

opposition

Figure 1. Superimposed image schemas in understanding the plot of Heart ofDarkness

Kimmel’s bottom-up progressive compositional analysis raises a pertinent

question about global contours o prototype plots in the reader’s mind. Since‘[i]mage-schemas appear to account in part or how we understand the plot olonger literary texts’ (Kovecses, 2006: 225) and ‘simple image schemas becomeprogressively ‘inscribed’ in a sketchpad-like mental substrate’ (Kimmel,2005: 203), our claim is that any currently prominent narrative genre, andchildhood memoir is not an exception, raises high expectations o a speciicmacrostructure composed o image schemas. Further we attempt to createa global plot topology rendering the inner dynamics o the prototypicalchildhood memoir.

Approaching Childhood Memoir

he childhood memoir, and particularly the specimen o ‘troubled’childhood presently cluttering ront shelves o bookshops all around the world,


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is a comparatively recent invention. Among the traits helping the reader toidentiy the genre at a glance is the word ‘A Memoir’ either on the cover, onthe title page, or at least in the blurb. Such labelling hardly being a deinitive

eature, the texture o imitated storytelling is simple, abounding in patternscharacteristic to spoken discourse and meant not to be discordant with theprotagonist’s age.

Chamberlain and hompson (1998: 11) observe that ‘not only canautobiography itsel be broken down into a series o genres, but each o themis likely to draw on other genres: both in the sense o major genres, and alsoo generic motis and devices’. Structurally and thematically, childhoodmemoirs seem to have inherited much rom the Bildungsroman, a novel oyouth and apprenticeship originated within German literature and widelylourished during the Victorian Age in Britain (see Buckley, 1974). Similarlyto the childhood memoir, the prototypical Bildungsroman centres on a youngunderprivileged protagonist’s struggle toward early adulthood, and althoughobstacles, education and crisis worked through and leading to sel-knowledgeare shared traits, relection on the past, at some point indispensable in anychildhood memoir, moves the two genres apart.

Identity requires some continuity and one o its constituents is thecontinuity with one’s past sel, the latter oten serves as a stimulus to

writing one’s autobiography. ‘Lie writing engages in what seems the mostcommonsensical and inescapable o narratives, the story predicated on thelinear chronology o an individual lie’ (Rieder, 2007: v). Logically, central tothe literary dimension o both autobiography and selhood is the idea o plot,this drawing o disparate elements into one meaningul whole - story narrativedeined as a relatively bound unit o talk or writing, its beginning, middleand end ormally and unctionally dierent rom one another (c. Schirin,2006b: 22). hen there should be some driving orce holding the plot together,the link making readers recognise the generic similarity o all disparate

autobiographical narratives.

Genre as a conceptual metaphor: life as a story, teleologyand closure

Understanding one’s lie in terms o a coherent lie story imposes a coherentstructure on its elements, ‘[a]nd it is the coherence that you see in your lie thatgives it meaning and signiicance’ (Lako and Johnson, 2003: 174). he ocus ison the conceptual metaphor imposing the rame on the overall structure o anyautobiographical narrative, the overall schemata avouring inherent teleologyo such stories and overcoming the impossibility o closure.

In terms o conceptual metaphors, the metaphorrepresents the most common experiential gestalt giving coherence to one’slie, the gestalt oten supported linguistically in the text. In their schematic


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representation o a simpliied version o a typical experiential gestalt Lakoand Johnson claim participants, parts, stages, linear sequence, causation andpurpose to be the typical eatures o a lie narrative (2003: 172-3). Clearly, an

autobiographical narrative may consist o parts or episodes, and each separateepisode could present a story in itsel, such subnarratives adding complexitybut not signiicantly diminishing (and oten intensiying) the teleology (or‘purposeulness’) implied in the main gestalt.

o support the wholeness o the story there should be the sense oclosure which is no less signiicant than causality or purpose. However, ‘noautobiography as conceived in a traditional, common-sense way can possesswholeness because by deinition the end o the story cannot be told, the biosmust remain incomplete’ (Olney, 1980: 25). he evidence or the ‘open’ state omany autobiographical tales comes rom empirical research in sociolinguistics(Finnegan, 1998: 120). Moreover, this pattern is seen as approachingcompletion as i nothing might alter it aterwards. In his extensive study ostories admired around the world, Patrick Colm Hogan (2003) arrives to anaccordant conclusion, and that is ‘prototypical narratives have a telic structureincluding an agent, a goal, and a causal sequence connecting the agent’s variousactions with the achievement or nonachievement o the goal’ (Hogan, 2003:205). For many (i not all) o them another conceptual metaphor, namely,

solves the problem inhibiting readers’ uncertainty and makingthem see the narrated lie in terms o an organizing pattern.he connection between autobiography and conceptual metaphor has never

been extensively discussed, rather curtly mentioned (e.g. in Kovecses, 2005),but the related idea o rames as deining prototypes can be put to good use inthe study o lie writing. hus, metaphor conceptualising thedomain o lie writing evokes the imagery that is typical o cognitive semantic views on autobiographical sel as being moving towards some goal: the concept illustrates the -- schema, or every story has a setting

or the beginning/precondition (), proceeds though some buildup olinear structured events or changing states () with the aim to achieve somepurpose (). he inherent teleology o lie writing evokes the metaphor which intensiies the basic image-schema, orthis metaphor is understood in terms o the same -- schematoo (see Lako, 1987: 277-278). In act, the motion schema --seems to underlie all conceptual metaphors regularly involved in structuringmemoirs including the above-mentioned and its extended variant metaphors.

Other conceptual schemata may impose urther structures on the reader’sexperience, but the basic experiential -- schema is alwayspresent as a conceptual backbone in autobiographical narratives, its separaterealisations determine the proximity o an analysed specimen to its prototypeand thereore the related ease o narrative comprehension.


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o summarise, the rendering o lie writing in terms o conceptualmetaphor allows or a better view on structural boundaries o the whirlpoolo autobiographical narratives as well as gives more deinitive answers to

the prototypicality o teleology. he reader enters any lie story with a set oexpectations and disposition or ollowing a certain scenario structured by the-- schema in the time domain, the scenario urther inormedby a number o pre-set cues. On the whole, the structure o lie narrativessubconsciously leads the reader to a belie in the dynamic character o events,where dynamic signiies a speciic view on human history and a person withinthis history, the perception adequate to our expectation o progress. On theother hand, the view o the prototype plot o childhood memoir as a speciicmacrostructure composed o image schemas stands in good stead or its urtherconceptualization.

Dynamic Macrostructure of Childhood Memoir

As it was explained above, image-schemas serve as the basis o otherconcepts, and target domains may be structured in terms o image-schemas otheir source domain. he motion schema -- seems to underlieall conceptual metaphors (i.e. , or

) involved in the global plot o the childhood memoir.Accepting a perormative view o lie writing, i.e. taking ‘autobiographicaloccasions as dynamic sites or the perormance o identities constitutive osubjectivity’ (Smith and Watson, 2001: 143), the adaptation o Kimmel’s model(2005) o the dynamic plot-deining macrostructure as represented by image-schemas seems pertinent and it is to ollow.

Given the idea that ‘simple image schemas become progressively ‘inscribed’in a sketchpad-like mental substrate’ (Kimmel, 2005: 203), we attempt to createa global plot topology rendering the dramatism (or inner dynamics) o the

prototypical childhood memoir (see Figure 2 below). For this purpose we areusing salient textual orce-dynamic elements and image-schemas along spatial,temporal, causal–intentional dimensions as well as we provide transitionbetween states and protagonist interaction. It results in ‘a compound gestaltconstituting the novel’s image-schematic plot-gene.’ (Kimmel, 2005: 203; thenotion o plot-gene as a compressed gist o a story, is borrowed rom Lotman).

hus, home is deined by a strong underlying sense o place andunderstood as a . he compound topology is ormed by two loci() – - (home) and - (wider world), and the arrow

o temporality moves into the bigger sphere orming an inevitable romthe home into the world outside. he temporal-psychological movement intoadulthood may be intensiied by the superimposed spatial dimension as, e.g.,Joycean paradigmatic emigration in A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man. he - encloses the home space, thus the extensive boundary and


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potential multidirectionality o ‘breakthrough’ are some o the consequenceso the given topology. he barrier zone ormed by social constraints surroundsthe in-space (it may be inside in case o disability o the protagonist, or even

inside and outside o the contour), though the broken line stands or boundarypenetrability. he causal dimension may be superimposed on the temporal one.

OU-SPACE

IN-SPACEFORCE ARACOR

DRIVING FORCE

Figure 2. he image-schematic plot-gene of the childhood memoir

Furthermore, the intentionality is two-old and it is deined by two orce vectors. In Kimmel’s terms, the movement to some outside landmark/attractoris determined by o the intrinsic urge or knowledge and or ‘a quasi-magnetic pull ’ o extrinsic motivation. Actant roles mayadd to the schemata, and multiple barriers may create a set o Chinese boxes.he plot-gene is just a script, and serious research into sustained metaphoricalconceptualisation may signiicantly inorm the picture. ‘A crucial point to bearin mind is that megametaphor may occur purely in the mind o the readerwithout being cued in a textually traceable way’ (Kimmel, 2009: 183).

Beore summarising and drawing inal conclusions, several examples o theplot-gene subsisted textual analysis should be brought into the discussion. Forthat purpose we take two Irish childhood metaphors: Frank McCourt’s seminal Angela’s Ashes (1996) (arguably the memoir having paved the way to thecurrent popularity o childhood memoir) and quite random Hugo Hamilton’sThe Speckled People (2003). he ocus is on the point o transition rom the - to the -.

he absorbing story o Frankie describes the irst nineteen years oMcCourt’s lie, and the language o narration corresponds to the changing

age o the child narrator. he limitedness o his vocabulary is compensatedby other language means, the discussion o which is beyond the scope. heinsistent repetition o some key words and phrases however triggers reader’sattention and deserves a special mention in the context. Among many, thenarrator is ‘slapped’ or receives ‘slaps’ throughout the book; similarly many


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doors ‘closed in the ace’, his amily and his own. hus, applied creates a which prohibits young Frank rom getting outside his osqualid conditions. he moment o crossing is when being drunk he becomes

violent towards his mother and ‘slaps her on the cheek’, and that is the point ono return when the inale o his emigration (entering the -) quicklyollows.

he matryoshka doll o Hamilton’s embedded narration, with the childnarrator incorporating his parents’ stories in his own rendition o surroundingreality, noticeably diers rom the range o miserable childhoods. In thisautobiographical narrative all episodes could be distributed into a numbero groups by a vocaliser, and each group orms a separate subnarrative witha perceptibly dierent gestalt. he whole book is about getting trapped andsilencing (, , etc.), telling stories and uncovering secrets inthe wardrobe (, , etc.), but the linguistic realisations

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