Chinese African Diasporas

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In the Dragon's Den: African Traders inGuangzhouMichal Lyons

a, Alison Brown

b& Li Zhigang

c

aUrban Development and Policy in the Department for Social

Studies, London South Bank Universit ybInternat ional Planning at the School of Town and Regional

Planning, Cardif f Universit yc

Center f or Urban and Regional Research, Sun Yet -sen University,Guangzhou, China

Available online: 19 Apr 2012

To cite this article: Michal Lyons, Alison Brown & Li Zhigang (2012): In t he Dragon's Den: African

Traders in Guangzhou, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 38:5, 869-888

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In the Dragons Den: African Traders inGuangzhou

Michal Lyons, Alison Brown and Li Zhigang

A growing literature studies the Chinese diasporas in Africa, involved in the import and

distribution of manufactured goods across the continent, identifying their economic andsocial strategies and their interactions with African urban and political life. In contrast,

the counter-flow of African private traders to China has been relatively little studied, yet

is part of significant changes in African economies and societies, and creates new

interactions in Chinese cities. The commerce in which they have engaged since the

introduction of the Open Door policy and the subsequent rapid rise in bilateral trade

has been undertaken through not only a period of booming international trade, but also

a fuel crisis and a world financial crisis in 2008. This article explores the African

diaspora in Guangzhou, Chinas major export hub. Drawing on ongoing work by the

authors begun in 2005, it examines how the GuangzhouAfrica trade has changed over

the period, what strategies have been adopted by migrants at the Guangzhou end of thevalue chain, and how their perceptions of their migration, their migrant community and

their host city (and its perceptions of them) have changed over time. Findings are

theorised in relation to grass-roots transnationalism.

Keywords: ChinaAfrica; Migration; Transnational Trade; Value Chain

Introduction

Analyses of Chinas cities today evoke Sassens polarised model of global cityformation (1991), as rapid change is supported by a growing transnational elite and

an influx of millions of rural-urban migrants (Wu 2007). A small number of

Michal Lyons is Professor of Urban Development and Policy in the Department for Social Studies at London

South Bank University. Alison Brown is Professor of International Planning at the School of Town and Regional

Planning, Cardiff University. Li Zhigang is Associate Professor at the Center for Urban and Regional Research,

Sun Yet-sen University, Guangzhou, China. Correspondence to: Prof. M. Lyons, London South Bank University,

100 Borough Road, London SE1 0AA, UK. E-mail: [email protected].

Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies

Vol. 38, No. 5, May 2012, pp. 869888

ISSN 1369-183X print/ISSN 1469-9451 online/12/050869-20 # 2012 Taylor & Francis

http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1369183X.2012.668030
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1369183X.2012.668030http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1369183X.2012.668030


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exceptional cities correspond more closely to Hamnetts hourglass model (1994), for

example Shenzhen, where fewer than 20 per cent of the population had Hukou

(residence) status in 2007, and the rapid growth of migrant professionals working in

the service sector reflects the citys demand for higher-end services.

However, both models neglect key actors in globalisation. The new economicopportunities have also been created*and seized*by a multitude of middle-ranking

private actors, neither desperately poor nor magnificently wealthy, as well as an

internationally mobile population with a profound impact on emerging worldwide

markets and on the cities to which they migrate. The latter are seen as a critical

element in the evolution of the global economy (Kotkin 1992: 17). Diasporic

communal networks are a third tier of inter-regional connections, after world

organisations and nation-states (Karim 1998: 3).

This third tier of globalisation has been described as grassroots transnationalism,

[transnational] activities. . .

that take place on a recurrent basis and require a regularand significant commitment of time from participants (Portes 1999: 464), for

example the activities of a small but significant and growing proportion of actors in

diasporas in the US. Vertovec suggests this trend is associated with a profound

transformation in migrant perceptions and conceptions of socio-cultural and

political identities, and with institutional transformations in, for example, the

financial sector, aid and micro-finance (2004: 970). Transnationalism was originally

observed as a mainly cultural phenomenon (Bourne 1916), but more recent work has

identified grassroots transnationalism involving political, cultural, social and

economic concerns.In the US, transnationalism has evolved as a link between an established diaspora

and its home country, derives its strength from the established position of the

diaspora there, and may well benefit from the existence of well-established enclaves

(Portes 2003; Portes and DeWind 2004) facilitating mutual support, the exchange of

information, specialisation and the generation of economic opportunities (Light and

Gold 2000). This historical background raises an important question: Do similar

support systems function in a newly established diaspora, largely composed of

temporary residents and visitors? This paper explores the relatively recent migration,

associated with grassroots economic transnationalism, of African migrants, theentrepreneurs*generally traders*who travel to, and stay in, South-East China to

participate in the China Africa export trade.

Following this introduction and brief accounts of the conceptual context and

research methods, the paper addresses four key questions:

How permanent is the Guangzhou African diaspora?

What are the value chains in the Guangzhou Africa export trade?

What links and relationships are developed and drawn upon by traders?

What are their*and their hosts*perceptions of these relationships and their

potential to facilitate trade?

870 M. Lyons, A. Brown & L. Zhigang


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Conceptualising the African Diaspora

Trade between China and Africa has expanded significantly since Chinese accession to

the World Trade Organisation in 2001, and African communities in South-East China

have grown significantly in the last decade. Some debate about the orientation,

influence and cultural impact of the African migration to China has recently

emerged. Bertoncelo and Bredeloup studied Africans in Chungking Mansions, Hong

Kong and Xiaobei Lu in Guangzhou, concluding that the African traders there

represented the forefront of a migration wave (Bertoncelo and Bredeloup 2007: 45).

They portrayed the diasporas as outposts focused more on links to Africa and less

on their Chinese environment.

In contrast, Bodomo (2009) emphasises the links between African and Chinese

traders in Guangzhou, conceptualising the African diaspora as a social and cultural

bridge between communities, and contrasting this to its depiction as an enclave in

our own earlier work (Li et al. 2007; Lyons et al. 2008). Although Bodomo does notexplain how these concepts differ, his paper suggests that the key issue is whether the

two cultures influence each other. In fact the papers agree on the existence of cultural

exchange: Bodomo (2009) focuses on the adaptation of Chinese traders to African

business practices (haggling), language requirements (learning English), and culinary

preferences (serving African foods), whilst Lyons et al. (2008) identify a range of

Chinese business practices which accommodate trade with expatriate Africans, also

citing mixed marriages as further evidence of inter-communal links.

However, both studies present less evidence of African adaptation to Chinese ways.

Indeed, Lyons et al. (2008) note the inward-looking characteristics of African tradercommunities in the city*including residential clustering, a dislike of Chinese food, a

reluctance to learn Chinese, a strong orientation towards Africa for long-term

investment, child-rearing and home-building*and cite the resentment of African

practices by Chinese market managers and traders. Although they do not employ

the term, their papers suggest that bridge-building by both parties is constantly

re-evaluated.

African Migrants as Ethnic Enclaves

Academic debate on the economic, social and cultural roles of migrants has largely

focused on migration to the country in which migrants hope to settle. In such

contexts, some migrants become mainstreamed in their economic activities, while

others take on roles in ethnic economies or ethnic enclaves linking migrants to each

other or their host society through payment for work, goods or services (Portes 1998;

Wilson and Portes 1980; Zhou 2004). The ethnic economy typically has a large

entrepreneurial class in commerce, production and services. Especially when starting

up, ethnic businesses need proximity to a supportive enclave of consumers, providers,

materials and labour*poorly paid but benefiting from shared cultural norms,

enforceable reciprocity and proximity of affordable well-adapted services (Zhou

Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 871


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2004). Several aspects of this scholarship raise interesting questions about trade-

related African migration to Guangzhou*which, we argue, represents a different

dynamic.

In Guangzhou, transnational activities are the driverfor the existence of an African

diaspora rather than its by-product. Moreover, the almost complete absence ofopportunity for insertion into local labour markets means that entrepreneurship is a

foundation of this diaspora and remains a strong feature for the long term. The

difficulties of obtaining residency visas mean that many members of the African

diaspora in Guangzhou are short-term migrants.

Value Chains

For African traders in Africa, social capital is a key determinant of success. Weak ties

provide access to institutions (Brown et al. 2010; Lyon and Porter 2009) and space(Brown 2006), and strong ties reduce transaction costs (Fafchamps et al. 2004),

facilitate savings (Gugerty 2005) and govern competition (Lyons and Snoxell 2005).

Specific patterns of social mobility vary but, in all cases, ties are modified and

invested in over time, particularly among migrants (Kumar and Matsusaka 2004).

Social capital is important at the African end of the China Africa trade (Brown et al.

2010; Lyons and Brown 2010).

Several authors argue that social capital helps to determine the institutional

structure of economic exchange and affects individual and group chances.

Ben-Porath (1980) suggests that certain modes of transaction are possible only

among family members. Among marginalised groups social networks may become aneconomic necessity, for example among international migrants in Amsterdam

(Kloosterman et al. 1998); and ethnic enclaves develop new and extended social

capital networks*group-level characteristics sometimes summed up as bounded

solidarity and enforceable trust (Portes and Zhou 1992).

How does social capital translate to a trading society in flux? Examination of West

African migrants to Europe suggests that large and powerful social networks, such as

the Murid Brotherhood of Senegal, have adapted their structure and norms to

facilitate migrant members upward mobility (Riccio 2004). In contrast, studies of

private African traders in Bangkok suggest a more fluid structure, with weak andstrong ties built on short acquaintance in a diaspora where traders make short visits,

overlapping for only brief periods (Amponsem 1996).

Methods and Context

Value chains, a concept initially developed in business studies to conceptualise firm-

level strategy (Gereffi 1994; Porter 1985) and later adapted to explain the impact of

globalised trade on developing countries (for example, Kaplinsky 2000; Kaplinsky

et al. 2006), capture the idea that the journey made by a product from factory gate to

consumer depends on networks of trust. The journey is conceptualised as taking



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place through a series of nodes and links, each facilitated by the social ties of actors in

the chain (Gereffi 1994).

Migrants from Africa to China are conceptualised in this paper as attempting to

create or transform their position on the value chains for the China Africa export of

manufactured goods. This enables them to compete in wholesale distribution inAfrica with Chinese traders in Africa with connections to China (Dobler 2008, 2009;

Haugen and Carling 2005), in the context of an overcrowded marketplace (Lyons and

Brown 2010).

Field Design

Key trading locations in Guangzhou were identified between January and May 2006.

Following a survey of local newspapers, questionnaires were distributed to African

traders by research assistants deployed near the Eastern Railway Station, to establishthe key locations for African business and housing. Forty-three questionnaires were

collected. Xiaobei, a community to the north of central Guangzhou, was identified by

almost all respondents as a key site. Sanyuanli, an old community to the north of the

station, locally nicknamed Chocolate City, was also widely identified. Together, these

two sites ring the citys main railway station, making the region along Huangshi Road

the focus of Guangzhous African diasporas (Li et al. 2007).

Xiao Bei Lus Tian Xiu Building, near the Huaisheng Mosque, comprises

36 storeys, four of wholesale shops, the rest filled by apartments and small businesses.

It is the centre for Francophone traders, mainly from West Africa, of whom few speak

English, while French is rarely spoken by the Chinese. However, as one trader said,

Everyone comes here*you can find all the 53 countries of Africa in this building.

Nearer the station, three buildings on either side of the eight-lane Huangshi Road

provide a large wholesale complex which mainly serves a large proportion of the

ChinaAfrica manufactured consumption goods trade. The three buildings, Ganaan

(a corruption of Ghana), Tianen, and No. 88, provide a focus for Nigerian and other

Anglophone traders. Although Anglophone traders meet on Sundays at the Sacred

Heart Stone House Cathedral and hold weekend football matches, many live nearby

and most work there.

Findings presented below are from two studies in these key trading areas,conducted in March 2007 and October 2008. African traders were interviewed at both

sites using detailed questionnaires in English or French. The interviews aimed to

identify life trajectories, migration paths, business type and history, position in the

value chain, experiences in China and social capital links. In 2008, the interviews also

examined the impact of the Beijing Olympics and the global fuel crisis.

Chinese wholesalers working in the Africa trade were also interviewed to explore

business trends and their impact, the role of African customers in the business, and

relations between Chinese and African business people. The interviews were

conducted in Mandarin or Cantonese by bilingual graduate students reporting to

the researchers. Chinese agents (secretaries) were also interviewed, using a simpler



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interview schedule to determine their background, links with Africans, and

experiences.

The sampling for African trader surveys was not carried out on the basis of

nationality or language group. In the Tian Xiu building, interviews were selected on a

random basis*where possible, the researchers approached every fourth or fifthtrader passing through the lobby after completion of the last interview. In Ganaan,

two entry locations were selected for a similar approach; in addition several more

established African shopkeepers were interviewed. A similar strategy was adopted for

selection of Chinese traders in the two areas. Reflecting this diversified sampling

technique, a large spread of nationalities is represented, as well as traders of both

sexes and at different stages of their career as merchants in the China Africa trade.

To summarise, findings presented in this paper are based on 55 interviews held in

May 2007 (45 with African traders and 10 with Chinese), and 55 interviews held in

November 2008 (29 with Africans and 26 with Chinese), as well as on 17 key-informant interviews with community leaders, officials and market managers. Table 1

summarises some key attributes of the Africans interviewed in the two field surveys.

The GuangzhouAfrica Trade

Recent privatisation, FDI from Hong Kong and a dynamic sector of small and

medium-sized enterprises have combined to ensure an open manufacturing market

in the Pearl River Delta. Textiles, clothing and small electronics have particularly

benefited. The impacts of this growing trade, however, are complex and difficult toanalyse from published statistics, yet few micro-level studies have examined either the

Chinese or African communities on both continents.

Guangzhou (Canton) was the only international port in China for more than

200 years and, hence, was well-placed to benefit from the opening of Chinas

economy in the late 1970s (Lyons et al. 2008). Boosted by the Canton Trade Fair, the

citys GDP rose by an average of 20.3 per cent per annum between 1992 and 2005, far

above the average for Chinese cities.

Figure 1 shows the steady growth of exports from Guangzhou in all main groups of

manufactured consumer goods, particularly of garments, textiles, shoes andaccessories. By 2007, consumer goods comprised two-thirds of the total trade.

Broadman (2007) notes that they also represent some 80 per cent of Chinese exports

to Africa. He also points out that, as well as an overall growth in trade, the percentage

of consumer goods in exports from Guangzhou to Africa has steadily increased over

the past decade or so.

Throughout the period, imports of manufactured goods from Africa

to Guangzhou (as to the rest of China) remained extremely low. Traders com-

plain that Chinese regulations prohibit them from importing African food or

manufactures.



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Findings

The African Diaspora in Guangzhou

Guangzhous official population increased dramatically from 5 million to 7 million

during 19782005, with additional high levels of undocumented internal mig-

ration (Wu 2001). The number of foreign, generally business visitors in Guangzhou

is growing rapidly. Of these some 20 per cent are African. The provincial figure

for Africans rose from 6,000 in 2000 to 20,000 in 2005, an annual increase of

Table 1. African traders interviewed in Guangzhou, 2007 08

2007 2008

N 045 % N029 %

General profile*Men 36 80.0 18 62.1Mean age 38.6 35.1Age range 2350 2348Married 22 48.9 16 64.0With children 21 46.7 15 51.7

China residents*Resident in GZ 28 62.2 4 13.8Refused to answer 11 37.9Has lived in GZ over a year 26 92.9 2 50.0Acts as wholesaler 2 7.1 2 50.0

Sourcer, agent or shipper 6 21.4 4 100.0

Visitors*All 17 37.8 14 31.1Visits more than twice a year 10 58.8 7 50.0First visit more than two years ago 8 47.1 4 28.6Lives in Europe or NA 3 17.6 1 7.1

Distribution*Mixes retail and wholesale 27 60.0 25 86.2In Africa 27 60.0 29 100.0Sells only in own country 23 51.1 14 48.3

OriginWest Africa 36 80.0 18 62.1East Africa 6 13.3 10 34.5Other 3 6.7 1 3.4

Language**English 18 40.0 18 62.1French 25 55.6 10 34.5Portuguese 2 4.4 1 3.4

* Each row represents a separate question, therefore columns do not sum to 100.

** Refers to international language.

Source: African trade interviews, Guangzhou, March 2007, October 2008.



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33 per cent*far steeper than other nationalities and assumed to be centred in

Guangzhou (key interviews, provincial government).

Guangzhous Africans are clustered for both housing and work. This reflects

increasing social stratification and segregation of growing Chinese cities, and racism

and xenophobia in Chinese society, particularly towards Africans, notably in thehousing market (Hu and Kaplan 2001; Li et al. 2007; Nyamwama 2004). Thus,

foreign elites cluster near the citys new CBD, Ersha Islands former colonial district,

and the new high-rise suburb of Panyu (Li et al. 2007). Africans congregate in the two

poorer areas identified above, convenient for transport to the port and manufactur-

ing centres, and providing cheap accommodation in apartment blocks, hostels and

hotels.

Of the 29 African traders interviewed in both locations in October 2008, most

(18, or 62 per cent) were West African (from Nigeria, Ghana, Mali, Guinea Conakry,

Guinea Bissau, Burkina Faso, Angola); and the balance (10, 34 per cent) from EastAfrica and the Horn of Africa (Kenya, Somalia, Tanzania, Zambia, Uganda). One

Tunisian was also interviewed. They belonged to three distinct international language

groups, with English dominating (18, 62 per cent), followed by French (9,

31 per cent) and Portuguese (2, 7 per cent). This balance reflects the Anglophone/

francophone mix in West Africa, with the 10 Nigerians and Ghanaians making up

55 per cent of the 19 West African respondents.

In 2007, over half the 45 African traders interviewed (62 per cent) lived in the

city on a semi-permanent or permanent basis (residents in Table 1), and most

(90 per cent) had been in the city for over a year. Of the traders interviewed in 2008

only four admitted openly to living permanently in Guangzhou although, with

Figure 1. Exports from Guangzhou by sector and year (1,000,000 US$)Source: Municipality of Guangzhou trade figures 19992008



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increasingly invasive policing at the interview sites, the 11 respondents who refused

to answer that question may safely be assumed to be resident in the city as well,

bringing the total to 52 per cent. Thus, although the number of Africans in the city at

any one time has grown over the period, these figures suggest that they stay for

shorter periods of time and the rate of turnover is increasing.Most African respondents were men in 2007 (85.5 per cent) and 2008

(66 per cent), reflecting the fact that fewer women traders stay in Guangzhou and

that womens visits are shorter. For example, women are less likely to wait in

Guangzhou until their goods have been shipped, a common practice among men,

preferring to carry goods with them when they leave and reducing family pressures at

home (interviews with Fatima from Cameroon in 2007 and Mary from Kenya in

2008).

Value Chain in the GuangzhouAfrica Trade

The value chain by which goods reach Africas markets can be conceptualised in

several stages, including wholesale export and shippingfrom Guangzhou and the UAE;

wholesale and retail distributionin African ports and other points of entry; and further

wholesale and retail activities in African countries and regions some distance away

from major entry ports and airports.

This complex chain has multiple nodes and links at every such stage, which

Figure 2 attempts to capture following the methods used by Kaplinsky and Morris

(2001). In Figure 2, the elipses show nodes of interaction in the value chain *boxes

beneath the diagram show the localities of interaction and boxes at the top represent

the regulatory context in which they take place. The African traders in China,

occupying the nodes framed at the left-hand end of this diagram, are the main focus

of this paper. Drawing on the interviews above, Togo and Nigeria have been used

respectively as examples of a first point of entry to West Africa (e.g. Lomes free port),

and a secondary distribution system (e.g. led by the Igbo trading community from

Nigeria).

Individual traders occupy various nodes in this chain, constantly striving to

improve their position. Social capital within and outside the local diaspora plays a

key role in this flexible strategy. Traders in the survey resident in Guangzhou (node22) take on a mix of activities, including exporting goods to their own wholesale or

retail businesses (nodes 33 and 42); exporting goods to contacts elsewhere (node 60);

and providing agency, shipping and introductory services for visiting African

business people (node 13).

The second group (visitors) live in any of some 30 African cities *Figure 2

highlights Lome*and come to Guangzhou to source goods for their businesses

(node 23). A small number of respondents were actually African emigres to the US or

Europe, who maintain an import business in Africa, as well as sourcing goods to be

distributed in the US or EU where they live or have relatives who can act as

distributors (not shown in Figure 2). These traders too carry out their sourcing in a



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Figure 2. GuangzhouAfrica exports: value chain for manufactured g


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wide range of ways, buying directly from factories or from market wholesalers in

Guangzhou (nodes 0, 11 and 13); purchasing on their own account, or for traders at

home who have placed orders prior to departure*thus defraying the costs of travel;

and using Guangzhou as a main source of goods in a certain price and quality range,

while sourcing elsewhere in Guangdong, elsewhere in China, or abroad, particularlyin the UAE, for higher-quality, higher-price goods.

Distribution strategies are also multiple. Virtually all respondents act both as

wholesalers and retailers; and many have deliberately set out to make their

distribution networks as diverse as possible, generally building on family, village or

ethnic networks. The diversification of distribution networks can also facilitate

product diversification. For example Moussa, a 28-year-old trader from the Alayen

brotherhood, lived in Dakar, Senegal, and was interviewed in 2007. Having first

visited Guangzhou in 2002, in 2007 he was visiting four to six times a year (node 23

in Figure 2), staying 5 7 weeks to source his goods and oversee delivery and shipping.

Shipping by container (groupage), he sent ladies garments to his uncle in the central

Touba Sandaga market in Dakar, who operated his shop as both a retail outlet (node

33) and as a wholesale outlet to stalls and hawkers in the market and other Dakar

markets such as Marche HLM (nodes 41, 52). At the same time Moussa bought and

supervised quality and shipping of bedroom suites to uncles who own furniture

shops in Spain (Barcelona) and Italy (Florence)*node 60. In effect, Moussa could be

said to occupy node 23 in two different value chains, one for furniture, the other for

garments, each based on different and deliberately cultivated social capital.

Like Moussa, Issa is a visitor and comes from Burkina Faso four to six times a

year for two weeks. He imports goods from China to Ouagadougou, where he has ashop, as well as to the US, where a brother is living. At each visit he fills two small

containers, sourcing direct from Guangzhou outlets, but also from nearby Shenzhen

and from Beijing. In the Ouagadougou shop (occupying a role in Burkina Faso

equivalent to node 33 in Figure 2) the goods are sold to local customers (node 51), to

local retailers (node 42) and to retailers from the provinces who come into

Ouagadougou for stock (node 41).

Strategies of Accumulation

Several strategies are commonly used to maximise a traders gains from participation

in the value chain, each depending on the cultivation of relevant relationships.

Changes to the sourcing point (0 or 11): many respondents previously sourced in

other countries before settling in Guangzhou. Monde, the first of four wives, has been

travelling from Cameroon to buy stock for all four wives businesses for over 20 years.

Initially she travelled to African countries, e.g. Nigeria and Togo, then started going

to Dubai, later to Bangkok and, in the past five years, only to Guangzhou. She travels

here every eight weeks for two weeks, doing a great deal of comparative shopping

before selecting and buying her goods. Rather than pay for shipping, she carries the

goods with her by air. At the other end of the social scale, Kaorane, well connected



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through a compatriot network to outlets in France, Germany and Italy, has been

resident in a series of countries. I traded for years in Thailand, but then that went

down; I moved to Hong Kong but that became expensive. Anyway, all the

manufacturing is here, so I have now moved to Guangzhou and opened a company

here.Diversification between import and manufacturing: Emmanuel from Port Harcourt

in Nigeria has been in business a long time. I have a factory that manufactures sports

clothes, but started coming here to buy about 10 years ago. I come frequently and stay

about 30 days . . . . We cannot compete on quality with the Chinese because we do

not have industrial sewing machines. So I sell the imports as my A grade stock and

manufacture imitations in my workshop. The quality is less, so they are myB grade

stock and poorer people buy them.

Upward mobility: young, bachelor men arrive in Guangzhou with very little money,

look for bargains and ship home goods with more formal visitor traders, who carrythem back to Africa as a favour. As James from Mali explained: We Africans, we start

with nothing*not like you people who come with enough money for two weeks

living. We have to start earning immediately. And Toure, also from Mali, added: You

need private money, but if you start small-small you can make a profit . Once profits

accumulate, they can be reinvested in larger volumes and higher-value goods and,

eventually, shipment is initially through groupage*shared containers*and even-

tually full containers. While attempting to grow the business, young traders use the

local knowledge they gain to offer their services as agents to newer traders

(node 13).

Thus, through home or family contacts, or through meeting people at the Tian XiuBuilding or at hotels frequented by African arrivals, or even, to pre-empt

competition, by loitering at the railway station or airport, they introduce themselves

to newcomers, offering introductions to factories, secretarial services, shippers,

and so on*as well as to hotels, restaurants, markets and the mosque or church. In

addition to cash income, such contacts may result in improved distribution networks

or commissions to act as an agent in the longer term. Key informants, however,

reported the fate of a growing number of young men who fail to establish a viable

business. Such men live hand-to-mouth and subsist on odd jobs provided by

successful merchants. Some young Africans undertake other work in China, and tradeas a side-line initially. Examples include Laura (Kenya) who arrived with a fixed-term

contract to teach English, and visited Guangzhous wholesale centres at weekends to

socialise but also to buy small quantities, shipping them home periodically with

friends made in Tian Xiu, while relatives carry out the retailing in Nairobi.

Visitor to resident: some change from visitor to resident to improve quality

control and reduce costs. Abu Moussa, an engineer from East Africa, owns a

computer shop at home and visits to check on quality. For the poorer young men,

although Guangzhou is very expensive, it costs twice as much to live as in Accra

(James, Ghana), living in Guangzhou is still the less-expensive option: It is cheaper

to live [in Guangzhou] than to travel (Amadou, Senegal). Visa problems may limit



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this strategy, but some traders have found informal ways to renew visas, or may

remain illegally in Guangzhou.

Resident to visitor: it is reportedly difficult to establish a family in Guangzhou,

because of problems of visas and lack of appropriate schooling. Thus, among young

men, the aspiration is often to save enough to establish a business back home, builda house and marry. At that point, they plan to source goods as visitors (though in

this largely bachelor community, toddlers of mixed parentage are now evident).

Leaving the chain: finally, some aspire and plan to move out of the chain altogether.

Some traders live in Guangzhou as residents to save up the money to retire in Africa,

or to move into another occupation. Ali, now 65 and planning his retirement, has

already sent home to Mali enough money for land and is working to buy livestock

and machinery.

Relations in Response to a Changing Environment: An African Perspective

The diverse strategies described above are devised in response to a range of adverse

trends and shocks within the otherwise booming trade: the growing saturation of

African markets with Chinese imports, the global fuel crisis and the 2008 Olympics in

China.

Increasing market saturation in Africa, where purchasing power is limited, has

resulted in increased competition among suppliers at all levels, accompanied by

relatively little product innovation or diversification. Both wholesale and retail prices

have fallen appreciably over the past five years or so (Lyons and Brown 2010). At the

same time, factory-gate and wholesale prices in China have risen, according to key

informants.

Economic crisis increases vulnerability. The global fuel crisis of 2008 also had a

significant impact on the financial viability of African traders in Guangzhou. Of the

traders interviewed in 2008, most (16 out of 29) reported a decline in profits, and

only one reported that his business was stable. Exchange rate fluctuations also posed a

significant problem as The currency value can drop between arrival of the goods and

payment of the order . . . I have to change into dollars and then into RMB, losing out

every time (John, Kenya).

The outcome in Guangzhou for both African residents and visitors (as wellas Chinese suppliers) has been a major fall in profitability. Two respondents

independently reported that a few years ago the profit margin was over 10 per cent.

Now 3 per cent is lucky! (key informant interviews with community leaders, 2008).

Mohammed (Guinea Conakry) reported that the drop in the Euro has meant that

profits have fallen, for example, from 12 million CFA to 7 million CFA. Many small

businesses are no longer viable, and their owners continue trading at a loss in the

hope of improvement and*often*because they see no way out (Mamadou, Senegal;

Jededia, Ghana).

China tightened visa regulations prior to the 2008 Olympics. Officials

regard lapsed visas seriously, imposing fines of up to 500 RMB per day



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(approximately 51 at the time of writing) after the expiry date and jailing

indefinitely over-stayers who cannot pay the fee. This policy creates particular

difficulties for poor migrants from any nationality hoping to extend their visa or

without the means to return home. There has been increased policing of trading and

housing areas and clashes between police and poor African migrants (Zatt 2007;trader and key informant interviews).

The difficulty in obtaining visas was a major concern of respondents in October

2008 whereas, in March 2007, only five of 45 interviewees mentioned visas as a

problem. One of these admitted having overstayed his visa in order not to risk being

excluded once he had gone to Hong Kong to apply for renewal, and another *a long-

term resident*explained that resident visas had been cut back from two- to one-

year permits.

By 2008, residency visas were being issued for a maximum of one year. Renewal

was uncertain and, if denied, traders would have to leave at very short notice. Visitorvisas were reportedly issued for only one or two months, meaning the trader had to

go to Hong Kong for a visa renewal. Of 23 respondents who identified problems in

their trade with China in 2008, eight named visa restrictions as their first concern.

Five others refused to speak about their visa status, suggesting that they had

overstayed their visa. Indeed, one had been visited in his flat by the police only days

earlier. A number of young Africans are in jail, mostly for visa infringements, while a

number have been injured escaping police raids (key informant interviews; Zatt

2007).

Some scholars (Bodomo 2009; Humes 2008) suggest that there is particular official

unease regarding the African diaspora. This is reflected in the censors changes to anarticle posted in Danwei*a not-for-profit news and media website*which analysed

the deletions made in the text of an article on the African community in Guangzhou

(Zatt 2007) during its translation from English to Chinese for the Cankao Xiaoxi

Digest. Humes (2008) found that deleted quotes highlighted the difficulties for

Africans of trading in Guangzhou, while quotes on the positive roles played by

Africans were also cut.

In 2007, many respondents identified the advantages of trading as Africans in

China. Some spoke of the stimulation of a multinational environment or the

excitement of international trade and travel. Several liked the opportunity to competewith Chinese traders in Africa; and two wanted to learn Cantonese. For others,

positive perceptions of China as a trading partner and, more importantly, as a place

to be and do business, are inextricably linked with negative perceptions of Europe: I

like the place because Im free. In Europe people first consider us to be poor and

looking for help when they see Africans until they get to know you. Here they give

you more respect, they think you have come to buy and there is no prejudice

(Jimmy, Ghana).

By October 2008, the mood among 29 traders and four key informants interviewed

was very different. Of the 12 respondents who answered the question: Have you

made any Chinese friends?, only two expressed positive feelings towards China, one



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describing the cosmopolitan environment, the other saying more broadly What you

find here, everything is nice. However, ten described China as a hostile environment.

Some said the Chinese dislike foreigners (11 respondents): I like the prices but hate

the hostility of the Chinese (Michael, Ghana); Although I suppose Africans are one

of the biggest customers, the Chinese dont like them, theyre not friendly (Osy,Nigeria). I like China for business, but hate the Chinese*hate their mentality. I

dont understand these people. Ive had lots of rough things with them, and they

dont like foreigners (John, Nairobi). Eight others noted tense business dealings:

Some Chinese can be very adamant*difficult to do business with. Kenneth, from

Kenya, said bitterly Its all about money in China. Ive never seen people eager for

money like Chinese people. The attitude is perhaps best summed up by Muhamed

(Mali), who said: I dont like it [but] didnt come here to enjoy myself. . . Je travaille

ici pour revenir chez moi.

Changing Relationships: Chinese Perceptions

Every Chinese merchant interviewed in 2008 reported falling profits and smaller

numbers of customers. A few were worried that government policies were under-

mining the trade; for example, Because of the Olympics many customers stay a

shorter time and the number of customers has reduced, while another speculated

that things were likely to get worse, considering the Hukou policy aimed at

foreigners. Two mentioned problems posed to customers by floating exchange rates.

Few considered extensive changes to their position in the value chain. Eighteen aretied to specific factories, so will not change suppliers, two have direct links to Africa

to short-cut the chain, and only two were linked to value chains to other destinations,

generally through other shops. Proximity to the African trade was cited by ten as an

advantage of Tien Xiu or Ganaan respectively. Nevertheless, some accommodations

have been made. In Ganaan, market authorities noted that African-owned shops

become social centres and attract passing trade, and therefore lowered the

rents charged to African merchants (Zatt 2007).

However, when asked about problems in the trade, six specifically identified

cultural problems in conducting business dealings with Africans. Virtually all (25) ofthe Chinese merchants interviewed reported that African customers have become

more insistent in their bargaining. Three reported that customers would bargain

down the unit price on the basis of a large order, then insist the lower price

be honoured for a smaller order, and four said they would take goods on credit,

subsequently not honoured.

Negative experiences were over half of the most memorable experiences cited by

Chinese traders in Ganaan: two witnessed fights between customers and merchants or

among customers, and four experienced rudeness or payment problems, while three

identified positive aspects of the trade, such as becoming familiar with new cultures.

In contrast to the interviews in 2007, in which most Chinese respondents identified



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the cultural and social stimulation of proximity to and work with Africans, in 2008,

22 stressed that they would never socialise with Africans outside the markets.

Summary and ConclusionsAiming to understand and conceptualise the African diaspora in Guangzhou, our

account presented above addressed four issues: the scale and character of the African

diaspora in Guangzhou; the value chain through which the GuangzhouAfrica export

trade takes place; the links and relationships developed and drawn upon by traders;

and their*and their hosts*perceptions of these relationships. Drawing on research

visits in March 2007 and October 2008, the paper sought to identify trends and

change over time in attitudes and strategies.

Changing Trade and Strategies

At the time of writing, it has not been possible to obtain data either from the IMF or

from the City of Guangzhou giving trade levels for 2008 and beyond. Therefore, any

changes in the trade between Guangzhou and Africa during the recent global

downturn and during the preceding fuel crisis could not be reflected statistically.

Publications in the press, however, argue that demand for Chinese-manufactured

goods has fallen worldwide and that this trend will reach Africa. Findings

summarised above suggest that the volume of China Africa trade has been affected

by the economic climate, accelerating difficulties related to growing competition.

Growing pressures on the trade have affected both Chinese and Africans livelihoods

and attitudes to each other and to the trade. Interviews held with traders in late 2008,

in contrast with those held in early 2007, show increased pressure and insecurity and

falling optimism and trust.

In response to African market saturation, Chinese trader communities in Cape

Verde (Haugen and Carling 2005) and African traders in Tanzania and West Africa

(Lyons and Brown 2010; Lyons and Msoka 2010) who had made*or inherited*

large investments were often reluctant to take the risk of changing their position on

the value chain, despite the near-certainty of continuing losses. Interestingly, this

research just cited showed that Chinese wholesalers similarly cling to sourcing anddistribution practices. Other occupations, such as secretaries or translators, are also

specialised and stable.

In contrast, the interviews summarised in our paper show that African traders in

Guangzhou have responded to market saturation at home and global events such as

the fuel and financial crises by adapting their activities in multiple ways, including

frequent review of their position on the value chain and attempts to innovate and

improve: changing or expanding product lines, increasing the number of distribution

destinations for their products, and short-cutting links in the relevant value chains.

Each change adopted in value-chain positioning requires a review and adaptation of

social capital, drawing on friends, family or compatriots. Thus, when John (Uganda)



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planned to expand his business into neighbouring countries, his brother spent a year

visiting possible wholesale and retail outlets in the region. When Youssouf (Senegal)

decided to export to Europe as well as Africa he made contact with uncles with

whom his relationship had been dormant since their emigration, to identify product

lines and outlets.

Guangzhous African Diaspora: Bridge, Outpost or Enclave?

Bodomos (2009) notion of bridging involved grassroots mutual learning and

adaptation. Elsewhere (Lyons et al. 2008), we have highlighted the learning of

business practices, efforts to overcome language barriers, entrepreneur attitudes to

the authorities, the exchange of ideas about food and music, and even family

formation. However, the more recent interviews quoted in this paper suggest that

regulatory and economic pressures are driving a growing wedge at the grassrootsbetween African and Chinese traders, undermining the bridge-building identified by

Bodomo (2009). The 2008 interviews suggest that Bertoncelo and Bredeloups (2007)

vision of Africans living in Guangzhou as an Africa-oriented outpost is more

realistic for the present, although their assumption that this is the forefront of a large

wave is undermined by increasing official antagonism. Nevertheless, some key

features of the itinerant transnationalism represented by African communities in

Guangzhou have close similarities to ethnic enclaves discussed earlier in this paper,

including a supportive and tight-knit community and well-established enclaves.

These are summarised briefly below.

Support for vulnerable members: the African diasporas support for over-stayers

with paid work, carrying goods and help with papers is an example of the diasporic

community looking after its own, very similar to the situation in the US, where

Chinese ethnic communities during the depression were kept relatively protected

by community support to individuals.

Competition with natives: African importers in Guangzhou may compete directly

with Chinese wholesalers in Africa, but pose no threat to exporting Chinese

manufacturers. A small number of Africans with wholesale shops or shipping

agencies in Guangzhou compete with Chinese wholesalers and shippers. However,

there was no mention of this as an issue in any interview with either Chinese orAfrican traders, suggesting that such competition is not seen by either community as

important*similar to arguments that migrant entrepreneurship in the US may

buffer competition with natives (Zhou 2004). Some also argue that ethnic

entrepreneurship earns more for both entrepreneurs and their employees than

employment in the mainstream economy (Light and Gold 2000). Clearly, in the case

of Africa, where formal jobs have virtually disappeared while employment in the

Chinese mainstream economy is rarely possible, this perception is widely shared by

most African respondents.

Space: the colonisation of space by Africans in Guangzhou has been an interesting

departure from established patterns. First, the spaces they occupy have not been



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abandoned by hosts as in many European cities (e.g. Noussia and Lyons 2009), but

attract many Chinese to work and trade, providing, in effect, a lively interface

between host and migrant communities. Many Chinese actively engage with this

migrant group. Second, the extent to which they have become a powerful presence for

either work or leisure (Armstrong 2004; Valenzuela 2003) is actively curtailed by thestate. The policing of visas and public behaviour ensures that Africans influence on

the use of space and on behaviour patterns within it is minimised.

Cultural adaptation: for the host society in Guangzhou, the pursuit of foreign trade

with Africa brought cultural and social change into the lives of many thousands of

ordinary Chinese merchants. Until recently welcomed by many traders as an

inevitable face of the new China, the changes are treated by authorities as a threat

to an orderly society, and appear to be less welcomed by Chinese traders. At the same

time, there were reportedly fewer problems with other Asian diasporic communities

in the city. This suggests that it may well be the presence of the African communitieswhich most sharply cause Chinese society to confront the cultural and social

contradictions inherent in the Open Door Policy. In parallel, the growing awareness

by African traders of their own otherness in China derives both from personal

experiences of negotiation with Chinese colleagues and from a sense of diminishing

horizons imposed by the state.

In summary, our findings suggest that the African trading diaspora in Guangzhou

has become less of a cultural bridge and more of an enclave, resulting from both

official and economic pressures. Despite its largely itinerant character, it provides

many of the services and economic functions of an enclave. As pressures have

worsened, it has also become more of an outpost, with traders ambitions for returnhome increasingly present in their plans. Only a lifting of official and economic

restrictions, such as access to visas, easing foreign-currency exchange or removing

barriers to importation from Africa to China, are likely to allow the relationships

between the two trading communities to flourish once more.

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