Chigusa Kurumada Sadie Dix, Rebecca Lawrence, Cameron...
Transcript of Chigusa Kurumada Sadie Dix, Rebecca Lawrence, Cameron...
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Integration of top-down and bottom-up information in online interpretations of
scalar adjectives
Sadie Dix, Rebecca Lawrence, Cameron Morgan, Chigusa Kurumada
University of Rochester
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● Much work has studied pragmatic inferences affected by many sources of information. [e.g., Grice, 1975; Clark, 1996; Hagoort & van Berkum, 2004]
Real-Time Pragmatic Inferences
● But how do we so rapidly map the unfolding speech signal onto the speaker’s intentions? [e.g., Noveck & Posada, 2003; Huang & Snedeker, 2009; 2011; Grodner et al., 2010; Nieuland et al., 2010; Breheny et al., 2013a,b; Degen & Tanenhaus, 2015]
● One lens through which this has been studied is the contrastive inference. [e.g., Sedivy et al., 1999; Hanna & Tanenhaus, 2003; Kurumada et al., 2014]
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Real-Time Pragmatic Inferences
Click on the l a r g e c u p
Sedivy et al. (1999)
P (X
| “l
arge
”)
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Real-Time Pragmatic Inferences
Click on the l a r g e c u p
P (X
| “l
arge
”)
Sedivy et al. (1999)
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Hypothesis 1
● Store precompiled information about specific lexical items
● Retrieve that information to make inferences
Hypothesis 2
● Assess linguistic input with respect to a dynamic context
● Use that context to make inferences
What’s the mechanism behind such fast inferences?
Research Questions
Inferences must be defeasible when unwarranted in a given situation.
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Reliable speaker ● Adjective use only when necessary● Correct labeling throughout experiment
Unreliable speaker ● Top-down instructions ● Repetitive, redundant adjective use
(e.g., “the large red apple”)● Mislabeling/wrong information
(e.g., “toothbrush” for a hairbrush)Grodner & Sedivy (2011)
Speaker Reliability
P (X
| “l
arge
”)P
(X |
“lar
ge”)
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Current Study1) Experiment 1
Conceptually replicating Grodner & Sedivy (2011) with● a computer-based paradigm for precise stimulus control● significantly fewer trials (200+ vs. 52)
to establish that contrastive inferences are derived in context
2) Experiment 2Examining whether top-down information is necessary for speaker-based modulation of real-time pragmatic inferences
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Reliable(24 Participants)
Reliable Instruction (top down)
52 trials(bottom up)
Unreliable(24 Participants)
Unreliable Instruction(top down)
52 trials(bottom up)
Experiment 1 Design
36 reliable fillers
36 unreliable
fillers
16 criticaltrials
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Reliable“The study is intended to measure
how effectively people communicate in various situations…..”
Unreliable“The study is intended to examine
communicative aspects of the speaker’s language impairment….”
Top-down Instructions
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Unreliable
28 Over-informative “Click on the large pretty doll”
4 Under-informative“Click on the doll”
4 Mislabeled“Click on the stuffed animal”
Reliable36 Informative“Click on the large doll”
Filler Instructions
Competitor
Contrast
Distracter
Target
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Prediction: Reliable, Two-contrast
“Click on the large cup”
1
.75
.5
.25
0
target
competitor
Prop
ortio
n of
fixa
tions
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“Click on the large cup”
1
.75
.5
.25
0
Prediction: Reliable, One-contrast
target
competitor
Prop
ortio
n of
fixa
tions
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Prediction: Unreliable, One- & Two-contrast
“Click on the large cup”
.5
.75
1
.25
0
target
competitor
Prop
ortio
n of
fixa
tions
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Results: Reliable, Two-contrast1
.75
.5
.25
0
“Click on the large cup”
Prop
ortio
n of
fixa
tions
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Results: Reliable, One-contrast1
.75
.5
.25
0
“Click on the large cup”
Prop
ortio
n of
fixa
tions
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Target Fixations
Reliable
.4
.3
.2
.1
0
Prop
ortio
n of
targ
et fi
xatio
ns1 2
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Target Fixations
Reliable Unreliable
n.s..4
.3
.2
.1
0
Prop
ortio
n of
targ
et fi
xatio
ns
1 12 2
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Experiment 1 → Experiment 2● Results suggest contrastive inferences are modulated with respect to
speaker reliability.
● Is the top-down information necessary for this modulation? Or is the bottom-up linguistic input sufficient?
● We test this by rerunning same Unreliable condition — without the explicit instructions that the speaker is unreliable.
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Reliable Instruction (top down)
52 trials(bottom up)Unreliable [Exp 2]
(24 Participants)
Experiment 2 Design
36 unreliable
fillers
16 criticaltrials
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Target Fixations
Reliable Unreliable_Exp1 Unreliable_Exp2
n.s. n.s.
0
.1
.2
.3
.4Pr
opor
tion
of ta
rget
fixa
tions
1 1 22 1 2
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Target Fixations by Experiment HalvesPr
opor
tion
of ta
rget
fixa
tions
FIRST SECOND
.4
.3
.2
.1
0
1 1 1 1 1 1 222222
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● Results suggest that contrastive inferences are generated online with respect to speaker reliability.
● These earliest inferences seem sensitive enough to change with bottom-up linguistic input alone.
● This all suggests that pragmatic mechanisms for efficient communication are dynamic and probabilistic.
Discussion
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● Does this truly illustrate judgments of a speaker’s pragmatic reliability?
○ Alternatively, do participants think there are experimental errors in the unreliable conditions?
● Morgan, Lawrence, and Kurumada (forthcoming) testing this by presenting two within-subject speaker of different reliabilities.
○ Different inference patterns for the two speakers would corroborate conclusions.
Future work
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● We appreciate your time!
● Acknowledgments: We’d like to thank Ralf Haefner, Anne Pier Salverda, Mike Tanenhaus, Chelsea Marsh, Jennifer Andrews, Bethany Gardner and Anaclare Sullivan for their help throughout our research.
● This research was funded by the Department of Brain and Cognitive Sciences at the University of Rochester.
Thank You
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References● Breheny, R., Katsos, N., & Williams, J. (2006). Are generalised scalar implicatures generated by default? An on-line investigation into the role of context in generating pragmatic
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Cambridge University Press.● Degen, J., & Tanenhaus, M.K. (2015). Processing scalar implicature: A constraint-based approach. Cognitive Science, 39(4), 667-710.● Grice, H. P. (1975). Logic and conversation. In P. Cole, & J. Morgan (Eds.), Syntax and semantics 3: Speech acts (pp. 41–58). New York: Academic Press.● Grodner, D., Klein, N. M., Carbary, K. M., & Tanenhaus, M. K. (2010). “Some,” and possibly all, scalar inferences are not delayed: Evidence for immediate pragmatic enrichment.
Cognition, 116(1), 42-55.● Grodner, D. & Sedivy, J. (2011). The effect of speaker-specific information on contrastive inferences. In N. Pearlmutter & E. Gibson (eds). The Processing and Acquisition of
Reference. MIT Press: Cambridge, MA.● Hanna, J.E. & Tanenhaus, M.K. (2004). Pragmatic effects on reference resolution in a collaborative task: evidence from eye movements. Cognitive Science, 28(1), 105-115.● Huang, Y. T., & Snedeker, J. (2009). Semantic meaning and pragmatic interpretation in 5-year olds: Evidence from real-time spoken language comprehension. Developmental
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Language and Cognitive Processes, 26(8), 1161-1172.● Kurumada, C., Brown, M., Bibyk, S., Pontillo, D., & Tanenhaus, M. K. (2014). Is it or isn't it: Listeners make rapid use of prosody to infer speaker meanings. Cognition, 133,
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of Memory and Language, 63(3), 324-346.● Noveck, I. A., & Posada, A. (2003). Characterizing the time course of an implicature: An evoked potentials study. Brain and Language, 85(2), 203-210.● Sedivy, J. C., Chambers, C., Tanenhaus, M., & Carlson, G. (1999). Achieving incremental semantic interpretation through contextual representation. Cognition, 71, 109-147.