Cohen Making Memories in a Medieval Miscellany

Making Memories in a Medieval MiscellanyAuthor(s): ADAM S. COHENSource: Gesta, Vol. 48, No. 2, Making Thoughts, Making Pictures, Making Memories: ASPECIAL ISSUE IN HONOR OF MARY J. CARRUTHERS (2009), pp. 135-152Published by: The University of Chicago Press on behalf of the International Center of Medieval ArtStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/29764904 .

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Making Memories in a Medieval Miscellany

ADAM S. COHEN

University of Toronto

Abstract

The manuscripts of the twelfth-century Regensburg-Pr?fen

ing monasteries of Saint Emmeram and Saint George are no?

table for the complex iconography of their schematic drawings.

Taking Mary Carruthers' The Craft of Thought as a point of departure, this essay investigates these manuscripts as sites

for monastic meditatio, cogitation on textual and visual mate?

rial to generate further contemplation. The case ofClm. 13002

(Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek) is particulary instruc?

tive because it allows us to discern the process through which

the Benedictine monks executed an entire gathering of pictures to complement an earlier dictionary-encyclopedia miscellany. This process tells us as much about the ruminative activities of the monks as it does about the meaning of the pictures, which were produced by means of schematic line drawings to aid

their mnemonic function as "empty" locations for inventive

deliberation.

In The Craft of Thought, as in her other works, Mary Car? ruthers revealed the multiple ways that medieval monks gener? ated and used mnemonic techniques as constituent elements in their ongoing reading, educational, and meditative activities. No scholar has done more to unravel the processes of monas? tic memory, which Carruthers defines as a "matrix of a remi?

niscing cogitation, shuffling and collating 'things' stored in a random-access memory scheme, or set of schemes?a memory

architecture and a library built up during one's lifetime with the express intention that it be used inventively."1 In this essay, I offer as a tribute to Mary an investigation of a fascinating twelfth-century miscellany manuscript and its immediate orbit that provides compelling evidence for the role of images in the

monastic cogitation (collatio) just described and that serves, as it were, as a meditation on The Craft of Thought itself.

Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm. 13002 was

produced in the third quarter of the twelfth century in the Bene? dictine monastery of Saint George in Pr?fening, just outside

Regensburg.2 The manuscript is best known for its image of the microcosm (Fig. 1), which is the earliest extant figural rep? resentation of the ancient and medieval notion that, like the cosmos as a whole, each individual is made up of the four

elements, fire, air, water, and earth, with each section of the

body related to a specific part of the cosmos (the head, for

example, is equated with the sky). The Pr?fening image has

figured prominently in the work of such notable scholars as

FIGURE 1. Glossarium Salomonis, Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Gm.

13002, fol. 7v, microcosm (photo: Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, by permission).

Fritz Saxl, Bruno Reudenbach, and Marie-Therese d'Alverny, each of whom addressed the meaning of the microcosm theme.3 But while such scholarship can help us understand a general medieval concept about the relation between humans and the

cosmos, it does the Pr?fening picture itself a serious disservice in two fundamental ways. First, it removes the picture from its specific context, in particular, the individual manuscript of

which it is a part.4 Second, it ignores an important principle

GESTA 48/2 ? The International Center of Medieval Art 2009 135



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FIGURE 2. Glossarium Salomonis, Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm.

13002, fol. 2r, cauterization page (photo: Bayerische Staatsbibliothek).

articulated by Carruthers: "The first question one should ask of such an image is not 'What does it mean?' but 'What is it good for?'"5 Although describing the process whereby mental images are generated by attentive monastic literati in the manner pre? scribed by Augustine and Alcuin, Carruthers' question can be

applied equally well to the microcosm and to other pictures in Clm. 13002 as well as to similar monastic manuscripts.

Although modern catalogues refer to the Pr?fening book as a Glossarium Salomonis, it is in fact a miscellany with several

parts. The Glossarium is the first text and, stretching as it does from fols. 8v to 208v, is clearly the heart of the book. Tradition?

ally said to have been composed about 900 by Solomon, abbot of Saint Gall and bishop of Constance, the Glossarium com?

prises two alphabetical glossaries and can best be described as a dictionary-encyclopedia, with a lengthy alphabetical listing of words and definitions.6 The Glossarium is then followed on fols. 209 to 218 by the Hermeneumata Pseudodositheana, a much shorter text of Greek and Latin word lists; the Hermeneumata has been called "a pedagogical dossier conceived in the context of the classroom and geared specifically for teaching fluency in

spoken Latin."7 The manuscript closes with brief commentaries on Old and New Testament books on fols. 218v to 229.


13002, fol. 3, anatomical page (photo: Bayerische Staatsbibliothek).

Although the picture of the microcosm is currently fol. 7v of the manuscript, it originally opened the first gathering of Clm. 13002, whose contents can be sketched in brief.8 After a blank page on what is now fol. 1 comes a series of 2 1/3

pages of illustration that show cauterization procedures (Fig. 2), drawn from ancient sources.9 These pictures lead into a series of five diagrams with text that represent the venal, arterial, skeletal, nervous, and muscular systems (Fig. 3), the so-called

F?nfbilderserie, also based on ancient sources.10 Fols. 3v and 4 form a diptych with allegories of Vices on the left (Fig. 4) and Virtues on the right (Fig. 5).11 Immediately following on

fol. 4v is an image of Jerusalem, with an excerpt of text from Bede's De locis sanctis (Fig. 6).12 After a blank on fol. 5, fol. 5v

contains, in the form of a great diploma, the Schatzverzeichnis of the monastery?the list of its treasured holdings (Fig. 7).13 On fol. 6 is a list of books belonging to the monastery (Fig. 8), while the microcosm now appears as fol. 7v (7 is blank). The new gathering beginning on fol. 8 introduces the Glossarium Salomonis part of the manuscript (Fig. 9).

Taken as a whole, the pictures in the first gathering appear to conform nicely to our expectations of the kinds of things that

might be included in a school text miscellany. In a sensitive

136




13002, fol. 3v, Vices (photo: Bayerische Staatsbibliothek).

reading of the gathering, Elisabeth Klemm has outlined what she called the "learned," "encyclopedic" nature of the pic? tures.14 The microcosm first places the human body in relation to the cosmos, and the following medicinal and anatomical

diagrams focus on the "natural science" of the body. The Vir? tues and Vices serve as exemplars for the soul, and the repre? sentation of Jerusalem on the next page puts before the monk the goal toward which he is striving in perfecting his body and soul. Klemm's analysis certainly begins to make sense of the suite of images in Clm. 13002, but it does not go far enough in considering how the gathering relates to the texts that fol? low and above all to the process by which the book as a whole came to be made.

According to the opening preface of the Glossarium Salo? monis on fol. 8, the textual parts of the manuscript were com?

pleted in 1158, at the direction of Abbot Erbo, by the librarian

Wolfgang and the scribe Swicher, who recorded that the book was executed with relative speed.15 The treasury list on fol. 5v, however, is dated 1165. The book, therefore, was not originally planned with the pictures in mind. Yet in or about 1165, some


13002, fol. 4v, Jerusalem (photo: Bayerische Staatsbibliothek).

FIGURE 5. Glossarium Salomonis, Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Gm.

13002, fol. 4, Virtues (photo: Bayerische Staatsbibliothek).

137



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138



seven years after the 222 folios of text were finished, the first

gathering was executed and bound together with the earlier

manuscript. Although one could imagine a scenario in which a

short, independent fascicle of drawings in the monastery was united with another book,16 positing such a scenario fails to address the purpose for which the original suite of drawings was made and, even more significantly, why this gathering was joined with the earlier manuscript at all. Furthermore, the dimensions of the manuscript would seem to contradict such a scenario. Clm. 13002 is a relatively large (and rather heavy) book, measuring 53.5 by 36.5 cm (21 x 14 in.)?almost two feet tall. When flyleaves were added later, they were stitched from four pieces of vellum. Presumably it took some trouble, and deliberation, to match the size of the parchment in the new

opening gathering with that of the preexisting texts.

What, then, motivated both the creation of the drawings and their marriage to the textual part of the book? A closer look at both parts of the book provides insights about the process by which the miscellany took the shape it did. Although the Glos? sarium Salomonis and the Hermeneumata Pseudodositheana can be considered "pedagogical" works, broadly speaking, it is hard to imagine the 211 large-format folios of Clm. 13002

serving to teach fluency in spoken Latin; the texts contain fairly luxurious initials and, more important, are remarkably free of

glosses. The Glossarium and Hermeneumata, therefore, are not

to be read or used for instruction but to serve as an extensive

compendium, a storehouse of information to be consulted and to stimulate ideas. Their tabular columns and colored frames

serve, as Carruthers has demonstrated cogently about other

works, to structure and locate the material, to turn it into a

mnemonic agent (Fig. 9).17 What unites the Glossarium Salo? monis and Hermeneumata Pseudodositheana is not their func?

tion per se but their type?lists of words, many unusual, to be

cogitated on by their monastic audience. The diverse pieces of the book are thus a product of the process of rhetorical ductus described by Carruthers as the structure of monastic meditation. The decision to create a copy of the Glossarium for Pr?fen?

ing, I would suggest, was to provide the raw material for more

complex intellectual work. The Hermeneumata was copied next

because, like the Glossarium, it is a compendium of materials with which to learn to think and speak. What is particularly notable is that many of the words are Greek (though written in Latin characters), which surely made the collection stand out. The biblical commentaries at the end would then have been generated as an example of the kinds of products expected by users of the dictionary-encyclopedia; the numerous glosses within the commentaries underscore the cogitative activity con? nected with this part of the book.

There is very little within the extensive lists of the Glossa?

rium, Hermeneumata, or the short commentaries that automati?

cally would have generated the "encyclopedic" suite of images in the added first gathering. It is important to recall, moreover, that while these images may be related iconographically in some respects to others, only in this miscellany, Clm. 13002, do

they appear in this particular sequence and with these particular texts.18 About seven years after the production of the text, then,

something sparked the creation of these images to preface the book. The most obvious connection between the textual and visual parts of the manuscript comes from the very end of the

Glossarium, which in the version found in Clm. 13002 ends with a short (and much abbreviated) list of parts of the body.19 I would propose that this list, in combination with the partly

Greek Hermeneumata?which must have seemed an ancient

text?stimulated a monk in Pr?fening to ponder the microcosm, the nature of the body, and to explicate it in a visual format. To do so, he turned to various pictorial models (a process analo?

gous to that of Swicher, who seven years earlier generated the book using textual models) to create an original sequence of

images. This hypothesis of the anatomical list as the specific spark for the pictures added to Clm. 13002 may not be accu? rate. It is also possible that an independent engagement with, for example, a cauterization treatise led the Pr?fening monk to seek out the Glossarium volume in the library. In either case,

though, the process by which the pictures of Clm. 13002 were created reveals something of the core monastic mental practice in the twelfth century and so allows for a new appreciation of the pictures' function, if not meaning, within that practice.

As the new opening to the book, the microcosm image functioned as the dispositio, the foundation for and summary of what was to follow (Fig. 1). No less than literary pictures, that

is, textual descriptions that served as orienting maps,20 a visible

picture inscribed on the book's opening page situated the reader and communicated the nature of what was to follow. Although based on ancient, non-Christian ideas, this representation of the microcosm is explicated by tituli drawn, sometimes ver?

batim, from the Elucidarium of Honorius Augustodunensis, the prolific theologian active in southern Germany in the first half of the twelfth century.21 These phrases are not themselves

patently Christian in nature, but their source in Honorius, which the Pr?fening monk certainly knew (several Honorius manu?

scripts survive from the monastery of Saint George), ensures that the microcosm was cast at the outset as an expression of

an orthodox Christian worldview.22 A similar use of the micro? cosm can be found in the contemporary image in the Hortus deliciarum of Herrad of Hohenbourg, compiled about 1165, where the depiction falls at the beginning of the compendium after the days of Creation, among celestial diagrams, and before the forming of Adam and Eve (Fig. 10).23

The microcosm image communicates the essential con?

nection between human beings and the cosmos. The Pr?fen?

ing monk followed this grand statement with more detailed

deliberations, beginning with the pictures of cauterization and the anatomical systems, which flesh out or, to be more precise, penetrate beneath the flesh of the microcosm (Figs. 2 and 3). The cauterization texts go back to a fifth-century work by Cae lius Aurelianus, while the anatomical material ultimately owes its conception to Galen.24 In both cases, modern scholars have

presumed Late Antique models for the images that accompany

139




13002, fol. 6, list of books (photo: Bayerische Staatsbibliothek).

FIGURE 10. Hortus deliciarum, Strasbourg, former Bibliotheque de la Ville

(destroyed), fol. 16v, microcosm (drawing after R. Green et al, Hortus Deli?

ciarum, 2:30, pi. 9).


13002, fol. 8v, beginning of Glossarium (photo: Bayerische Staatsbibliothek).

FIGURE 11. De laudibus sanctae crucis, Munich, Bayerische Staatsbiblio?

thek, Clm. 14159, fol. 5, Crucifixion with Virtue and Vice (photo: Bayerische

Staatsbibliothek).

140



these texts, though the pictures in Clm. 13002 are in fact the earliest known. Whether the Pr?fening artist was creating these

pictures himself or, as is more likely, had one or more pictorial models available to him,25 it is important to recognize that in either case the inclusion of the medical and anatomical mate? rial represented a deliberate selection on the monk's part. These

pictures and texts are logically, though uniquely, combined with the preceding microcosm; the comparison with the Hortus deli ciarum demonstrates that other combinations, other choices, were possible.

Scholars have pointed out that the cauterization and ana? tomical texts in Clm. 13002 are in parts defective, and in other instances the pictures do not correspond precisely with them.26 It is hard to determine whether the Pr?fening monastic artist was simply copying some already defective model(s) faithfully or the extent to which he understood what was being writ? ten and drawn. I would suggest that in any event, what Clm. 13002 reveals is not so much an "encyclopedic" desire to fix for

posterity some scientific heritage but the demonstration of the meditational process itself and the creation of a site for further such activity. As Carruthers has said about pictures similar to these scientific diagrams, "We are now so accustomed to think?

ing of diagrams as the static and abstracted forms of already rationalized subject-matter, that it is difficult for us even to think of a 'picture' as requiring movement on the part of the viewer,"27 It is precisely this "movement" that is both recorded in and stimulated by Clm. 13002. The prospective mental pas? sage from thought to thought described by Carruthers is driven

physically in this case by turning the pages of the book itself, with its offering of one picture after another in a sequence that was itself the product of a particular monk's thought process.

We can trace the development of the mental chain28 of associations by following the microcosm through the medical and anatomical texts and pictures to the diptych of the allegori? cal Vices and Virtues on fols. 3v and 4 (Figs. 4 and 5). Each

page is separated into six individual scenes; each one represents a particular Vice (on the left) or Virtue (on the right) illustrated

by a biblical scene and an appropriate biblical verse.29 The fac?

ing pages form a carefully constructed mirror, both visually and

textually. In the middle left of fol. 3v, for example, is "appe? tite for honor" (honoris appetentia) illustrated by the Hang? ing of Haman, captioned with the beginning of verse 11 from Psalm 74. On fol. 4, the middle right also has a scene from the book of Esther, the Triumph of Mordechai, to represent "long suffering patience" {longanimitas), which is captioned by the end of Psalm 74, verse 11.30 As a whole, this opening marks the transition from the physical body to its spiritual comple?

ment, as Klemm discerned, but once more it is possible to chart the creative process. Unlike the previous pages, which surely involved the use of some kind of model(s), these pages are de novo compositions,31 as the tituli above the frames of the bifo lium strongly imply. On fol. 3v above the Vices, one reads, "The lot of an animal is such that its life is full of sin; from these one can know how the mind should be guarded,"32 and on fol. 4

above the Virtues, "The follower of reason is such that its life is bountiful with good; the sober mind weighs these carefully and aims toward this."33 The use of the ablative plural "his" on fol. 4 can only refer to the pictures themselves: "from these

[my emphasis] examples" of good and evil depicted pictorially and textually below can one discern how to steer away from sin and toward spiritual perfection. Appearing as they do after the

microcosm, medical, and anatomical pages, the Vices and Vir?

tues pictures created by the Pr?fening monk were specifically part of a broader, innovative contemplation about the cosmic, internal, and spiritual nature of human beings.

The following page contains a depiction of Jerusalem, which can be seen as a fitting finale to a sequence that tele?

scopes the universe to the spiritual perfection of an individual monk (Fig. 6). But as logical as this depiction is, there is no reason to think it was in any way inevitable. There were other

possibilities, as demonstrated by a contemporaneous Regens? burg manuscript, in which the Virtues and Vices were linked instead with the Crucifixion (Fig. II).34 But Jerusalem it was in

Clm. 13002, perhaps because of the images of King David on

the preceding Virtues page, where he appears in both the sec?

ond and very last scene, perhaps because the Pr?fening monk had read Alcuin's De animae ratione, with its description of a mental imagining of Jerusalem,35 or perhaps for some other reason altogether. It is important to underscore that what is

depicted here is not the Heavenly Jerusalem, which might have made a more fitting end if the aim were to illustrate the theo?

logical "goal" of the pictorial sequence. Rather, it is a visual? ization of the accompanying text, the beginning of Bede's De locis sanciis. In this relatively short passage beginning "De situ urbis Yerusalem," Bede, basing his text directly on the report of Adomnan, provides a topographical description of the city, in particular its towers, all of which are depicted and labeled

here.36 It is thus a perfect example of a "memory site," a con?

crete location, complete with tour guide, meant to stimulate the meditative process.

Nor is Jerusalem the last image in the series, which ends instead with the diploma listing the holdings of the monastery's treasury (Fig. 7). This constitutes a different kind of memory,

namely, the commemoration of the institution and its constitu? ent parts?material, spiritual, and human. What is immediately

noticeable is the yellow color framing the diploma, a contrast to the preceding outline drawings that, by suggesting a heav?

enly golden realm, metonymically conveys the richness of the

treasury holdings and situates the document, and thus the mon?

astery of Saint George as a whole, in a cosmic setting. It is

Christ himself who holds the document with both hands, aided

by the founder, Bishop Otto (on Christ's right!), the patron, St. George, and two angels, who point below to Abbots Erbo and Eberhard, who also support the diploma. The top-to-bot? tom hierarchy ends with five nameless monks representing the

community in the present, for whom the spiritual elite of the

monastery is fixed in perpetuity. Similarly, the actual list of

treasury holdings simultaneously encapsulates the history of

141



the institution through its accumulation of spiritual objects, records its current state in 1165, when the diploma was made, and crystallizes that information for the future.37

By situating the diploma at precisely this location in the book's gathering, the Pr?fening monk communicated several essential points. Most important, as the pictorial culmination of a series that began with the microcosm and the idea of indi? vidual spiritual perfection, the page indicates that such per? fection can be achieved only within a monastic, institutional

setting; the microcosm encompasses not just the individual but the community as well. As a link in the pictorial chain that pre? cedes it, the diploma also can be understood as both the product of and stimulus for monastic cogitation; like the Glossarium Salomonis that follows two pages later, the diploma, which is

really no more than a long list of items, serves as raw mate?

rial for collatio, the mental process so central to the monastic

enterprise. Although collatio generally refers to the gathering of and meditating on texts, ideas, and sometimes pictures, the term is also rooted in some of the communal activities of the

monastery?-the meal at which the monks heard readings or the instruction in the monastery school.38 The inclusion of the

diploma at the end of the gathering, therefore, suggests that this kind of intellectual activity is in part a communal endeavor, and that one of the proper goals of such mediiatio is the monastery itself. In short, the entire cogitative act represented by the series of pictures attached to the Glossarium Salomonis is, including the diploma page, embedded within the communal life of the Benedictine house of Saint George in Pr?fening.

There is one final link in this chain?the monastery's library catalogue on fol. 6. If the diploma page represents the embodi? ment of Pr?fening's heavenly forces, the catalogue stands for the corporate knowledge of the monastery. It is a graphic sign of learning, the collective depository of raw materials that are the basis of monastic cogitation. Although its visual impact can? not compare with that of the diploma, the catalogue structures its contents within columns, as the following Glossarium text

does, and it is thus a fitting intermediary that emphasizes books as the bridge between the suite of images and the dictionary encyclopedia to which the gathering was attached.

As a whole, then, the quire of illuminations inserted at the front of Clm. 13002 participates as an extension, or expression, of the book's "encyclopedic" nature. With their emphasis on the microcosm and the body, the pictures distill from a greater body of knowledge information pertinent to understanding the cosmos and microcosmic man;39 with the turn to the Vices and

Virtues, Jerusalem, and the monastery of Saint George, they subsume that information within the totalizing spiritual system of Benedictine monasticism.40 Yet the pictures in Clm. 13002 reveal at least as much about how and why they were gener? ated as about what they "mean"?that their meaning, in fact,

is principally a function of the monastic meditative process. The different elements of the book were derived, in practical terms, from various textual and pictorial models, but conceptu? ally this unique combination resulted from monastic ductus, the

method of collating and structuring raw elements into a new

whole. Whether or not the particulars of my reconstruction of that original thought process are accurate, it seems clear that Clm. 13002 was a book produced through such ductus. Once

created, the compilation would have functioned not to delimit

knowledge within the confines of the book but to stimulate further meditatio in the minds of the Pr?fening monks using it for that purpose.

Evidence that this did indeed happen can be determined from one instance of the later reception of Clm. 13002. In 1241 a monk named Conrad from the monastery of Scheyern copied the Pr?fening manuscript almost in its entirety (now Munich,

Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm. 17403).41 The body of the text is the Glossarium Salomonis, followed by the biblical com?

mentaries, but the Hermeneumata Pseudodositheana has fallen out. Instead, the book contains other texts that are not in Clm. 13002: parts of a herbal and a medicinal glossary with its own

supplementary texts. The original compendium of information thus generated a new version with slightly different informa?

tion, material related as much by type as by content. This is apparent in the prefatory material as well, which for

the most part replicates the additional gathering of Clm. 13002:

microcosm, cauterization and anatomical diagrams, the Vices

and Virtues, and Jerusalem. Here, though, the series begins not with the image of the microcosm but with an assortment

of schematic diagrams familiar from many medieval encyclo? pedic-miscellany works: the so-called Sphere of Apuleius, the

labyrinth; a wind chart; T-map; and the four elements (Fig. 12). This new combination of elements once more reveals the

mental process at work, since the Scheyern compiler gathered from similar manuscript contexts schematic items relevant to

the material he had before him in Clm. 13002. Though all these new pieces on the opening folio work together to express the

harmony of the cosmos, two items are most patently connected to the microcosm that follows on fol. 2. The Sphere of Apuleius was a divination chart, whereby numbers corresponding to a

patient's name were added to the day of the moon on which he or she fell sick to determine whether the patient would live or die.42 Unlike the chart of the elements at the bottom of fol. 1 v, which is also related to the microcosm, the sphere was both

theoretical and practical. As such, the sphere is conceptually linked to the herbal material added at the end of the manuscript.

The position of the microcosm in the Scheyern manuscript confirms its original place at the head of the series in Clm. 13002 (Fig. 13).43 At this point, the Scheyern artist, perhaps the scribe Conrad himself, began to make adjustments to the

pictures. He first stretched out the cauterization pictures from

2 1/3 folios to 3 1/3, which made more room for each scene

but then forced the Vices and Virtues pages onto the front and back of the same leaf (fol. 6), breaking their visual unity.44 Jeru? salem then followed, as in Clm. 13002, but the verso of that leaf has representations related to music (Fig. 14).45 The top zone is devoted to church music, with an organist, and Gregory the Great with a monocfiord. The middle represents the Old

142



Clm 13002: Current Quire 1 [Fol. 7 was originally before fol. 1]

Clm 17403: Current Quire 1 [Fol. 5 was originally between fols. 6 & 7]

FIGURE 13. Diagram of quire 1, Clm. 13002 and 17403 (drawing by John T. McQuillen).

Testament, with David and Miriam. The sequence ends first with

personifications of musica mundana flanked by musica instru mentalis and musica humana, and then with three proponents of musical theory, Pythagoras, Boethius, and Guido of Arezzo.

Renate Kroos and Elisabeth Klemm have suggested that this musical page was also copied from Clm. 13002 (which subsequently lost the image), but my own codicological analy? sis indicates otherwise.46 Just as in 1165, when the illuminator of Clm. 13002 created new images of the Vices and Virtues to make an exegetical point about the interrelationship of the

physical body and its spiritual components, so too did Conrad in his copy extend the deliberations about the constituent parts of the universe to include these new musical representations.47 At the same time, Clm. 17403 dispensed with the Pr?fening diploma, which obviously held little or no meaning to Schey? ern, while adding a monumental figure of Mary surrounded by inscriptions of rhapsodic hymnal praise (Fig. 15).48 The repre? sentation of Mary, to whom the monastery was dedicated, is thus a logical addition that embeds the book within the Schey? ern establishment.49

Placing Clm. 13002 and Clm. 17403 side by side allows us to determine the extent to which one copied and deviated from the other; such comparisons are staples in manuscript stud? ies and are important for assessing the relation of one book to another and the decision-making process involved in the cre? ation of the copy. But more than that, it is important to recognize that the changes in the two manuscripts, both large and small, indicate clearly how raw materials could be supplemented and

adjusted from one manuscript to the next. In the context of the twelfth- and thirteenth-century Bavarian monasteries in which these two books were made, what was meaningful was the very process of finding, pondering, copying, and manipulating raw materials (what we reductively call textual or pictorial "mod?

els") to create new versions. The compilation of these manu?

scripts embodies the performative act of monastic meditatio;

beginning the series of images with the microcosm is, therefore, a logical expression of how this activity and each individual monk are enmeshed within the divine order of the cosmos.

FIGURE 12. Glossarium Salomonis, Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm. 17403, fol. 1, labyrinth, wind chart, T-map, and four elements (photo:

Bayerische Staatsbibliothek).

In Clm. 13002 and Clm. 17403, the very act of turn?

ing the pages would have contributed to the building process through which monks enacted mental invention. Individually, each book functioned as an exercise of and example for rhe? torical deliberation. But such books did not stand alone. Just as a monk would be encouraged to make connections among

143




17403, fol. 5v, representations of music (photo: Bayerische Staatsbibliothek).

the components of a single book, so too would he (or she, for that matter) naturally make mental or visual connections to other texts and other books.50 Clm. 13002, for example, is sty? listically and conceptually linked closely to a manuscript of

Ambrose texts, including the Hexameron (Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm. 14399).51 Within this commentary on the

Days of Creation, each day is prefaced by an unusual full-page drawing (Fig. 16). Iconographically, these pictures are related most directly to similar Creation pictures in the Admont and Michaelbeuren Bibles from Salzburg,52 but in these Bibles the

pictures are limited to a single page. Their expansiveness in the Ambrose manuscript is unusual until we recall the meditational context in which this book was used and, as the microcosm in Clm. 13002 indicates, the attention paid in Regensburg to the cosmos and its elements.

The pictorial exegetic strand leads to Munich, Bayer? ische Staatsbibliothek, Clm. 14159, an anonymous treatise on the cross executed about 1170 that in many ways is the most

complex manuscript from twelfth-century Regensburg.53 The book as a whole has no known parallels. It contains a lengthy typological cycle (approximately forty-four scenes) and vari? ous schematic drawings, including the Mystic Paradise as a

-_:.:

FIGURE 15. Glossarium Salomonis, Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm. 17403, fol. 7, Mary (photo: Bayerische Staatsbibliothek).

quaternity (Fig. 17). This image, composed within a large cir? cular medallion, correlates various fours: the rivers of paradise, the evangelists, the cardinal virtues, and, most significant in relation to the microcosm, the letters of Adam's name cor?

responding to the four directions, Anatole, Disis, Arctos, and Mesembria.54 In a smaller medallion above, Christ, the new

Adam, sits on the arc of the heavens, and his outspread hands

may be another indication of how he encompasses the cosmos.

A visual blending of Adam and Christ is evident in another

Pr?fening manuscript, a copy of Isidore of Seville's Etymolo giae in which the consanguinity table is held by a figure who is identified as Adam but depicted as Christ (Fig. 18).55 The out? stretched hands of Christ circumscribing all time and Creation is a topos familiar from medieval mappaemundi56 and under?

pins another picture in Clm. 14159 even more clearly (Fig. 19). In this case, Christ's head (identified by the cross-nimbed

halo), hands, and feet (identified by the stigmata) appear at the terminal points of the cross to indicate that the cross is a vehicle for Christ's dominion over the world.57

What I call the Visionary Cross in Clm. 14159 conveys the spatial dimension through the cross and a temporal one

through the inclusion of Old and New Testament generations

144



FIGURE 16. Ambrose, Hexameron, Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm. 14399, foi 21 v, Separation of the Firmament and Waters, Second Day of Creation (photo: Bayerische Staatsbibliothek).

in the medallions situated in the vegetal shoots of the cross. A titulus at the bottom of the page makes the meaning of the

picture patently clear: "The image here shows that all the holy ones from the beginning of the world until His Coming have been supported by their belief in the cross of Christ, and they partially saw the Crucified One by means of images. That is

why Christ's face, hands, and feet are shown."58 The key word,

repeated twice, is figura', the page claims that through figu rae?images?one can attain a vision of, and connection to,

Christ. This is true whether one is an Old Testament notable or a

twelfth-century Bavarian monk. Carruthers has called attention to Prudentius' use of the term figura mystica to describe sites for "reading into," openings to stimulate the associative chains of monastic contemplation.59 The example she adduced is the

cross-carpet page of the Lindisfarne Gospels, but the illustra? tion and inscription in Clm. 14159 make the process explicit.60

Using pictures as a springboard for monastic meditation was not, of course, solely a twelfth-century phenomenon. In

Regensburg itself, the Symbolic Crucifixion page of the Uta

Codex, produced in Saint Emmeram about 1025, made a simi? lar claim about the function of images (Fig. 20). One titulus is situated outside the compositional field and thus serves as an

FIGURE 17. De laudibus sanctae crucis, Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm. 14159, fol. 5v, Mystic Paradise (photo: Bayerische Staatsbibliothek).

instructional signpost for how the entire page should be viewed: "The life of the good meditates on, or practices, the paradig? matic form of the cross."61 Hinging on the double meaning of

meditatur, the inscription could not be more direct. Good peo?

ple?the monastic viewers?meditate on the form of the cross,

presented on the page before them, and practice or pattern their behavior on the cross' paradigmatic schema.62

Despite the similar function these two images proclaim for themselves (and by extension for the others in their respective

manuscripts), one significant difference distinguishes the Sym? bolic Crucifixion of the Uta Codex from the Visionary Cross of Clm. 14159. Like virtually all the pictures in the twelfth

century Regensburg-Pr?fening manuscripts, the Visionary Cross is a line drawing rather than a full-colored image. As the Uta Codex shows, a monastery's artistic products need not be

impoverished in materials, but a shift clearly occurred between the eleventh and twelfth centuries. The predilection for line

drawing is not the result of a twelfth-century stylistic aesthetic in the abstract but, more likely, a conscious and suitable choice to make the form of the Pr?fening images follow their func? tion as memory machines. Carruthers has described the repre? sentations of the Heavenly Jerusalem in the illustrated Beatus

145



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kftoir-ram w

ft / tit

Mm inn 1

?7..

xtftn- xd septum acne A

fd\ -ua conftmna rs *r /

imindi ggnienrao

V*\ fmmu? Yen /'/

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:1 Ti

- -j ? * -

FIGURE 18. Isidore of Seville, Etymologiae, Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm. 13031,fol. 102v, consanguinity table (photo: Bayerische Staatsbibliothek).

146



FIGURE 19. De laudibus sanctae crucis, Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm. 14159, fol 8v, Visionary Cross (photo: Bayerische Staatsbibliothek).

147



FIGURE 20. f/to Codex, Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, fol. 3v, Symbolic Crucifixion (photo: Bayerische Staatsbibliothek).

148



manuscripts as "empty" locations, sites for inventive gathering or collatio, and she has commented on the grisaille windows of Cistercian monasteries as devices suitable for stimulating the "clean" monastic memories advocated by Bernard of Clair vaux.63 The line drawings of the Pr?fening manuscripts operate in precisely the same way. They are simplified compositions

meant to act as "empty" locations from which, and into which, the monks could generate their own visual and mental associa?

tive projections. Medieval artists were certainly sensitive to the formal

qualities of art for making theological points. Herbert Kessler has demonstrated how the absence or presence of color and

figuration was used as an argument by Byzantine Iconophiles to distinguish between the shadow of the Old Testament and its fulfillment in Christ.64 In the eleventh century, Canterbury and Regensburg artists used color to indicate the higher onto

logical status of a holy figure: in the Eadui Psalter, Benedict is in full color while the monks of Christ Church are executed in line drawings, and a similar distinction is made in a contempo? rary Saint Emmeram manuscript depicting St. Emmeram and the monk Hartwic.65 In thirteenth-century Scheyern, a similar

distinction might well be at play in the juxtaposition of the full colored image of Mary that ends the series of preceding line

drawings.66 In twelfth-century Regensburg, artists rejected the use of color in favor of line drawings to provide the best com?

positions for memory work. They are essentially "empty"; they do not overwhelm the eye with too much detail, and they do not promote spiritual "laziness" by providing completed, that

is, fully painted pictures that would reduce a monk's ability to

generate his own mental images.67

The Pr?fening pictures also conform beautifully to Augus? tine's description of memory in the Confessions, which

also contains schematic devices of numbers and mea?

surements, and innumerable principles, which no physi? cal sense has impressed onto it, for they are not colored

[my emphasis] nor do they sound nor smell nor are they tasted or touched. ... I have seen measuring lines used

by artisans as fine as a spider's filament. . . .68

Images like those in Clm. 13002, with their clarity, order, and lack of color, were organizing structures to stimulate and nurture monastic meditatio. In The Craft of Thought, Mary Car ruthers richly explored what she called "'literary pictures,' orga? nizations of images that are designed to strike the eye of the mind forcefully, and to initiate or punctuate a reader's 'prog? ress' through a text, in the way that particular images (or parts of images) structure the 'way' of one's eye through a picture."69 I have attempted to extend this consideration by examining not

"literary pictures," but some of the actual images that the twelfth

century Benedictine monks of Pr?fening-Regensburg inserted into their books. These schematic pictures have not received the same kind of attention as some of the more famous liter?

ary pictures, such as Theodulph's poem on the Seven Liberal Arts or Hugh of St. Victor's compositions.70 But they have the

advantage of allowing us to hold and examine them and to con? sider how they functioned as tangible, or perhaps semitangible, monastic memory machines. As such, they provide important insight into the actual ruminative process of medieval monks and the important role of images in that spiritual endeavor.

NOTES * I am grateful first to Mary Carruthers, who was instrumental in involv?

ing me in the original conference at the University of Illinois and whose

work has stimulated my thinking about the Regensburg miscellanies. Anne D. Hedeman has been a sage counselor and editor, and I thank her profoundly for her efforts at the conference and during the publica? tion process; the essay has also been improved by comments from Clark

Maines. I have benefited as well from the remarks of the conference par?

ticipants, especially those of Herbert Kessler, even if the essay here does not reflect them as much as it should. As always, Linda Safran has been an invaluable critic and reader. A generous grant from the Social Sciences

and Humanities Research Council of Canada supported the research for

this essay, including the purchase of necessary photographic images. 1. M. J. Carruthers, The Craft of Thought: Meditation, Rhetoric, and the

Making of Images, 400-1200 (Cambridge, 1998), 4.

2. On this manuscript, see E. Klemm, "Die Regensburger Buchmalerei des

12. Jahrhunderts,'1 in Regensburger Buchmalerei: Vonfr?hkarolingischer Zeit bis zum Ausgang des Mittelalters, ed. K. Dachs and F. M?therich

(Munich, 1987), 40-42, 50; eadem, Die romanischen Handschriften der

bayerischen Staatsbibliothek, Teil I: Die Bist?mer Regensburg, Passau

und Salzburg, Katalog der illuminierten Handschriften der bayerischen Staatsbibliothek in M?nchen 3, 2 vols. (Wiesbaden, 1980), 1:60-64 and

2: figs. 150-64; and A. Boeckler, Die Regensburg-Pr?feninger Buch?

malerei des 12. und 13. Jahrhunderts, Miniaturen aus Handschriften der

Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek in M?nchen, ed. G. Leidinger, vol. 8 (Mu? nich, 1924), 20-29, 91-94. Clm. 13002 was also included in the recent

important exhibition New York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Pen

and Parchment: Drawing in the Middle Ages (New York, 2009), by M.

Holcomb, 91-93, where the manuscript is characterized as "the single best document of the monastery' s activities, interests, and holdings during the century in which it was founded."

3, Among the most important works to cite are E Saxl, "Macrocosm and

Microcosm in Mediaeval Pictures," in Lectures, 2 vols. (London, 1957), 1:58-72 and 2: pis. 34-42; B. Reudenbach, "'In Mensuram Humani

Corporis': Zur Herkunft der Auslegung und Illustration von Vitruv III

im 15. und 16. Jahrhundert," in Text und Bild: Aspekte des Zusammen?

wirkens zweier K?nste in Mittelalter und fr?her Neuzeit, ed. C. Meier and

149



U. Ruberg (Wiesbaden, 1980), 651-88; and M.-T. d'Alverny, "L'homme comme symbole: Le microcosme," in Simboli e Simbologia neil'Alto Me

dioevo, 2 vols., Settimane de Studio del Centro Italiano di Studie sulP Alto

Medioevo, 23 (Spoleto, 1976), 1:123-83 (repr. in eadem, Etudes sur le

symbolisme de la Sagesse et sur Viconographie [Aldershot, 1993], IX). See also K. Clausberg, "Mittelalterliche Weltanschauung im Bild, z.B. die

Visionen der Hildegard von Bingen, oder: Mikrokosmos-Makrokosmos

'Reconsidered' und auf den neuesten (Ver-)Stand gebracht," in Bauwerk

und Bildwerk im Hochmittelalter: Anschauliche Beitr?ge zur Kultur- und

Sozialgeschichte, ed. Clausberg (Glessen, 1981), 237-58. The Pr?fen?

ing picture has been juxtaposed to earlier medieval rota diagrams from

Isidore of Seville's De natura re rum, to a late-twelfth-century image from

Hildegard of Bingen's Liber divinorum operum, and especially to Leo?

nardo da Vinci's famous depiction of the Vitruvian man. See, finally, the

stimulating work by S. Stewart, On Longing: Narratives of the Miniature, the Gigantic, the Souvenir, the Collection (Durham, NC, 1993).

4. In the pithy formulation of Carruthers, The Craft of Thought, 223: "Each

work is a composition articulated within particular rhetorical situations of

particular communities." For a welcome call to investigate the organiza? tional principles of individual miscellanies, see S. Nichols and S. Wenzel,

eds., The Whole Book: Cultural Perspectives on the Medieval Miscellany (Ann Arbor, 1996).

5. Carruthers, The Craft of Thought, 118.

6. J. A. McGeachy Jr., "The 'Glossarium Salomonis' and Its Relationship to

the 'Liber Glossarum,' " Speculum, 13 (1938), 309-18. The Glossarium

is based closely on the eighth-century Liber glossarum, though it cannot

be surely attributed to Solomon.

7. S. Gwara, "The 'Hermeneumata pseudodositheana,' Latin Oral Fluency, and the Social Function of the Cambro-Latin Dialogues Called 'De raris

fabulis,'" in Latin Grammar and Rhetoric: From Classical Theory to

Medieval Practice, ed. C. D. Lanham (London, 2002), 109-38, at 110.

8. For the codicological details, see Fig. 13 and at n. 45 below.

9. See, in general, P. M. Jones, Medieval Medical Pictures (London, 1984), 96-118.

10. Y. V. O'Neill, "The F?nfbilderserie Reconsidered," Bulletin of the History

of Medicine, 43 (1969), 236-45.

11. Klemm, "Die Regensburger Buchmalerei," 42 and colorpl. 25.

12. Bede, "Liber de Locis Sanctis," in Itinera Hierosolymitana, CSEL, 39, ed.

P. Geyer (Vienna, 1898), 301-24, esp. 302-3; and Liber de Locis Sanctis,

CCSL, 175, ed. I. Fraipont (Turnhout, 1965), 251-80, esp. 252-53. P.

Verdier, "La colonne de Colonia Aelia Capitolina et Vimago clipeata du

Christ Helios," CA, 23 (1974), 17-40.

13. The figures accompanying the diploma proper are (from top to bottom) Christ flanked by Bishop Otto of Bamberg (r. 1102-39), founder of

Pr?fening, and St. George, patron of Pr?fening. Next appear two angels

holding the inscribed frame of the diploma. Below them appear Abbot

Erbo (1121-1162) and his successor, Abbot Eberhard (1163-68). Out?

side the frame are Bishop Eberhard (of Bamberg [1146-70]) and St.

Paul (whose presence, according to Klemm, is hard to explain), each

holding an inscribed scroll. Finally, at the bottom of the painted area are

five nameless monks whose heads and shoulders appear above another

inscribed scroll.

14. Klemm, "Die Regensburger Buchmalerei," 40^2, 50. For a fine consid?

eration of the conceptual and practical understanding of the term encyclo?

pedia, see B. Ribemont, "On the Definition of an Encyclopaedic Genre in

the Middle Ages," in Pre-Modern Encyclopaedic Texts, Proceedings of

the Second COMERS Congress, Groningen, 1-4 July 1996, ed. P. Binkley

(Leiden, 1997), 47-61.

15. Swicher's hand is also evident in Munich, Bayerische Stadtsbibliothek, Clm. 13031, another Pr?fening manuscript. See, in general, New York, Pen and Parchment, 89-91; Klemm, "Die Regensburger Buchmalerei,"

48-49; and Klemm, Die romanischen Handschriften, 1:64-65, with

further literature. The manuscript has been considered recently in an ex?

emplary essay by E. Sears, "The Afterlife of Scribes: Swicher's Prayer in the Pr?fening Isidore," in Pen in Hand: Medieval Scribal Portraits,

Colophons and Tools, ed. M. Gullick (Walkern, Herts., 2006), 75-96.

16. Boeckler, Die Regensburg-Pr?feninger Buchmalerei, began his exami?

nation of Clm. 13002 with a consideration of the dating problem and

concluded that the two parts of the book were not the result of one long

campaign but in fact two wholly separate parts. Nonetheless, he did not

address why the two parts were joined altogether.

17. M. J. Carruthers, The Book of Memory: A Study of Memory in Medieval

Culture (Cambridge, 1990), 248-57.

18. The one exception is a copy of Clm. 13002, discussed below. The case

of Clm. 13002, and miscellanies in general, is a salutary reminder of the

uniqueness of every manuscript, which must be set against the tendency in modern scholarship to emphasize iconographic and stylistic connec?

tions among different manuscripts, which, while certainly important con?

siderations, direct attention away from consideration of use.

19. I provide here the first several lines as an example: "Anima est dicta

avento. Animos g[re]ce latine d[icitu]r ventis. Caput acapiendo sensus.

Occiput posterior pars capitis. Calviciu[m]. Caluaria. Sinciput anterior

pars capitis."

20. Carruthers, The Craft of Thought, esp. 196-204, at 199: "Introductory rhetorical pictures serve as orienting maps and summaries of the matters

which are developed within the work."

21. See, in general, V. I. J. Flint, Honorius Augustodunensis of Regensburg, Authors of the Middle Ages: Historical and Religious Writers of the Latin

West, vol. 2, 6 (Aldershot, 1995), who argues that Honorius wrote many of his works in Regensburg. There is still no modern critical edition of the

Elucidarium; one must continue to consult Migne, PL, 172, 1109-92. For

a modern edition in Latin and French (based solely on French manuscript witnesses), see Y. Lefevre, L 'elucidarium et les lucidaires (Paris, 1954).

22. See esp. B. Maurmann, Die Himmelsrichtungen im Weltbild des Mit?

telalters: Hildegard von Bingen, Honorius Augustodunensis und andere

Autoren (Munich, 1976); and D. LeCoq, "La Mappemonde d'Henri

de Mayence: Ou l'image du monde au Xlle siecle," in Iconographie medievale: Image, texte, contexte, ed. G. Duchet-Suchaux (Paris, 1993), 155-207.

23. Hortus Deliciarum, ed. R. Green, M. Evans, C. Bischoff, and M. Cursch

mann, 2 vols. (London, 1979), 1:96 and 2: pl. 9 (fol. 16v). This image is

also accompanied by tituli drawn from the Elucidarium, which informed

the Hortus deliciarum to a great extent. On the manuscript, see now

the important work by F. Griffiths, The Garden of Delights: Reform and

Renaissance for Women in the Twelfth Century (Philadelphia, 2007).

24. Boeckler, Die Regensburg-Pr?feninger Buchmalerei, 22-24; Klemm, Die

romanischen Handschriften, 1:61-62; Jones, Medieval Medical Pictures; and O'Neill, "Die F?nfbilderserie."

25. The abrupt transition on fol. 2v from the cauterization pictures, which

occupy one register divided into four scenes by slim columns, to the first

two anatomical diagrams, which take up about two-thirds of the page and are not divided by architectural elements, does suggest the stitching

together of two separate models. See the illustration in New York, Pen

and Parchment, 93.

26. Boeckler, Die Regensburg-Pr?feninger Buchmalerei, 23-24; and Klemm, Die romanischen Handschriften, 1:61.


28. The notion of a mental chain employed here is similar to the notion of the

chaine operatoire in use among anthropologists and archaeologists since

it was introduced by Andre Leroi-Gourhan: Leroi-Gourgan, Le geste et la

parole, vol. 1, Technique et language, vol. 2, La memoire et les rythmes

(Paris, 1964); and idem, Gesture and Speech, trans. A. Bostock Berger

(Cambridge, MA, 1993).

150



29. The single extrabiblical scene is that of Croesus and Cyrus. For the full

list of scenes, see Klemm, Die romanischen Handschriften, 1:62.

30. I plan to make a more complete study of these pages in a forthcoming book on facing-page illuminations in medieval manuscript illumination.

Also, note that Boeckler, Die Regensburg-Pr?feninger Buchmalerei, 25,

incorrectly writes that the verse is from Psalm 71, not Psalm 74.

31. Ibid., 26, presumed from the complexity of the pages that there must

have been some textual source, but there is no reason necessarily to give

priority to the written word for such a compact typological tour de force.

In fact, the pictorial format of Chn. 13002, as in more famous works like

the Klosterneuberg Altar, is probably a more fitting medium in which to

develop such ideas.

32. "Q[uo]t [quodj repleta malis sit vit[a]e sors animalis ex his nosse datur

quo cognita precaveatur[.J"

33. Qua[m] fecunda bonis sit vita comes rationis ex his perpendat et ad hanc mens sobria tendat[.J" My translation construes these sentences as rela?

tive clauses of characteristic using the subjunctive in primary sequence. Hence, sors and comes are the subject and animalis and rationis are the

genitive nouns that generate the relative pronouns. I translate cognita as

a noun by analogy to mens sobria on the following page.

34. This is the last picture in a frontispiece sequence in Clm. 14159, an anony? mous treatise on the cross (De laudibus s. crucis). For the manuscript, see

further at n. 53 below. In this picture, the titulus reads, "the pride of the

devil is vanquished by the humility of Christ's cross" [Superbia diaboli

vincit[ur] humiltate cruci[s] xp[istji], while the image is reminiscent of

the confrontation of Vices and Virtues in illustrated manuscripts of Pru

dentius' Psychomachia as well as the beheading of Holofernes by Judith.

A similar image that combines many of these elements was also used in

manuscripts of the Speculum virginum (see Speculum virginum, CCCM,

5, ed. J. Seyfarth [Turnhout, 1990], fig. 6). My point in making this visual

comparison is not to indicate some iconographic link between Clm. 14159

and a Prudentius or Speculum virginum manuscript (though such a link

is evident and worth further exploration) but to underscore the kind of

visual and mental associations that both motivated this representation and

could have been stimulated by it.

35. See Carruthers, The Craft of Thought, 118-20, for an analysis of Alcuin's

description of memory with reference to Rome and Jerusalem.

36. See n. 12 above.

37. The text of the diploma is reprinted by B. Bischof! in Mittelalterliche

Schatzverzeichnisse h Von der Zeit Karls des Grossen bis zur Mitte des

13. Jahrhunderts, Ver?ffentlichungen des Zentralinstituts f?r Kunstge? schichte, 4 (Munich, 1967), 77-79. As Adam Stead, a graduate student

at the University of Toronto, pointed out in seminar, Bischoff was so

narrowly focused on the contents of the diploma that he did not provide the contents of the banderoles that are an integral part of the diploma itself

and the page as a whole. These are reprinted by Boeckler, Die Regens?

burg-Pr?f eninger Buchmalerei, 27-28, with corrections by Klemm, Die

romanischen Handschriften, 1:63. These speech inscriptions refer to the

"planting" and "watering" of the items listed in the diploma, though this

horticultural metaphor was not expressed pictorially. Also included is a

curse against anyone who might steal one of the listed objects.

38. On the various aspects of collatio, see U. K?sters, Der verschlossene

Garten: Volkssprachliche Hohelied-Auslegung und monastische Lebens?

formen im 12. Jahrhundert (D?sseldorf, 1985), esp. 24-29; and Car?

ruthers, The Book of Memory, esp. 36, 123, 196-218, and 253-57 for a

consideration of the role of diagrams in collatio and meditatio.

39. See Ribemont, uOn the Definition," esp. 53-54.

40. C. Meier, "Organisation of Knowledge and Encyclopedic 'Ordo': Func?

tions and Purposes of a Universal Literary Genre," in Binkley, Pre

Modern Encyclopaedic Texts, 103-26, esp. 115-18. In an exemplary

essay, Christopher Norton draws similar conclusions about a Cistercian

manuscript made in Durham at the end of the twelfth century. The book is

currently split between Cambridge, Corpus Christi College (MS 66), and

Cambridge, University Library (MS Ff. 1.27). See C. Norton, "History, Wisdom and Illumination," in Symeon of Durham: Historian of Durham

and the North, ed. D. Rollason (Stamford, UK, 1998), 61-105. Norton's

reading of the so-called Sawley manuscript is in several respects similar

to my analysis of Clm. 13002, though I am here more concerned with

elucidating the process of making and using such books than in deriv?

ing a single interpretation of their contents. 1 thank Dominic Marner for

bringing this article to my attention.

41. E. Klemm, Die illuminierten Handschriften des 13. Jahrhunderts deutsche

Herkunft in der bayerischen Staatsbibliothek, Katalog der illuminierten

Handschriften der bayerischen Staatsbibliothek in M?nchen, 4, 2 vols.

(Wiesbaden, 1998), 1:38-41 and 2: figs. 61-66. The identity of Conrad, who is listed as the scribe, and whether he also participated in the decora?

tion of the book are open questions. On Conrad in particular and Scheyern

manuscripts in general, see R. Kroos, "Die Bildhandschriften des Klosters

Scheyern aus dem 13. Jahrhundert/' in Wittelsbach und Bayern: Die Zeit

der fr?hen Herz?ge; Von Otto L zu Ludwg dem Bayern, ed. H. Glaser, 2

vols. (Munich, 1980), 1:477-95, with older literature.

42. E. Wickersheimer, "Figures medico-astrologiques des IXe, Xe et Xle

siecles," Janus, 19(1914), 157-77; and H. Sigerist, "The 'Sphere of Life

and Death' in Early Mediaeval Manuscripts," History of Medicine, 1 1

(1942), 292-303.

43. As far as I know, the Scheyern microcosm page has never been published. Because most scholarly attention to microcosm images has focused on

iconographic and intellectual considerations, a "mere derivative copy" of

the Pr?fening original would have served little purpose. When considered

from the standpoint of individual manuscript histories, of course, the mi?

crocosm pictures in Clin. 13002 and Clm. 17403 deserve equal attention.

44. Conveniently summarized in tabular diagrams by Kroos, "Die Bildhand?

schriften," 489-90.

45. In its current state, Jerusalem and the music images are on fol. 5. This

folio, however, is a singleton and almost certainly originally followed, rather than preceded, the Vices and Virtues on fol. 6, which is a leaf

conjoint with fol, 4. Whether the current fol. 5 was originally conjoint with fol. 3, also a singleton, cannot be determined for certain.

46. Kroos, "Die Bildhandschriften," 490; and Klemm, "Die Regensburger Buchmalerei," 50. The question is, where would the putative musical page have appeared in Clm. 13002? There are only two possibilities based on

the codicological structure of the quire. First, such a page could have been

conjoint with the original fol. 1, the microcosm page. In this case, the mu?

sical depictions would have come at the very end of the quire, between the

text of the library catalogue and the beginning of the Glossarium in the

next quire, which seems an unlikely placement. Alternatively, based on

its position relative to Jerusalem in the Scheyern manuscript, the musical

pictures could have come after the representation of Jerusalem on Clm.

13002, fok 4v. But the facing folio, 5, is currently blank; had the mak?

ers of Clm. 13002 wanted to include musical imagery, this would have

been the logical place to do so. After having examined the manuscripts

together on this point, Klemm accepted my analysis of the codicology. I

am grateful to Dr. Klemm for her assistance in allowing me to see these

manuscripts and above all for her true intellectual generosity in discussing the Regensburg manuscripts with me over many years.

47. On the relationship of music to the spheres, see, for example, the intro?

ductory comments by T. Karp, "Music," in The Seven Liberal Arts in the

Middle Ages, ed. D. Wagner (Bloomington, IN, 1983), 167-95, esp. 174

76. For more in-depth studies, see L. Spitzer, "Classical and Christian

Ideas of World Harmony: Prolegomena to an Interpretation of the Word

'Stimmung,'" Traditio, 2 (1944). 409-64 and 3 (1945), 307-64; R. Ham?

merstein, Die Musik der Engel: Untersuchungen zur Musikanschauung des Mittelalters, 2nd ed. (Bern, 1990); and M. Teeuwen, Harmony and the

Music of the Spheres: The "Ars Musica "

in Ninth-Century' Commentaries

on Martiamts Capella (Leiden, 2002), esp. 190-232.

151



48. I am tempted to suggest that it was in part the hymnological character of

the Mary page that stimulated the facing musical depictions, but this is

simply conjecture.

49. The dedication to Mary, patroness of the foundation, is one of three such

images from thirteenth-century Scheyern manuscripts. On the monastery, see A. Reichhold, "Das Kloster Scheyern als Grundherr in der Hofmark

Scheyern (I. Teil): Von der Gr?ndung des Klosters um 1100 bis zur S?ku?

larisation im Jahre 1803," Studien und Mitteilungen zur Geschichte des

Benediktiner-Ordens und seiner Zweige, 106 (1995), 247-93; and, for the

series of dedication images, H. Hauke and R. Kroos, Das Matutinalbuch aus Scheyern: Die Bildseiten aus dem CLM 17401 der Bayerischen Sta?

atsbibliothek (Wiesbaden, 1980), esp. 7-8.

50. J. Leclercq, The Love of Learning and the Desire for God: A Study of Monastic Culture (New York, 1982).

51. On this manuscript, see Klemm, "Die Regensburger Buchmalerei,"

39-46, 51; and Klemm, Die romanischen Handschriften, 1:32-34, with

further literature. Although the book was in the library of Saint Emmeram

in Regensburg, the close connections to Saint George in Pr?fening led

Klemm to hypothesize that the book was painted by artists who worked

for both monasteries. There are, of course, other possibilities, such as

the transfer of books from one institution to the other. The question of

whether this and other similar books were produced by or for either Saint

Emmeram or Pr?fening is a vexed question that cannot be resolved here.

See, for example, the comments by C. R. Dodwell, The Pictorial Arts

of the West, 800-1200 (New Haven, 1993), 307. I would argue that the

shared monastic culture of the two houses would make them more similar

than not in their use of books, and so the issue of localization becomes, in this instance, secondary.

52. See Dodwell, The Pictorial Arts, 308, with reference to earlier literature.

Dodwell notes the iconographic "borrowing" from the Admont Bible

without considering the unusual expansion of the imagery in the Regens?

burg manuscript.

53. New York, Pen and Parchment, 94-96: Klemm, "Die Regensburger Buchmalerei," 39-46, 52-53; and Klemm, Die romanischen Hand?

schriften, 1:34-37, all with further literature.

54. The Mystic Quaternity is related to a very similar image in manuscripts of the Speculum virginum; see Seyfarth, Speculum virginum, fig. 4. On

the paradise quaternity, and the method of visual correlation in general, see A. Esmeijer, Divina Quaternitas: A Preliminary Study in the Method

and Application of Visual Exegesis (Assen, 1978), esp. 59-72.

55. Clm. 13031. On this manuscript, see n. 15 above.

56. See, for example, M. Kupfer, "Medieval World Maps: Embedded Images,

Interpretive Frames," W&I, 10 (1994), 262-88; and E. Edson, Mapping Time and Space: How Medieval Mapmakers Viewed Their World (Lon?

don, 1999).

57. On the symbolism of the cross extending to the four corners of the uni?

verse, see G. Ladner, "St. Gregory of Nyssa and St. Augustine on the

Symbolism of the Cross," in Late Classical and Mediaeval Studies in

Honor of Albert Mathias Friend, Jr., ed. K. Weitzmarin (Princeton, 1955),

88-95; and A. S. Cohen, The Uta Codex: Art, Philosophy, and Reform in

Eleventh-Century Germany (University Park, PA, 2000), 60-63. See also

in general Maurmann, Himmelsrichtungen.

58. "Figura praesens hoc praetendit, quod omnes sancti ab exordio mundi

usque adventum christi in fide crucis christi pependerunt et crucifixum

per figuras quasi ex parte videbant. Unde facies manus et pedes apparent."

59. Carruthers, The Craft of Thought, 165-70.

60. 1 have analyzed this remarkable image in more depth elsewhere: A. S.

Cohen, "Art, Exegesis, and Affective Piety in Twelfth-Century German

Manuscripts," in Manuscripts and Monastic Culture: Religious Reform and Intellectual Life in Twelfth-Century Germany, ed. A. Beach (Turn?

hout, 2007), 45-68.

61. "Scema crucis typicum meditatur vita bonorum[.]"

62. Cohen, The Uta Codex, 60-61 and n. 28.

63. Carruthers, The Craft of Thought, 150-55 and 257-61.

64. H. Kessler, "Medieval Art as Argument," in Iconography at the Cross?

roads, ed. B. Cassidy (Princeton, 1993), 59-70.

65. For the image of Eadui Basan in the Arundel Psalter (British Library, MS Arundel 155), see, for example, R. Gameson, The Role of Art in the

Late Anglo-Saxon Church (Oxford, 1995), 84-86. A color reproduction is available in The Golden Age of Anglo-Saxon Art, 966-1066, ed. J.

Backhouse, D. H. Turner, and L. Webster (Bloomington, TN, 1985), pi. xviii. On the picture of Hartwic, see Cohen, The Uta Codex, esp. 42 and

colorpl. 16.

66. The effect can be gauged somewhat in the facing black-and-white plates in Klemm, Die illuminierten Handschriften, 2: figs. 61 and 62.

67. Carruthers discusses these concepts with regard to the images of Pruden

tius and the writings of Bernard of Clairvaux in The Craft of Thought, 87, 148.

68. Confessions 10.12.19.1-11; cited in ibid., 32-33.


70. On Theodulph's poem, see, for example, L. Nees, A Tainted Mantle: Her?

cules and the Classical Tradition at the Carolingian Court (Philadelphia,

1991). For Hugh, see among others, P. G. Dalche, La "Descriptio mappae

mundi" de Hugues de Saint-Victor (Paris, 1988); G, Zinn, "Hugh of St.

Victor, Isaiah's Vision, and De area Noe," in The Church and the Arts,

ed. D. Wood (Oxford, 1992), 99-116; P. Sicard, Diagrammes medievaux

et exegese visuelle: Le Lihellus deformatione arc he de Hugues de Saint

Victor (Turnhout, 1993); and De archa Noe: Libellus deformatione

arche, CCCM, 176, 176a, ed. P. Sicard (Turnhout, 2001).

152



PLATE 5 (Kessler, Fig. 5). Milan, S. Ambrogio, cross (photo: author).

PLATE 7 (Kessler, Fig. 10). Bremen, Staats- und Universit?tsbibliothek, MS a244, fol. 113v, Crucifixion (photo: Staats- und Universit?tsbibliothek,

Bremen).

PLATE 6 (Kessler, Fig. 6). Milan, S. Ambrogio, brazen serpent (photo:

author).

PLATE 8 (Cohen, Fig. 1). Glossarium Salomonis, Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm. 13002, fol. 7v, microcosm (photo: Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, by permission).



PLATE 9 (Cohen, Fig. 2). Glossarium Salomonis, Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm. 13002, fol. 2r, cauterization page (photo: Bayerische Staatsbibliothek).

PLATE 11 (Cohen, Fig. 18). Isidore of Seville, Etymologiae, Munich,

Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm. 13031, fol. 102v, consanguinity table (photo: Bayerische Staatsbibliothek).

M><? Ûw?fwiAAWUUt llf

. A if? XwflV^Ûm* ?Kwquifiu ftltnoJUr. *?rr (?an? n? ?urounr boot f* :\ fKMpina 3? ? fan* * likr ?v nwiiniu m ^rr? *w ??w 4* lr?ufc* Icnw v Wr Inwmiti wyf n? m t? iwmdijfc iîumiifintfe bfcw jmuif ror.tnqfr; Ifi uiMmh j?u???? n?t?uUj IT^mjIu &?**u i^wm' (?rjJ?iUf?fimcrfi Vi4 W

lk pJwT^tuir ,um< nuUr d?n? 6fW v* f*? im 3 J?tm- !n*e pin*- riwwi <v J '?wKuitfu .?u'cnm'.ufrii;!! iuAw <Mjptm fLtanntttunt* (tamnr twHU ?ymm i I^Lnm?a ujj'pjrii j iiwm Jnittfifnimi ?wi atfCe?f*??rf'.liw?*A?i#Ji?l?i<?t*i? ' k yiwiitH *i MlttuV Ac.uymmf Aauru iu*. fjW JwairiiM* MMfji (UwninA ! hu .Vftuiifi imi ttv?ma*t>n* Imptlfar-ii^nnca m>rr?(rJWM?4i?t?ri?Ma'U*'f?i ? v.?- t-"-^-r> cwJ.J- ?, ̂bltf <,wuij Tim? .XwMmMiut/ltttauJkb t>0 in?* t

..?rwlv?ifH?^.hP^w|,nVM^H^W|^VH^mV>Ltf^ ? I Ate**?? ??? 4???? f r? ? '?qui? li ?? (MntniK lar&Lrt r?'/\Wf Ar?rn*mifUiiWwftw tn-wMW/iWjfar

fr, I ?vi.n,v!< Sitrn.^? Cmf,it? Mix, U.-nttpil? Riio.r,n.|T?L?4?l.pnrîjBfe" iwukiM? ?? 11 .? - f,M.V..-i....mr. .n.ffi" r Sn?f Aim* miw?

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fuMli <j>w JJ^mjftljpjM- Ju^tiumpWl Ami? /*C?i?tiJO? |yr iKinhi? < cjfU<iJM*TtM(i num>u<.L?u>it ?ukbmu. lW??ni?<t?ynfci/j ?"'/y'^ a W M.niun jrjpnfi tdiû im"? r.uklriihra ?nardfuaa n? iWti|ti **r* fmrr 'rt .atkbUh.i ?um cmiCi ua .i/.iiinci<a* V4? 4f>3 numfe <vn imim i n.t.nr.i l^wkkf... iuhnj f>h ?twilMÎ 4r*Ut J< Ii i .*?u. tjff*"< viitnqiugtiKJ *ti- JUu<a? loui* ?1M91IM iA<u <npr.< <l<m> ?um? fubmi?? <uifaj(|iin.t ??*. .x<"inii?* Irw At? . fi'mitl <4pwwK f?im ran? *x)iminu* mir mu^ndi?X^<itikT4eju#HMlri Hjlrma?(ili7j'*iirf.l 3C?i. ii> tTj?<*ti? k r?i^ .fnittiatt ?Ha rru-inr?tu; _~-^SlwO i

* irtiifiu??M?C

PLATE 10 (Cohen, Fig. 7). Glossarium Salomonis, Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm. 13002, fol. 5v, diploma (photo: Bayerische Staats?

bibliothek, by permission).

PLATE 12 (Ousterhout, Fig. 7). Taking of Jerusalem, from the History of William of Tyre, 14th cent., Paris, Bibliotheque nationale de France, MS

fr. 352, fol. 52 v (photo: courtesy of the BnF).



Cohen Making Memories in a Medieval Miscellany

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