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The Christianization of Space along the via Appia: Changing Landscape in the Suburbs of RomeAuthor(s): Lucrezia SperaSource: American Journal of Archaeology, Vol. 107, No. 1 (Jan., 2003), pp. 23-43Published by: Archaeological Institute of AmericaStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40026565Accessed: 31-12-2015 16:10 UTC

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2/22

h e

hristianization

o

S p a c e

a l o n g

t h

i a

A p p i a

hanging Landscape

n

t h u b u r b s

o R o m e

LUCREZIA SPERA

Abstract

This article examines

the

changes

caused

by

the

Christianization

f the area

along

the Via

Appia

between

the third and seventh

century

and its

implications

for

our

knowledge

and

understanding

of

the

evolution

of

the suburban

andscape

in the Late

Antique city.During

the

mid-Imperialperiod

this area

was characterized

by

a

complex system

of

roads,

residential

districts, arms,

and

funerary

monuments.

Starting

rom the late second

cen-

tury,

t was

increasingly

devoted

to the

creation

of

"Chris-

tian

spaces,"

first

in the form of

surface

and

subterra-

nean

funerary complexes,

and later with churches and

monuments associatedwith the presence of the martyrs'

tombs.

In

the fourth and

early

fifth

century,

the

pres-

ence of Christian

cemeteries,

between the AurelianWall

and

the third

milestone,

contributed also to the

growth

of

secondary

access roads to the

funerarycomplexes.*

INTRODUCTION

There has been a

significant

increase in re-

search on suburban Rome

in

recent

years geared

to

achieving

a better

understanding

of

the trans-

formation that occurred in the area

beyond

the

Aurelian Wall.1There

are,

to

be

sure,

problems

in

the definition of the extra-urban

space vaguely

and

indiscriminately

referred

to

as "Suburbium"

or

"Campagna

Romana."2

In

addition,

studies of the

suburban area of the

city

have often

treated the

evidence of

funerary

areas and

residential sectors

separately. Finally,

there has been

markedly

little

interest

in

the

evolution of the

suburban land-

scape

in

the Medieval

period.

This

paper

is in-

tended as a

contribution to our

knowledge

and

understanding

of this

question

in

its

synthesis

and

analysis

of the

archaeological

evidence

relating

to

the Christianization of space between the third

and

seventh centuries

along

the Via

Appia,

one of

several

main roads

connecting

the

city

to its im-

mediate hinterland.

I

have chosen to

focus

chiefly

on the Via

Appia

as

it is

one of the few

suburban areas of

the modern

city

in which

intensive

development

has not taken

place,

resulting

in

a

largely

intact

archaeological

record

relating

to the

period

under

study.3

As I

hope

to

show,

the

picture

that

emerges

from the

evidence is

of a suburban

landscape

profoundly

changed

as

a direct

result of the

Christianizationof

the

urban core.

*

An earlier

version

of

this

paper

was

presented

at the work-

shop

"FromVilla o

Monastery:

ransformations

f

the Italian

Landscape

n

Late

Antiquity

nd n

the

Early

MedievalPeriod"

of the

Norwegian

nstituteat Rome in

November

2000.

1

am

particularly

rateful

o Anna

Leone for her

help

with the En-

glishwriting.

wish o thankBruce

Hitchnerand LisaFentress

for

their

comments

and

their efforts

in

editing

the

English

text. Gratitude s also due to the

AJA nonymous

reviewer or

his constructive riticism.

1

The

startingpoint

of this

new

stream n

the

study

of the

evolution f

Rome n

Late

Antiquity

as o be seen inthe Lexicon

Topographicum

rbisRomae

the

first

volume has been recent-

lypublished:LaRegina2001 and in thecolloquium"Suburbi-

um:Dalla crisidel sistemadelleville a

GregorioMagno," organized

by

L'Ecole

Francaise

e

Rome,

Soprintendenza

Archeologica

di

Roma,

Sovraintendenza

Comunale ai Beni

Culturali,

and

PontificiaCommissionedi

Archeologia

Sacra,

16-18

March

2000,

Rome

(forthcomingproceedings

include a

CD with a

collectionofdata rom newexcavations nd a

reanalysis

f

old

publications

with he aim to

understand

he area

surrounding

the

city

defensive

walls).

These new data

have

to be

consid-

ered

in

connection with the

published

studies

focusing

main-

ly

on the evolutionof the classical

city

n

Late

Antiquity

nd in

the

Early

Medieval

period:

ee

the

papers

n

Christie nd Lose-

by

1996;

n

Brogiolo

et al.

2000;

and in

Lavan

2001;

on

Rome

see

esp.

Harris

1999;

PaniErmini

1999.

These

articles

lso

pro-

vide a

complete

collection of

the

large

existing

bibliography

on this

subject.

2

Often

these

two

expressions

are

indifferently

used. Nev-

ertheless,

t is

necessary

o

point

out

that the

idea

of

"Campa-

gna

Romana" s

modern,

commonly

used

principally

n

topo-

graphical

tudies

n

19thand

20th

centuries

see

Lanciani1909

and Tomassetti

1975-1980).

Suburbium

nd

suburbanus,

ven

if

it is

literally

referring

to the

space

"suburben

i.e.,

beyond

the

city

the

area closer to the

city

walls),

has been

used

by

historical

ourceswitha

broad

topographical

meaning,gener-

allywithin20-25 miles fromthe citywalls(occasionally t re-

fers alsotoa

larger

distance,

such as in

Simmachuswho

men-

tions the

"center

of

Spoletium"

s

"suburbanus,"

ecause

t

is

included within

the 100

miles

of

the

jurisdiction

of the urban

praefectura

[Simm.

Epist.

3.13.2]).

On these

problems,

see

Champlin

1982,

and more

recently

La

Regina

2001,

1-2)

.

3

On

the

archaeology

f

the Via

Appia,

ee

Angelini

and Fea

1828;

Canina

1853;

Ripostelli

and

Marucchi

1908;

Castagnoli

1956;

Castagnoli

t

al.

1972;

Quilici

1977,

1989;

Quilici

Gigli

1990;

FondazioneMemmo

1997;

Spera

1999;

and

most

recent-

ly,

Bruni

et al.

2001.

American

Journal

of Archaeology

07

(2003)

23-43

23

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3/22

24

LUCREZIA

SPERA

[AJA107

THE

SUBURBAN

AREA

ALONG

THE VIA APPIA

IN

THE IMPERIAL

PERIOD:

A

STARTING

POINT

The

landscape

of the Via

Appia extending up

to the

eighth-ninth

milestone4

during

the

Impe-

rial period was dominated by residential districts

linked

by

a

complex system

of

secondary

roads.5

The

principal

axis

was,

of

course,

the Via

Appia,

though

some

secondary

roads connected to the

Viae Ardeatina and Satricana

to the

southwest,6

and the Via Latina to the northwest.7

The resi-

dential areas included

large private properties,

such as the

Triopium

f Herodes

Atticus between

the second and third

miles,8

and the villa of the

Quintilii

at the fifth mile.9 There were also a

large

number of

buildings containing

production

and

craft

structures,10

commercial

areas,11

as well as

sanctuaries,

including

a

temple

of Mars

at the first

milestone, a

temple

of Rediculus at the second

milestone,

and a

sanctuary

of

Hercules at the

eighth

milestone.12 There were

numerous late

Re-

publican

and

early Imperial

tombs,

whose

prop-

erties were

managed

either

by

families or

by

colle-

gia funeraticia.15Generally, during

this

period,

the

suburbium eems to

have been

characterized

prin-

cipally by

the

private

property,

well

organized

by

functions of the different sector of

the extramu-

ral

territory.

EARLY CHRISTIAN

ARCHAEOLOGICAL

EVIDENCE

The "Christianization"

f

the Via

Appia appears

to

have

begun

in the

late second

or

early

third

cen-

tury with the establishment of the first cemeteries

used

by

the

community

of

the Church

of Rome.14

Prior to this

period

Christians

were buried

in the

same areas as

pagans.15

This

change suggests

a

pref-

erence

for an

independent

burial

space

where

Chris-

tians,

reflecting

a

growing

sense of

community,

could

act

charitably,

celebrate

funerary

rites,

and

experi-

ence death

as a

preparation

for

the

resurrection.

One

of these

cemeteries

sub divo

was

built

in the

area

between

the Via

Appia

and

the Via Ardeatina.

Excavated

n

the

late 19th

and

early

20th

centuries,

it measured

30

x

75

m,

and was

occupied

by graves

disposed

in different

layers

so as to

exploit

as

much

space as possible. Two underground axial galler-

ies,

reached

by parallel

stairs,

were

linked

by

cross-

tunnels,

with a

grid pattern

that

respected

the

edges

of the

space

above

ground

in relation with

the ence-

inte

(fig.

1).

This

cemetery

has

been

plausibly

den-

tified

as the one

managed

by

the

deacon

and future

Pope

Callixtus,

following

the decision

of

Pope

Ze-

firinus

(A.D.

199-217).

16

Another

cemetery,

initiated

in

the

early

third

century,

has been

identified

in the

Praetextatus

4Theconventionaledgeof the suburbium f Romehasbeen

established between the

eighth

and ninth miles.

This con-

ventional subdivisionbetween the

territory

f Rome and the

LatiumVetuswas

proposed

for the firsttimein the

plan by

H.

Kiepert

n CIL

4(1 887)

The same

map

has been

republished

in

CIL

6.8.2

(1996).

The same convention has

been also re-

cently

used

in

the LTUR

La

Regina

2001,

2).

5

For the

private

oads,

see

Capogrossi

Colognesi

1976,

52-

64, 197-221, 244-8;

BeltranLlorisand ArasaGil

1979-1980.

6Spera

1999,

451-52

and

pl.

2,

y,6,K,A,o;

omunedi

Roma-

UfficioCarta

dell'Agro

1988,

F.

24, 559s, 700s,

and F.

24,

598s.

See also

Ashby

1907,

pl.

1 Roads

connecting

withtheViaSatri-

cana

are ound

n

De Rossi

1967,107;Cecchinietal.

1989-1990,

115,

ig.

78;

Comunedi Roma-

Ufficio

Carta

dell'Agro

1988,

F.

25,

501s.

7Spera1999, 452, 456,pl. 2, e,el,o,o,T;Comune di Roma-

Ufficio Carta

dell'Agro

1988,

F.

24-25, 393s,

126s.

8For

Herodes

Atticus,

ee Graindor

979;

Neugebauer

1934;

Rutledge

1960;

Dickson1997.The name

"Tpioniov"ppears

n

C/G1.26,3.6280;

G14.1389-1

391;

C/L6.1342.

Cf.

Lugli

1924,

94-120;

Quilici

1968;

Kammerer-Grothaus

974;

PisaniSarto-

rio and Calza

1976, 131-41;

Coarelli

1981,

38-43.

A

summary

is found

in

Spera

1999,

353-5.

9Ashby

1909;

Ricci

1998;

Paris

2000.

10Manacorda

979;

Giitschow

1938,

106;

Spera

1999, 364,

n.

126,

366.

11

E.g.,

Caediciae abernae

adomini

. . . vocatae:Paul.

39L)

or

tabernae

plurimae,

near the horti

Crassipedis

Cic.

Q.

Fr.

3.7.2;

Spera

1999,54,

363)

For

examples

nearPortaSan

Sebastiano,

seeSpera1999, 63-4, 363; or a statio r deversoriumdXhe sixth

mile,

Quilici

1977,

86;

Coarelli

1981, 59;

Cecchini

etal. 1989-

1990,

119.

12

No clear

archeaological

vidence

related

o these sanctu-

arieshas

been recorded.

Fora

complete

bibliography,

ee

Spera

1999,

50-2

(on

the

temple

of

Mars),

184

(on

the

temple

of

Rediculus)

Coarelli

1981,

62-3

(on

the

sanctuary

f

Hercules)

13The ombs

fall into two

categories:

ate

Republican

and

earlyImperial

monumental

private

ombs

along

the Via

Ap-

pia

and

a

well-organized

series of

funerary

buildings

lined

up

along

secondary

roads.

The latterdate from

the end

of

the first

century

A.D. Von

Hesberg

1994, 32-8,

50-5,

112-

230,

passim;

1987,

43-60.

For these

necropoleis,

see Fasola

1984;

Spera

1999,

139-55

("della

Torre

ta"),

209-25,

238-

9,

246

(under

St.

Sebastian)

266-7,

280-3

(near

the circus

ofMaxentius) L.Fiorelli,NSc1877,272,311-2;R.Lanciani,

NSc

1878, 36, 67,

134-6, 164-6,

369-70;

BullCom

878,

107-

19;

NSc

1879,

15-6;

BullCom

880,

46-8

(Forte

Appio).

For

the

necropolis

called "of

Lucina,"

ee

Reekmans

1964,

11-

34;

Spera

1999,

99-108, 373,

376.

14

The

evidence s earlier

han that

recorded

nside the

city,

where information

or this

period

is

lacking

or

only

partially

known

(Pani

Ermini

2000,

withall earlier

bibliography)

15FiocchiNicolai

1997, 121;

1998,

13-4.

16Hyppol.

Philosoph.,

.12.14.

For the

open-air

enclosure,

see

De Rossi

1864-1877, 3:498-9;

Fasola

1983;

1986,

176-82;

Spera

1999,

1

1

1-3,

173.For he callistian

"area

,"

ee

De Rossi

1864-1877,

vol.

2;

Styger

925-1926;

Fiocchi

Nicolai

1997,123;

1998, 16-7;

Spera

1999, 124-7,

378-9.



4/22

2003]

CHRISTIANIZATIONOF SPACE

IN

THE SUBURBS

OF ROME 25

Fig.

1. Catacomb of Callixtus:enclosure and

underground

tunnels of "area

I"

Fig.

2.

Necropolis

of Praetextatus:

pen-air

graves.

Courtesy

of ArchivioCommissione

di

Archeologia

Sacra)

complex,

located

along

a crosswiseaxis of the Via

Appia, corresponding

more or less to the modern

Appia Pignatelli.17

t included an enceinte sub divo

(36

x

30

m)

with tunnels reached

by

two

stairs that

respected

the

edges

of

the enclosure

(figs.

2-3).

On the

east side of

the enceinte

a

large

abandoned

cistern was transformed

into a burial

complex

with

numerous

loculi

dug

into the walls.

This structure

was

later connected

to the

main area

by

new tun-

nels,

which

extended

beyond

the

original

limits

of

the enclosure.18

These two burial

complexes

were

established

at

some distance

from

the Via

Appia,

presumably

re-

flecting

the need for

undeveloped

(and less ex-

pensive)

space.19

The

expanding

demand

for

a col-

lective

and

egalitarian

funerary space

must certain-

ly explain

the construction

of

tunnels,

now

widely

17Spera

1999, 454-5,

ns.

114-7;

for the Via

Asinaria,

see

also Man

2001.

18

For the

enclosure,

see

Josi

1932;

Tolotti

1978, 160-1;

Spera

1999, 192, 375;

for the earlier

catacomb,

Tolotti

1978;

Fiocchi Nicolai

1997, 123; 1998, 18;

Spera

1999,

199-203.

19

Many

cemeteries,

in

fact,

were created

by private

dona-

tions,

as shown

by

their

toponomy,

which

often

preserves

he

memory

of

the

benefactor,

as

in

the

coemeteriumraetextati

(Fiocchi

Nicolai

1998,

23).

The

Callixtan

omplex,

however,

was

probably

urchased

directly y

he Church

of Rome

(Spera

1999,373).



5/22

26

LUCREZIASPERA

[AJA107

Fig.

3.

Necropolis

f

Praetextatus:

he

original

unnels

under he

enclosure

understood to be the

origins

of the

catacombs,20

that occurs

simultaneously

with the

exploitation

of

the

aboveground funerary

areas.

Christians were not

always

and

exclusively

bur-

ied

in

collective

cemeteries;

pagan family

tombs

were

occasionally

used

for

the

insertion

of Chris-

tian

graves.

For

instance,

a

third-century

a cassa omb

decorated with a scene from the

Jonah

cycle

was

inserted

into a

second-century

columbarium,

sited

in

front of the Circus of Maxentius

(fig.

4)

.21Simi-

lar

evidence also has been recorded at the

necrop-

olis,

later covered

by

the Basilica of Saint Sebastian.

Around the

middle

of the third

century

a

repre-

sentation of the "Gadarene madman" from the

Gospel

of Matthewwas

painted

into the

decoration

of the attic of the monumental second-centurymau-

soleum of Clodius Hermes.

Evidence

supporting

the identification of a

specifically

Christian

iconog-

raphy

here included several tombs

placed

in

a cir-

cle

in the

open

area

(piazzola)

ocated

in

front of

this

mausoleum.

On some of these an anchor or a

fish

was inserted

into the

epitaph,

making

a covert

declaration of the

Christian faith

(fig.

5).22

This

Christian

presence

ad catacumbas

i.e., the necrop-

olis

below Saint

Sebastian)

at the

third

mile of the

Via

Appia

became more

evident from

the

second

half of the third

century

onward. In

this

phase

the

burial

ground

on the

piazzola

was

buried,

and a

new cult area

dedicated to

Saints

Peter and Paul

was created.23

This

change

was

perhaps

brought

about

by

the

inaccessibility

of the

tombs of

the

two

martyrs,

one at the Vatican

cemetery

and the

other

along

the

Via

Ostiensis as a result

of the

persecu-

tions of

Valerian

in

A.D.

257.

A

small

porch, pre-

ceded

by

a

square

called

the triclia

by

its

excavator,24

preserved

on its

walls hundreds of

inscriptions

with

the names of the devotees gathered for the funer-

ary

banquets (refrigeria)

n

honor

of the

two saints

(fig.

6).25

That the

immediate area was not

as

yet

monopolized

by

Christian

structures is revealed

by

the dedication of

three marble

altars,

two to

the

God Attis

and one to

Jupiter

by

the vir

clarissimus

20Fiocchi icolai

1997,122-4;1998,15-24;

Pergola

997,

57-64.

21Nestori

969;

Brandenburg

984, 0-1;

Spera

999,

80-

2,

371.

22Carletti

981,287-307.

23

Spera

1999,

219-20.

24Styger

918,

8-98.The

space

was

onsidered

y

Rodolfo

Lanciani

Lanciani

920)

o be a tavern

or

wayfarers

ecause

of the

modesty

f its

structure.

25

ICUR

.12097-13096.



6/22

2003]

CHRISTIANIZATIONOF SPACE IN THE SUBURBS OF ROME

27

Fig.

4. The scene from the

Jonah

cicle

in

the colombarium near the

Circus of Maxentius.

(Courtesy

of

Archivio

Commissionedi

Archeologia

Sacra)

Fig.

5. "Piazzola"under the Basilica of Saint Sebastian: loculuswith Christian

epitaph.

(Courtesy

of ArchivioCommissione di

Archeologia

Sacra)



7/22

28

LUCREZIASPERA

[AJA107

Fig.

6. The

"Triclia" edicated to SaintsPeter

and Paul under the Basilicaof Saint

Sebastian:

plastic

model.

(Courtesy

of ArchivioCommissionedi

Archeologia

Sacra)

and

augur

Lucius Cornelius

Scipio Orphitus, orga-

nizer of a

tauroboliumnd a criobolium

n

A.D.

295.

26

Before the

reign

of Constantine and the so-called

Peace of the Church the martyrs' graves were not

visited

by many

devotees.

They

were not

yet

charac-

terized

by

distinctive

structures,

and

were

general-

ly

similar to other burials

within the

cemetery.27

hus

the

martyr Pope

Sixtus the

second,

executed dur-

ing

the

persecution

of

Valerian,

had

a

simple

mensa

tomb,

placed

at the end of a cubiculum f the Callix-

tan

complex

where

other

members of the

clergy

(nine

third-century

popes

and some African bish-

ops)

were buried

(fig.

7).28

TRANSFORMATIONS DURING

THE

FOURTH

CENTURY A.D.

As seen so

far,

the

relatively undeveloped

rural

landscape along

the

Via

Appia provided ample

space

for

its initial

exploitation

as a burial area

by

the

emerging

Christian

community

of Rome. This

process

of

exploitation

gains speed

and

takes on

new forms in the fourth century,most notablyin the

development

of

funerary complexes

both above-

and

underground,

and

in

the

emergence

of struc-

tures

relating

to

the Christian

cult,

principally

con-

nected with the

presence

of the

martyrs'

tombs.29

The New

Funerary Complexes

During

the fourth

century,

the

collective ceme-

teries of the third

century,

such as those

of Callix-

tus and

Praetextatus,

developed

in

an

unprecedent-

ed fashion.

In

both

cases the areas

sub divo were

enlarged

with the

addition of the

mausolea of

wealthy

families

(fig.

8).30

At the same

time,

the

underground

complexes

were extended, with new

nuclei connected

to the earlier

tunnels,

creating

26

CIL6.505

=

30781,

506

=

30782,

402.

This evidence is

significant

(but

not the

only

one)

to

highlight

the closeness

of

Christian nd

Pagan unerary

and cult

spaces.

See Verma-

seren

1977, 357;

Chioffi

1998,

62;

Spera

1999,

259.

27

Spera

1998,

21-36.

28

Spera

2000,

49-50.

29

For the

Christianization f Roman suburbs

ee,

in

gener-

al,

Reekmans

1968, 1989;

Fiocchi Nicolai

1997,

122-34.

30

E.g.,

the mausolea

of the Cercennii

nd the Calventii

n

Praetextatus

emetery

(Windfeld

Hansen

1969;

Rausa

1997,

76-87)

. These mausolea

became the

focal

point

for other

modest

graves:

lso,

in the Callixtus

area,

during

excavation,

De Rossi

ound numerous ormaeand burials

on different

ay-

ers all

around the east trichora

De

Rossi

1864-1877,

vol.

3,

tav.

39;

Spera

1999,

109-11,

115).



8/22

2003]

CHRISTIANIZATION

OF SPACE IN

THE SUBURBS

OF ROME 29

Fig.

7.

Catacomb

of Callixtus:cubiculumwithhe tomb of

Pope

Sixtus.

(Courtesy

of

ArchivioCommissionedi

Archeologia

Sacra)

new ramifications and

resulting

in

a

more elabo-

rate network.

These

new

extensions contrasted

sharply

with the

uniformity

of

the earlier

complex-

es: more

grandiose

architectural

volumes

were

ob-

tained

by

the excavation

of the

bedrock,

with

the

principal

aim of

showing

off

privileged

social

sta-

Fig.

8.

Necropolis

of Praetextatus:mausoleum

of the Calventii.

Courtesy

of

ArchivioCommissione

di

Archeologia

Sacra)



9/22

30 LUCREZIASPERA

[AJA107

Fig.

9. Catacombof Callixtus:monumental cubiculum.

(Courtesy

of

ArchivioCommissione

di

Archeologia

Sacra)

tus,

as

was the case with the

open-air

mausolea

(fig.

9)

.31The same

features

are

evident

in

the new

necro-

poleis

of the

fourth

century,

such as the

complexes

of

Marcus and Marcellianus and of Marcus and Bal-

bina,both of whichwerecreated near the ViaArdeat-

ina,

or that "of

the

Holy

Cross,"32

n the eastern

side of the Via

Appia,

and

in

the burial area con-

nected with the Basilica

Apostolorum.33

These new

complexes

were located

within the third

milestone

and

contained both an

aboveground cemetery

and

a catacomb.

These new

necropoleis

marked a

major

trans-

formation

in

the earlier

patterns

of the suburban

area.

Rural areas that were once used for

farming

were

occupied by

two

large funerary complexes,

one associated

with

Pope

Marcus34 nd

the other

with

the

martyrs

Marcus and Marcellianus.

Excava-

tions

by

the

Trappist

fathers at the

beginning

of

the

20th

century

demonstrated

that

the latter cem-

etery

was

located over a rural villa

of the

late Re-

publican or early Imperial period.35A rural land-

scape

can also

be

suggested

from the

archaeolog-

ical evidence

under

the

large

funerary

basilica

dedicated

to

Pope

Marcus

(336)

and

partially

ex-

cavated

by

Vincenzo

Fiocchi Nicolai

(fig.

10)

.36

This

structure and the

Basilica

Apostolorum

later ded-

icated to Saint

Sebastian at

the third

mile of the

Via

Appia

are "circiform"

or

ambulatory

basilicas,37

and their

construction

changed

the

physical

land-

scape

considerably.

In

both

cases the land

first was

terraced and leveled

to create

large

areas

for the

construction

of

imposing

structures.38

It is inter-

31

Fiocchi Nicolai

1997, 126,

esp.

129-31; 1998,

41-5. On

the Callixtus

complex,

see

Spera

1999,

123-33, 403;

on the

Praetextatus

atacomb,

ee Tolotti 1978

(see

also

Spera

1999,

199-205,403-4).

32

The catacombhasbeen named aftera

painted

cross ocat-

ed

in

one of the

galleries

n

the

complex

by

the

discoverer,

Antonio Ferrua

Ferrua1953)

33

For the

cemetery

of Marcusand

Marcellianus,

ee Saint

Roch

1999;

Spera

1999,

88-9

and,

most

recently,

Saint

Roch

2001;

for that of Marcusand

Balbina,

see

Spera

1999, 80-7;

2001

on the catacomb f the

Holy

Cross,

ee Ferrua

953;

Spera

1999,

178-82.

For the Basilica

Apostolorum,

see

Spera

1999,

252-6.

34

Fiocchi Nicolai

1995;

Fiocchi

Nicolai et al.

1995-1996

(1999).

35

O.

Marucchi,

JV&1906, 10-2;

Nestori

1990,

110-1

(see

also

Spera

1999,

87-9).

36

Fiocchi Nicolai et

al. 1995-1996

(1999),

73-5,

139-45.

37

Six structureswith

these characteristics

re

known

n

the

suburbsof Rome.

The most

important

studies

on them are

Krautheimer

1960;

Tolotti

1982;

Torelli

1992;

Jastrzebowska

1993.

38Quilici

1968, 334-7,

n.

2;

De

Angelis

Bertolotti

1983.



10/22

2003]

CHRISTIANIZATIONOF SPACE IN

THE SUBURBS OF ROME

31

Fig.

10.Ambulatoria-basilicaf

Pope

Marcus.

(Courtesy

f ArchivioCommissione

di

Archeologia

Sacra)

esting

to

note that the

complex

of the

emperor

Maxentius,

which included a

villa,

the mausole-

um of

Romulus,

and a

circus,

was also undertaken

during

the

same

period.39

These simultaneous

developments highlight

the

emerging importance

of the

new ecclesiastical

purchaser

relative to the

emperor.

The basilica of

Marcus was

built

in

an area

of ir-

regular

landforms,

where

substantial

terracing

of

the bedrock

must have been

necessary.40

imilarly,

the Basilica

Apostolorum,

dedicated to

Sts. Peter

and

Paul

in

the Constantinian

period,

was

built on

irregular

terrain

covered

by

earlier

buildings

(fig.

11).

Here

all of the earth and earlier

structures

39Pisani artorioand Calza 1976 on the

villa;

Rasch 1984

on

the

mausoleum;

Ioppolo,

Pisani Sartorio et al. 1999 on

the circus.

40Fiocchi

Nicolai et al.

1995-1996

(1999),

74-5,

142-5.



11/22

32

LUCREZIASPERA

[AJA107

Fig.

11. Basilicaof Saint Sebastian:

plastic

model.

(Courtesy

of Archivio Commissione

di

Archeologia

Sacra)

near the Via

Appia

(on

the

east)

which

lay

at a

high-

er

level,

were cut

away,exposing

traces of the under-

ground

tunnels while the lower structures on

the

west side were filled in.41The

huge ambulatory

ba-

silicas,

created as collective

funerary

areas,

also served

as the focal

points

for

the construction of

rich mau-

solea,

which were

distributed all

around

them42and

influenced the

position

of the catacombs.

These Christian cemeteries

were

the

principal

feature of the

landscape

between the Aurelian Wall

and the third milestone of the

Via

Appia during

the

late fourth and

early

fifth

century.

New

roads and

secondary

lanes were created to reach the

funerary

complexes.

This

phenomenon

is

particularly

clear

in

the area near the Via

Ardeatina,

on the northern

side of the

cemetery

of

Callixtus,

where the

align-

ment of the stairs of some of the

underground

com-

plexes

follows that of the basilica of

Marcus,

which

suggests

the existence of at least

two new

tracks that

were

used

to reach the cemeteries

(fig. 12).43

The rise of collective Christian cemeteries re-

duced the number and

importance

of

smaller

prop-

erties owned

privately

or

by

collegia

r different

reli-

gious

groups.

A

few

are known the

Jewish

cata-

combs44 nd

the one dedicated

to devotees

of

Mith-

ras and Sabatius45

fig.

13)

-

but

they

do not seem

to have

had much

impact

on the

landscape.

There

are

very

few

burials sub divo

that are

not connected

to the

large

cemeteries,46

while

the

number of

pri-

vate

underground

complexes,

with a limited

amount

of

burials,

is

exiguous.47

Although

the creation

of the new

cemeteries

must be

considered

in the

light

of a mass

phe-

nomenon of

Christianization

that

included all

social

classes,48

we must consider

the

degree

to

which

the new structures

themselves

trans-

formed

the

funerary

customs of the suburbs.

The

evidence

from the

Via

Appia

provides

a

signifi-

cant

example

of these

changes.

Before the Chris-

tian

period

both

epigraphic

evidence

and his-

torical

sources describe

the

Roman desire

for

commemoration

in

the

eyes

of

passers-by.49

Land-

owners often built

their tombs

within

the

limits

of their

praedia,

and

adjacent

to

a

major

road

(fig.

41

Spera

1999,

esp.

229-30,

387-8.

42

See

fig.

15.

43

Spera

1999,

455-6 and

pl.

2, 6,91,1.

44Forhe

Vigna

Randamm

atacomb,

Vismara

1986,371-8;

Rutgers

1990;

Vitali

1994,

25-9;

Spera

1999,

262-5.

For the

Vigna

Cimarra

atacomb,

De Rossi

1867;

Vismara

1986, 360;

Vitali

1994, 29;

Spera

1999, 258, 325-6;

see also the historical

discussionn

Rutgers

1992.

45

For the

catacombof

Vibia,

see Ferrua

1971,

1973

(Spera

1999,

174-5).

46

E.g., heone whereConstantinian oins havebeenfound,

located

near he mausoleum

of Cecilia

Metella

(Cereghino

nd

Meogrossi

1986;

Spera

1999, 292,

392).

47

E.g.,

the

Schneider

Hypogeum

(Ferrua1963)

or

the one

of the Hunters

(Wumbrand-Stuppach

927)

both located

on

the east

side of the Via

Appia

(Spera

1999, 171,

400-1).

48Mazzarino

974,

esp.

51-73;

Sordi

1984, 79-103;

Meeks

1992.

See also Brown

1972;

Pietri

1978;

Brown

1982.

49Purcell

987;

von

Hesberg

1994,

esp.

32-50;

see

also Susi-

ni

1978;

Eck1996.

On theVia

Appia,

within he

third

mile,

Spera

1999,

esp.

347-50.

Forsome

images,

ee Canina

1853,

pls.

2,

6,

16-18, 20-21, 25-26, 29-31, 33, 36, 39, 41-42,

44-47.



12/22

2003]

CHRISTIANIZATIONOF SPACE IN THE

SUBURBS OF ROME

33

Fig.

12.

General

map

with

the

catacombs

of

Marcus-Marcellianus nd Balbina at the

beginning

of

fifth

century:

1,

basilica of

Pope

Marcus;2,

catacomb

of

Balbina; 3,

catacomb

of

Saints Marcusand Marcellianus.

(After

Fiocchi

Nicolai et al.

1995-96

[1999])

14).50 Of course, many people were buried far

from their homes inside the

city.

In

the late

Republican

and

early

Imperial

periods,

the in-

scriptions on some tombs mention not only the

dead

person's profession,

but also the

area of

Rome

in

which

they

worked.51

50Mansuelli

978.

51

E.g.,

an

argentarius

banker)

macelli

magniwas

buried at

the fourth mile of

the Via

Latina

(

CIL

.9183)

while another

manworked

n

a wine

forum,

perhaps

on the

Campus

Martius,

and wasburiedbetween the

eighth

and

the

ninth

miles of the

ViaLabicana CIL

.9182)

The

epitaphs

of two nhabitants f

Rome,

a

crepidarius

shoemaker)

deSubura

CIL6.9284)

and

a

midwifeat

MonsEsquilinvs

CIL

.972

1

both come fromTor

Sapienza,

on the Via

Praenestina,

long

way

rom

the

center

of the

city.

Some similar

inscriptions

were

found

along

this

route,

heading

toward he Via

Appia.

The

epitaphs

ound far

from

the

city

wallmention a vinarius

wine

seller)

de

Velabro

(CIL6.9993)

from

Casal

Rotondo,

a

pigmentariusperfumer)

in

vicusLorariusCIL

.9796)

found in Torre

Selci,

both

locat-

ed at the sixth

mile;

and a

margaritariusjeweler)

de ViaSacra

(

CIL

.9545)

who

probably

ivedat

the end of the

Republican

period,

was

buried between the sixth

and the

seventh mile of

the Via

Appia.



13/22


14/22

2003]


IN

THE

SUBURBS

OF ROME

35

Fig.

15. Basilicaof Saint Sebastian:

plastic

model with the south-sidemausolea.

(Courtesy

f Archivio

Commissione

di

Archeologia

Sacra)

From this it

appears

that,

prior

to

the

Christian

development

of the

area,

there was an

unregulated

and

unsystematic

quality

to the

placement

of tombs

as far as the eighth-ninth mile.52In the third and

fourth

centuries, however,

there is notable decrease

in

funerary activityalong

the Via

Appia, beyond

the

zone

intensively occupied by

the common

Christian

cemeteries,

that

is,

between the third and

eighth-

ninth

mile.53

Specifically, only

10

funerary inscrip-

tions are known

beyond

the third milestone that can

be dated to the fourth

century

A.D. or later as

op-

posed

to the over

6,000

Christian

epitaphs

from the

Christian

complexes along

the Via

Appia published

in

ICUR4 and 5.

In

essence,

the

population

of Rome

seems to

have

accepted

the creation of an articulat-

ed network of suburban

necropoleis,

ringing

the

city

up

to the thirdmilestone,

marking

a clear break with

the

burial

patterns

of

the

Imperial

period.

Senators

and

members

of the

upper

classes

generally

changed

their custom

of

building

isolated

mausolea

on

their

own properties,and began to build them inside the

collective cemeteries

(fig.

15).

The

individual

iden-

tity

of the owner

and

his

family

was

maintained,

along

with

the

display

of his

wealth,

but

now the

principal

determinant

of

the location

of the

tomb was

the

vi-

cinity

of the tomb

of a

martyr.

This is

particularly

rue

of the

imperial

mausolea associated

with

some

of

the

major complexes.54

THE

CHRISTIAN

PRESENCE

IN RURAL

AREAS

Beyond

the

ring

of Christian

complexes

we find

cemeteries

associatedwith

rural settlements.

These

are often

very simple

and

poor,

and,

for this

reason,

difficult to date with precision. The only example

52

Evidenceof

people working

n

the Via

Sacracomes from

distinct

parts

of the Via

Appia:

rom the

necropolis

near

the

gate

(

C/L6.9548,9935, 5287,

9212)

from the areaat the third

mile

(

CIL

.9239)

aswell as for the

already

ited

margaritarius;

then two

inscriptions

related to

people

ab ara marmoreaere

found

respectively

ear Porta

Capena

(

CIL

.9403)

and at the

third-fourthmile of the

Appia

(CIL6.10020).

53Canina

853,

9.

E.g.,

CIL

.1428,

31651

(a.

241;

see Can-

ina

1853, 113-5;

Quilici

1977,

70;

Coarelli

1981,

51).

E.g.,

the

sarcophagus

f L. AnniusOctaviusValerianus

CIL

.117

43)

third/fourth

century

comes

from the

Via

Appia,

at the sixth

mile

(Casal

Rotondo):

see Felletti

Maj

1976,

245-7.

The

only

exception

is the

site at the fourth

mile,

which

I will

analyze

below.

54

Examples

nclude

Helen's

mausoleumadduos

hums

Guy-

on

1987,

217-9)

,

Constanza's

mausoleum

n Sant

Agnese

(Fru-

taz

1976,

72-93)

,

and

Theodosius's

mausoleum

near the

Vat-

ican Basilica

(Biering

and von

Hesberg

1987;

Johnson

1990,

38-43;

Rasch

1990).

See also

Fiocchi

Nicolai

1997,

128.



15/22

36 LUCREZIASPERA

[AJA107

Fig.

16. The site on the west side of the Via

Appia (proprieta

Lugari) map

of the

archaeological

vidence.

(After

Ripostelli

and Marucchi

1908)

along

the via

Appia

is a site on the west side at the

fourth milestone

excavated at the

end of the 19th

century

(fig.

16)

55 t includes a late Roman

necrop-

olis located on the remains

of a

second-century

villa

connected to the

Via

Appia by

a

private

ane flanked

by opus

mixtum

walls.56 t the end

of the fourth

centu-

ry

the road was

partially

blocked

by

a

monumental

tomb in brick,which has recentlybeen excavatedby

a

Norwegian

team. The

tomb was intended to

con-

tain

sarcophagi,

but was also

used for

burials in

for-

mae,

which

were covered

by

an

opus

ectile

pavement.57

Two

sepulchral

exedrae

on the sides

of the

building

were

found,

while the tombs

were located in

the

open

area. There

were also several

burials in

amphorae,

probably

for

children,58

randomly

distributed

around

the abandoned

spaces

of

the

villa,

some of

which were

intentionally

restored

to be

reused as

funerary

areas.59

The 61

graves

recorded

to date in

the area

belong

to the late

fourth or

early

ifthcentu-

ry.60 nscriptions,

lamps,

and

decorated

glassware

containing Christiansymbolswere also found (fig.

17).61

n

sum,

the

site

appears

to be a

large funerary

complex

with a

single

distinctive

tomb,

the

mausole-

um

that

belonged

to the dominus

f the

fundus

and

his

family.

The

high

number of

burials

suggests

the

presence

of a

settlement

nearby,

perhaps

in

the villa

itself; indeed,

the creation

of a

late

storeroom con-

taining

dolia

was recorded

during

the

excavation.62

CHRISTIANIZATION F

SPACEAND

MARTYRS

CULTS

In

addition to

the

expansion

of

cemeteries

in

the

fourth

century,

the role of

the

martyrs'

cults

increased. The "Holy Space"that

they

defined had

a

significant

new role in

the

organization

of the

suburbs.

In

the course of

a

very

few decades

new

basilicas and

oratories were

constructed,

although

not all of these

have been

recovered

(fig.

18).

Many

of these

were

constructed above

the

early

funerary

complexes:

for

example,

above the

catacomb of

Callixtus a

sanctuary

was

constructed over the

tomb

of

Pope

Zefirinus,

associated

with the

one of

the

55

NSc

1883, 130, 420-1; 1884, 80,

104;

1885,

71;

1887,

277-

83;1889,272;

1893,

33

(Lanciani

884,

54;

Lanciani

885,

104)

See also

Lugari

890,1882,1910;

Ripostelli

nd

Marucchi

908,

196-204;mostrecently,WindfeldHansen1990;1996.

56

See,

in

general,

Cantino

Wataghin

1994,

esp.

145- 6 with

bibliography.

57

Windfeld Hansen

1990,

1996.

58

Becker

1994.

For burials

n

amphoras,

see Green

1977,

esp.

47;

Soren and Soren

1999,

463-651

(esp.

490s).

59

NSc

1884, 80; 1887, 177-283; 1889, 272; 1893,

33.

60

The excavationsdid not

identify

the limits of the cem-

etery,making

t

likely

that that there were more burials.

The

chronological

imits for this

cemetery

are determined

by

an

inscription

dated

betweenAD. 365and373

(/CC/R5.15351),

a coin

of

Constans,

a

fragment

of a

sarcophagus

with

a

crossat

either

side,

a transenna

ecoration,

and a

stamp

referring

to

the

emperors

Valens,Valentinian,

and Gratian.For the sar-

cophagus,

NSclSS7,

278

(Deichmann

etal.

1967,

n.

243, 687,

856 aresimilarsarcophagi) orthestampon abrick,probably

CIL

5.1662

(Archivio

Centraledello

Stato,

Roma,

Ministero

della

pubblica

struzione.

Direzione

Generate

Antichita Belle

Arti,

2

versamento: affari

generali

-

scavi e

antichita

musei gallerieepinacoteche

oggetti

d'artedivisi

per prov-

ince:

busta246

(Roma

Suburbio-ViaLatinae

ia

Appia)

.

4270

(Relazione

1882-1883).

61

ICUR

5.15351,

15427,

15431;

NSc

1887, 277, 279,

282;

1889,

272.

62

NSc

1883, 420-1;

1884, 80; 1893, 33;

Spera

(forthcom-

ing),

n. 133. From the

villa of the

Quintilii

comes other

evi-

dence connected to

Christianity.

An

alabasterdisc

(fig.

17)

showedthe

monogram

of Christ

and was

nscribedwitha

gen-

itive

plural

name,

perhaps

[

Quintili

arum

ICUR5.

5413)

The

integration

s that of

De Rossi

(1873,

88-94);

most

recently

Carletti

1999,

16 n.

12

(fourth/fifth

century).

A

fourth-centu-

ry

nscription,

discovered

n

the

17th

century

at the

same

site,

asksGodfor

protection

or the land

belonging

to the

virperfec-

tissimus ustus

(ICUR

.15410;

see C.

Lega

and S.

Orlandi,

n

Di Stefano Manzella1997,270-1). It is possiblethat thissite



16/22

2003]

CHRISTIANIZATION

OF SPACE IN THE SUBURBS OF ROME 37

Fig.

17. Alabaster

disc with the

Christgram

rom the Villa of

the

Quintili.

(After

De Rossi

1873)

Fig.18.Mapwith allsanctuariesn the areaAppia-Ardeatina.

martyr

Tarsicius

(fig.

19).63

Not far

from

the

basilica

dedicated to

Marcus,

and close to the sub divo sanc-

tuary

of the

martyrs

Marcus and

Marcellianus,

Pope

Damasus ordered

the

building

of a tomb for him-

self, his mother, and his sister at the end of the

fourth

century.64

At

the

same time

another

complex

was dedicated

to Soter

probably

on the east side of

the Via

Appia,65

while

in

the

fifth

century

Pope

Leo

I founded a basilica

apud corpus

dedicated to Cor-

nelius.66 The cult of the

martyrs

was

directly

related

to the

development

of collective

open-air

cemeter-

ies in the

period

between

the fifth and seventh cen-

turies,

when the

suburban

necropoleis

remained

in

use,

although

there

is a

notable decrease

in

the

evidence,

possibly

caused

by

the

appearance

of

burials

in

the

city

itself67 and

to an

evident decline

in the

population

of Rome after the sack of Alaric.68

The complexes were transformed into large areas

retrosanctos,

or burials near

martyrs'

tombs,

with the

creation

of

privileged

spaces

and the reuse of earli-

er sites

and

sepulchral

structures.69

For

instance,

Fasola

interpreted

the

cemetery

at Torretta as asso-

ciated with

the

many

tombs of saints

in

the Callix-

tus

complex, reoccupying

an earlier

necropolis

at

the

beginning

of the fifth

century

with

poor

burials

and a small

catacomb,

which reused

existing

drain-

age

channels.70

The tombs of the

martyrs,

now decorated and

refurbished,

also became

important

sanctuaries for

the

living. They

continued

to

attract

pilgrims

even

after their abandonment as

funerary

sites. The cult

had been

partially

nhabited because some

parts

of the villa

were

clearly

estored

during

Late

Antiquity

nd the

Early

Mid-

dle

Ages.

Evidence of this can be discerned from the brick

stamps

datedtothe

reign

of Theodoric oundinthe

collapsed

wallsof the smallbaths

(Ricci

1986;

Paris

2000,

41)

or the sev-

eral late walls dentifiable n different

parts

of the

complex,

which was

probably

ransformed nto a

farm,

as shown

by

the

Sustus

inscription.

The

same evidence

of

continuity

of occu-

pation

seems to be confirmed

by

the burial

area,

dated

to the

fifth-sixth

centuries,

cut in the

ground,

at that time

probably

a

swamp,

and found on the eastern side of the "smallbaths"

(Ricci

1991,

467).

63Fasola1980.

64SaintRoch

986;FiocchiNicolaietal.

1995-1996

(1999),

127-9;

Spera

1999,

91.

65

The cult was

promoted

by

the

BishopAmbrogius

Spera

1999,

part.

77-8,

178-81).

66

Spera

1999, 108,415.

57

In this

period,

in

fact,

the

phenomenon

of the intra

moe-

raas-burials

egan:

see

Meneghini

and

Santangeli

Valenzani

1993,

1994.

68

On

demography

f

late

Imperial

Rome,

see

esp.

Lo Cascio

1997,

58-76.

69

As

recently

shown

by

the excavationof the

ambulatoria-

basilica

along

the

Via

Ardeatina,

where

the

upper ayers

of the

burial areaswere

systematically

eused:Fiocchi Nicolai et al.

1995-1996

(1999),

188-95.

70Fasola 984, 1985;Spera1999, 139-51, 398, 410.



17/22

38 LUCREZIASPERA

[AJA107

Fig.

19.

Necropolis

of Callixtus: he WestTrichora.

(Courtesy

of Archivio Commissione

di

Archeologia

Sacra)

areas

were

enlarged

to

receive

more

people.

In

the fifth

century

a

small tunnel

in

the Balbina cem-

etery

was turned into a

basilica,

perhaps

dedicat-

ed to the Greek martyrs (fig. 20). 71During the

same

period, Pope

Leo

I

(440-461)

ordered the

building

of a

ground

basilica,

probably

near the

stairs to

the

hypogeum,

to

preserve

the under-

ground

tomb of Cornelius.72

Meanwhile

the old

cemeteries

were

expanded by

a series of new struc-

tures

connected with the

martyrs'

cults and the

reception

of

visitors.

In

the fifth

century,

for exam-

ple,

Sixtus III founded

the first suburban monas-

tery

on the Via

Appia,

connected to the Basilica

Apostolorum.73

CONCLUSION

Despite

changes

in

the

organization

of

the

land-

scape

connected with the

funerary complexes

of

the Christian

community,

the

course

of the Via

Appia

was not

affected;

it

continued to serve trav-

elers,

offering

them a view of Rome's ancient

pros-

perity through

the

preservation

of

many

of the

monumental classical

buildings.74

Similar transfor-

mations,

it is

intuitable,

mark

generally

the

histo-

ry

of all Roman

suburbs from

Late

Antiquity

to the

Middle

Ages;

but

only

a

careful and

complete

ar-

chaeological analysis will reveal exactly the fea-

tures of

these

landscape

changes.

The

complex

network of sanctuaries

for which

evidence

exists

in

the

pilgrims'

guides

of the seventh

and

eighth

centuries is the end

point

of the Christianization

of

the suburban areas

developed

here.75

The

ring

of sites

outside the

city

walls in the seventh

centu-

ry,

before the transfer

of the

bodies of

the

martyrs

to the urban

churches,

indicates

the new

ideology

defined

by

the diffusion

of the

Christian

faith and

reflected

in

the

organization

of the suburbs.

The most

obvious

consequence

of this

phenom-

enon is the

transformation

of

private

into

public

and collective

spaces

that combined

funerary

and

cult functions

in

a

new

way.

Classical

writers

men-

tioned

horti,

praedia,

and

vMae sometimes

in con-

nection with

sanctuaries

and mausolea. In the

Re-

publican

and

early

Imperial period,

a denser

net-

work of cult

spaces

was

found farther

out,

such

as

the

group

of sanctuaries

between the fifth and

the

71Nestori

1990;

Fiocchi Nicolai et al. 1995-1996

(1999),

134-5;

Spera

1999,

85-7.

72

Supra,

n.

66.

73

Spera

1999,

248.

74Proc. goth. 1, 14 = La guerragotica di Procopiodi Cesarea.

Testo

greco

emendatosui manoscritti

on traduzione

taliana,

a cura

di Domenico

Comparetti,

ol.

1,

Roma

1895,

110-1.

75

See

Reekmans

(1968;

1989,

n.

32);

most

recentlySpera

1998.



18/22

2003]


IN THE SUBURBS

OF ROME

39

Fig.

20.

Cemetery

of Balbina: he small basilica

probably

dedicated

to the Greek

martyrs.

Courtesy

of Archivio

Commissionedi

Archeologia

Sacra)

sixth

milestones,

where

they

functioned as meet-

ing places

for

country people

for

religious

festivals

such as the

purification

of the land and

the

propi-

tiation of the harvest.76The urban population by

contrast used the

public spaces

inside

the

city.77

t

is

only

with the diffusion of

Christianity

and the

acquisition by

the

Church

of

large

areas outside

the

walls

that the suburban

area

acquire

a

new

and

important

"public"

role.

Although

it is not

possible

to draw

general

schemes,

especially

for Late

Antiquity,

similar

trends

have

been

recorded not

only

in

Rome

but

in

other

regions

of the

Mediterranean,

especially

in

Italy,

Africa

Proconsularis,

and Gaul.78There-

fore

Christianity

had an

important

role in

the

trans-

formation

of

cities

from

the

third

to seventh

cen-

turies

A.D.,

in

both intramural and suburban

ar-

eas.

In

studies that have focused on extramural

sectors,

such as in

Milan,

Carthage,

or in some cit-

ies of

Gaul,79

mportant

elements of this transfor-

mation have been

recorded,

and these data are

comparable

with the information from Rome.

In

all of

them,

the

creation

of

ecclesiastical

proper-

ties related to the

presence

of common cemeter-

ies

and of

martyrs'

sanctuaries

centers

of

devel-

opment

and visitation

are two

of the

most

impor-

tant

elements related to the

evolution of

subur-

ban areas in Late Antiquity.

This article

represents

a detailed

approach

to

a

circumscribed

suburban

area

of

Rome,

highlight-

ing

that

a

development

of

new studies

on the

sub-

urbs

could contribute

to the

comprehension

of

the transformations

of

post-Classical

cities

and

to

the

ongoing

debates

about the

continuity

or dis-

continuity

of urban areas.

Evidence

presented

here

from

the area of the

Via

Appia

shows

the slow "de-

structuring"

of

one

landscape

followed

by

the cre-

ation of a

new,

Christianized

panorama,

a

phenom-

enon

that had

started

already during

the

Roman

empire.

UNIVERSITA

DEGLI

STUDI

DI ROMA

"TOR VERGATA"

FACOLTA

DI LETTERE

DIPARTIMENTO

DI

ANTICHITA

VIA A. CAVAGLIERI

ROME,

ITALY

[email protected]

76Legal995.

77

Regardingconcepts

of

public space

n

antiquity,

ee Zac-

cariaRuggiu

1995.

78

Ageneraldescriptionof these towns s found in Carandi-

ni

et

al. 1993.

79

On these

cities,

see Rebecchi

1993;

Fevrier

1993;

Enna-

bli 1997.



19/22

40 LUCREZIASPERA

[AJA107

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