Charmayne dissertation final copy copy

SECRET WISDOM: A MIXED METHODS STUDY OF SPIRITUAL INTELLIGENCE IN

ADOLESCENTS AGES 12-18

by

Charmayne Elizabeth Kilcup

A dissertation submitted

in partial fulfillment of the requirements

for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

in Transpersonal Psychology

Sofia University

Palo Alto, California

March 2, 2014

I certify that I have read and approved the content and presentation of this dissertation:

_________________________________________________ __________________ Jenny Wade, Ph.D., Committee Chairperson Date _________________________________________________ __________________ Samuel Himelstein, Ph.D., Committee Member Date _________________________________________________ __________________ Dorothy Sisk, Ph.D., Committee Member Date

ii

Copyright

©


2014

All Rights Reserved

Formatted according to the Publication Manual of the American Psychological Association, 6th Edition

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Abstract

Secret Wisdom: Spiritual Intelligence in Adolescents Ages 12-18

by


Current models of spiritual development suggest that adolescents have limited capacity

for spirituality and spiritual experiences. In such models, adolescents are seen to have immature

moral and ethical judgment and be incapable of deep spiritual experience due to lack of cognitive

development. This mixed-methods study explored the existence of spiritual intelligence in 115

adolescents aged 12-18 using 3 surveys to measure spiritual intelligence and spirituality: the

Spiritual Intelligence Self-Report Inventory (SISRI), the Integrated Spiritual Intelligence Scale

(ISIS), and the Intrinsic Spirituality Scale (ISS). High scorers were found on every survey, and

all surveys were positively correlated. Females scored significantly higher than males on the ISIS

(t = .03, p < .05). Fifteen of the top 30 scorers were interviewed concerning their lived

experience of spirituality. Thematic analysis revealed 8 major categories: (a) definition of

spirituality, (b) definition of God, (c) importance of family, (d) ways of connecting to the divine,

(e) spiritual experiences, (f) role models, (g) spiritual values, and (h) skepticism of spirituality.

Some adolescents display high levels of spiritual intelligence, which manifests as having

spiritual values (e.g., altruism, compassion, openness), spiritual experiences, and practices to

connect to the divine.

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Acknowledgments

I would like to thank the many people who contributed their time, energy, guidance, and

support to make this possible. Thank you to my chair, Dr. Jenny Wade, for your high

expectations, clear guidance, and unwavering belief in my ability to see this through. I am so

grateful you chose to be part of this process. I could feel you behind me at all times and would

not have had the confidence to do this without you. You have been my rock. I also wish to

acknowledge my committee members, Dr. Sam Himelstein and Dr. Dorothy Sisk. Thank you for

your personal interest in this topic and your own commitment to helping adolescents navigate

their own spiritual paths. Your work is invaluable.

Also, thank you to Ken and Kaelyn for being my support team. Ken, thank you for

believing in me from the day we met. You knew I would be doing this before I did. Kaelyn,

thanks for going before me and pulling me through this. Thank you for guiding me through every

step and taking my tearful emergency phone calls.

I am overwhelmed with gratitude.

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Dedication

To my parents.

Thank you for seeing me, for always reminding me of who I am and for

continually urging me along the road less travelled.

I am forever grateful.

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Table of Contents

Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... iii!

Acknowledgments .......................................................................................................................... iv!

Dedication ........................................................................................................................................ v!

List of Tables ............................................................................................................................... viii!

Chapter 1: Introduction .................................................................................................................... 1!

Chapter 2: Literature Review .......................................................................................................... 5!

Spirituality, Religiosity, and Adolescence .......................................................................... 6!

Research on Religiosity and Spirituality in Adolescents .................................................. 13!

Spiritual Intelligence and Adolescents .............................................................................. 26!

Conclusion ......................................................................................................................... 55!

Chapter 3: Methods ....................................................................................................................... 57!

Recruitment ....................................................................................................................... 57!

Participants ........................................................................................................................ 58!

Instrumentation .................................................................................................................. 59!

SISRI ..................................................................................................................... 59!

ISIS ........................................................................................................................ 61!

ISS ......................................................................................................................... 65!

Procedure ........................................................................................................................... 66!

Treatment of Data .............................................................................................................. 68!

Chapter 4: Results .......................................................................................................................... 69!

Quantitative Results ........................................................................................................... 71!

Significant findings. .............................................................................................. 73!

Nonsignificant findings ......................................................................................... 74!

Summary of quantitative findings ......................................................................... 76!

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Qualitative Data ................................................................................................................. 77!

Definition of spirituality. ....................................................................................... 81!

Definition of God .................................................................................................. 83!

Importance of family ............................................................................................. 84!

Ways of connecting to divine ................................................................................ 85!

Spiritual experiences ............................................................................................. 87!

Role models ........................................................................................................... 89!

Spiritual values ...................................................................................................... 90!

Skepticism of spirituality ....................................................................................... 93!

Summary of Quantitative and Qualitative Results ............................................................ 95!

Chapter 5: Discussion .................................................................................................................... 98!

Quantitative Findings ........................................................................................................ 99!

Qualitative Findings ........................................................................................................ 100!

Limitations and Delimitations ......................................................................................... 109!

Implications for Future Research .................................................................................... 112!

Conclusion ....................................................................................................................... 113!

References ................................................................................................................................... 114!

Appendix A: Letter to Prospective Schools ................................................................................ 123!

Appendix B: Informed Consent ................................................................................................... 125!

Appendix C: Demographic Questionnaire .................................................................................. 129!

Appendix D: Semistructured Interview Script ............................................................................ 130!

Appendix E: Tables ..................................................................................................................... 131!

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List of Tables

Table Page

1 Participants by Age and Sex…………………………………………………......69

2 Participant Source……………………………………………………………......70 3 Participants by Ethnicity……………………………………………………........70 4 Participants by Religion……………………………………………………….....71 5 Survey Means and Standard Deviations for Sample…………………………......73 6 Correlations Between Surveys……………………………………………….......73 7 Average Means and Standard Deviations by Sex……………………………......74 8 Mean and Standard Deviations by Age Group………………………………......74 9 Mean Scores by Ethnicity……………………………………………………......75 10 Mean Scores by Religion…………………………………………………….......76 11 Interviewees—Age and Sex…………………………………………………......78 12 Survey Participant Scores Compared to Interview Participant Scores…………..78 13 Interviewees Demographic Profile by Ethnicity……………………………........79 14 Interviewees Religions (n = 15).............................................................................80 15 Interviewees Source (n = 15).................................................................................80 E1 Independent Samples t-test Comparing Males and Females Mean Scores..........131 E2 Independent Samples t-test Comparing 12-15 Year Olds and

16-18 Year Olds Mean Scores…………………………………………….........132

E3 ANOVA Comparing Means Between Ethnic Groups……………………….....133 E4 ANOVA Comparing Means Between Religious Groups……………………....133

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Chapter 1: Introduction

The developmental period of adolescence, considered to be the ages between 12 and 18,

can be considered a time of turbulent transition that all people who reach adulthood must

undergo (Bussing, Foller-Mancini, Gidley, & Heusser, 2010). It is a transitory period between

childhood and adulthood characterized by individuation, identity shifts, and physical and social

changes (Pint, 2010). The central task of adolescence is to find a sense of identity, sense of place,

and purpose (Benson, 1997; Erikson, 1968/1994).

Considered by many a period of high risk, adolescence is commonly accepted as a deeply

challenging time for many adolescents. During this time period, young people plunge into the

process of physical metamorphosis, identity formation, and the quest for social acceptance.

Particularly in Western industrialized nations, many adolescents begin to experiment with

controlled substances, alcohol, sex, and violence (Mellor & Freeborn, 2011). During this very

vulnerable developmental stage, adolescents are at increased risk for psychological disorders.

The World Health Organization (2008) has predicted that within the next decade, psychological

disorders will be one of the top five causes of disability and death for adolescents. Indeed,

suicide rates for people ages 10 to 24 have been increasing and it is now the third leading cause

of death in this age group (American Academy of Child & Adolescent Psychiatry, 2008; Center

for Disease Control & Prevention, 1995). Concern over adolescent mental health has led some

researchers to examine protective factors that may help mitigate the difficulties some youth deal

with during this developmental period (Rasic, Kisely, & Langille, 2011). Two such factors

emerging are religiosity and spirituality.

The spiritual dimension of adolescent development has been largely ignored until

recently (Benson, Scales, Sesma, & Roehlkepartain, 2006; Pint, 2010). Interest in adolescent

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spirituality has spiked dramatically in the last decade with the introduction of the field of

Positive Youth Development (PYD), which focuses on strengths-based programming, research,

and support that encourages youth to live a responsible, meaningful life with a sense of higher

purpose (Benson et al., 2008; Briggs, Akos, Czyszczon, & Eldridge, 2011). With the PYD

movement, adolescence has come to be seen as a critical time, the successful resolution of which

has been linked to greater well-being and success in adulthood. Indeed, some psychologists even

suggest that adolescence may be the most crucial period for spiritual development (Good &

Willoughby, 2008). During this sensitive time, adolescents begin to question their beliefs,

personal values, and their inherited cultural biases (Magdaldi-Dopman & Park-Taylor, 2010).

Several studies have examined the effects of spirituality or religiosity on resiliency and sense of

purpose in an adolescent population (Crawford, Wright, & Masten, 2006; Kim & Esquivel,

2011). However, few studies distinguish between the effects of religiosity and spirituality in

youth.

Historically, spirituality has been subsumed under the study of religion (Benson, 1997;

Benson et al., 2006). In the theological and psychological literature, religion and spirituality have

been considered to be overlapping constructs. Religion has been defined as a set of beliefs,

practices, or rituals that promote or express spirituality; whereas, spirituality has been described

as the intrapersonal experience of the sacred or divine (Magaldi-Dopman & Park-Taylor, 2010).

Much of the literature on youth spirituality has in fact viewed the phenomenon from a religious

lens (Benson et al., 2006). Specifically, research has tended to focus on adolescents’ relationship

to religion, which has been shown to decrease after age 11. Religious behavior, such as church or

youth group attendance has been one way researchers have attempted to assess adolescent

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spirituality and religiosity. However, such approaches may be misleading given the wide variety

of internal manifestations of spirituality.

Indeed, capturing the depth and diversity of a construct as broad and multidimensional as

spirituality poses many challenges. It becomes even more complicated when adding the variable

of development. Until very recently, the study of both religion and spirituality was assumed to

fall under the domain of adulthood. Literature on faith development has assumed that both

children and adolescents are incapable of true spirituality because of immature cognitive

development (Fowler, 1981). It was thought that because adolescents do not have complete brain

development, that they may be incapable of having spiritual experiences. However, research is

beginning to paint a new picture of the spiritual lives of adolescents (e.g., Coles, 1990; Hart,

2003).

A survey of 6,800 youth (ages 12-25) from eight countries revealed that 39% rated

themselves as very spiritual, 37% somewhat spiritual, and 24% not spiritual (Search Institute,

2008). Of this same population, 82% said they believed in a God, Goddess, Higher Source,

greater power, or life force. Many claimed to have had meaningful spiritual experiences,

including direct communion with a higher power, angels or other nonphysical beings, feelings of

complete joy or love, and feelings of unity with the planet.

Though there has been a marked increase in research on spirituality in adolescence, very

little research has examined adolescents who are considered exceptionally spiritual, or spiritually

high-functioning. A small popular and theoretical literature has suggested that some youth may

display a level of spiritual awareness beyond their developmental age (Coles, 1990; Hosseini,

Elias, Krauss, & Aishah, 2010; Sinetar, 2002; Sisk, 2008). Some researchers have posited that

there exist youth who display a set of behaviors and have internal experiences and

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understandings that could be called spiritual intelligence including concern with existential truth,

the capacity for transcendence, a desire to be of service, and the ability to experience

connectedness (Sisk, 2002). To date, no empirical studies were located supporting the assertion

that some adolescents display spiritual intelligence. Thus, a gap in the literature exists which this

study aims to address.

This study investigates whether spiritual intelligence can be found in adolescents ages 12

to 18 and if so, how it is subjectively experienced. It is an assumption of this researcher that

spiritual awareness is possible without mature cognitive and psychological development and that

adolescents are capable of having spiritual experiences, such as, but not limited to unity

consciousness, experiences of universal love, desire to be of service, and decision-making using

intuition. As such, this subject is best approached through the lens of transpersonal psychology,

which explores the full range of human potential, including states beyond ego, which are

characteristic of spiritual intelligence (Hartelius, Caplan, & Rardin, 2007; Sisk, 2008).

Exploration and the validation of the phenomenon would further the research on

adolescent spirituality and development. The validation of spiritual intelligence in adolescence

could challenge current models of faith and spiritual development while also offering insight into

how some youth successfully navigate the many challenges of adolescence. In addition,

exploration of this topic may help inform psychologists, educators, and spiritual mentors how to

best support youth to develop their unique gifts.

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Chapter 2: Literature Review

Adolescence can be defined as a transitory stage of life wherein the individual moves

from childhood to adulthood (Pint, 2010). Biological changes result from puberty and manifest

as changes in weight, height, body composition, and secondary sex characteristics (Steinberg,

2005). In the United States, adolescence is the time period during which individuals obtain many

of the social and legal rights of adults, including the right to drive a car, vote, and get married, as

well as the ability to establish a separate household.

Erik Erikson (1968/1994) suggested that adolescence is one of the most important and

challenging developmental stages an individual will ever go through. During this time, identity

confusion is at its highest point in an individual’s life. Teens are leaving behind their identities as

dependent children and beginning the process of individuation. During this process, they try on

identities to find who they are, how they fit into the world, and how the world responds to them,

while experiencing tremendous doubt and confusion (Feist & Feist, 2006): “Young people are in

a process of unknown identity, social role, unclear future perspective, and moral purpose”

(Bussing et al., 2010, p. 26).

Cognitively, some research shows adolescence is the time when individuals develop

higher levels of abstract thought (Hacker, 1994). For the first time, individuals are able to think

and see multiple layers of reality, thus formulating ideas about concepts that are bigger than the

egoic self. Adolescents begin to be able to view themselves in more abstract and complex ways

than ever before and begin to view others in similarly complex ways. They can begin to think

hypothetically, imagine different perspectives, and use metacognition to reflect on their own

ideas (Good & Willoughby, 2008). The capacity for abstract thought allows adolescents to start

questioning cultural norms and authority (Bussing et al., 2010).

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Bussing et al. (2010) have suggested that while adolescents may be given many

opportunities to figure out personality-based identities (i.e., artistic, a jock, beautiful, smart, a

rebel, etc.), they seem to rarely be given the chance to experience or explore a spiritual identity.

New research suggests that adolescence may be a time of particular importance for spiritual and

religious exploration and commitment (Good & Willoughby, 2008). Indeed, adolescence has

only recently been examined as an existentially and spiritually rich stage of life (Berman,

Weems, & Stickle, 2006; Hacker, 1994).

Spirituality, Religiosity, and Adolescence

Defining spirituality and religiosity has long been a challenge to the fields of theology

and psychology (Zinnbauer et al., 1997). Historically, spirituality and religiosity have been

considered to be the same construct (Hill et al., 2000). In his pioneering work, The Varieties of

Religious Experience, William James (1902/2008) described religion in ways that are analogous

to today’s descriptions of spirituality:

Religion, therefore, as I now ask you arbitrarily to take it, shall mean for us the feelings, acts, and experiences of individual men in their solitude, so far as they apprehend themselves to stand in relation to whatever they may consider the divine. (p. 29)

Prior to the rise of secularism, the term “religion” was used to describe both institutional

and individual elements of the search for and experience of the sacred (Hill et al., 2000;

Zinnbauer et al., 1997). Zinnbauer et al. (1997) suggested that spirituality was indistinguishable

from religiosity until widespread disillusionment with religion led to a rejection of traditional

religion in favor of personal experiences of communion with the sacred. As a result, the

definition of religion is now narrower than ever before.

In an attempt to characterize and define modern concepts of religion and spirituality,

Zinnbauer et al. (1997) surveyed 346 individuals from different churches and nontraditional

spiritual institutions in the Midwest (M = 40 years of age). Participants wrote down their own

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definitions of religion and spirituality and were asked to rate themselves on a 5-point Likert scale

regarding the degree to which they considered themselves spiritual and religious. Results showed

that the majority of participants (36%) defined spirituality as “feelings or experiences of

connectedness/relationship/oneness with God/Christ/Higher Power/Transcendent

Reality/Nature/etc.” followed by “personal beliefs such as belief or faith in God/Higher

power/the divine/personal values, etc.” which were expressed by (34%) of the participants

(Zinnbauer et al., 1997, p. 556). Other responses included integrating one’s values into daily life,

striving for inner states of comfort, security, and love. When describing the sacred, 70% of the

definitions referred to traditional terms such as God, Christ, and the church. In contrast, religion

was most commonly defined (22%) as “belief or faith in God/higher power/the divine/personal

values/etc.” followed by “organizational practices or activities such as attendance at services,

performance of rituals, church membership or allegiance” (21%; Zinnbauer et al., 1997, p. 557).

Other definitions included integrating values into daily life, following God’s will, loving others,

personal worship through prayer or meditation, and feeling connected to a transcendent reality.

Statistical analyses revealed that definitions of religiosity and spirituality were significantly

different in terms of content, yet shared some overlap. Religiosity involved institutional beliefs

and practices, whereas spirituality referred to a personal connection to the transcendent.

Thus, this preliminary research supports the notion that religion is largely seen as the

institutional and organizational dogma that structures specific religious groups (Hill et al., 2000);

whereas, spirituality is now seen as the personal experience of the divine or the “feelings,

thoughts, experiences, and behaviors that arise from a search for the sacred” (Hill et al., 2000, p.

66). Alternatively, spirituality has been defined as the capacity to experience and acknowledge

dimensions of reality that transcend ordinary reality (Benson, 1997). Thus, religion may evoke

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spirituality but is not necessarily qualified as spiritual. For purposes of this research, the

commonly accepted definitions of spirituality and religion as described above (Hill et al., 2000)

are employed throughout this paper; specifically, spirituality is defined as the internal experience

of the sacred; whereas, religion is defined as external institutional rules, dogma, and doctrine

characteristic of a religious tradition.

In the field of psychology, spirituality has been considered to fall into the realm of

adulthood (Benson, 1997). Yet some recent researchers have suggested that spirituality is a

“universal human capacity” (Benson, 1997, p. 206) that transcends age. Indeed, it has been

posited that adolescence is the individual’s first encounter with deep spirituality and existential

angst (Hacker, 1994).

Scholarly literature on childhood and adolescent spirituality is in its infancy. Yet

movements such as the Positive Youth Development movement are focusing on adolescence as a

critical time period and thus driving new research on adolescent mental health, well-being,

spirituality, purpose, and resiliency (Good, Willoughby, & Busseri, 2011; Kim & Esquival,

2011). Increasingly, it has been shown that spirituality and religion may be protective factors for

adolescents (Briggs et al., 2011).

In the early 1980s, Fowler (1981) introduced the first and only existing comprehensive

theory of spiritual development. He expanded on the developmental theories of both Piaget

(1947/2003) and Erikson (1950/1993) and posited the first comprehensive theory of faith,

consisting of seven stages of faith development. Fowler (1981) defined faith as a process of

meaning-making, specifically:

People’s evolved and evolving ways of experiencing self, others and world (as they construct them) as related to and affected by the ultimate conditions of existence (as they construct them) and of shaping their lives’ purposes and meanings, trust and loyalties, in light of the character of being, value and power determining the ultimate conditions of

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existence (as grasped in their operative images—conscious and unconscious—of them). (pp. 92-92)

According to Fowler (1981), age 0-2 is the Primal stage in which the newborn/toddler

assesses whether the world is safe or unsafe. During this time, infants form attachments to

caregivers and form internal working models, or schemas, about how the world works. From

ages 3-7, children enter the first actual stage of faith development termed the Intuitive Projective

Faith stage in which they are sponges absorbing culture and learning about cultural norms.

Imagination is active and wild and in this stage Fowler asserted that consciousness is passive and

can be possessed by culture.

Fowler (1981) said that children around the age of 7 move into Mythic-Literal Faith in

which symbol and ritual are literal. The imagination is subdued, thinking becomes linear, and

children in this stage hold onto the notion of justice. Stories, rules, and values create a

predictable and orderly understanding of reality. The relationship with God or the Universe is

seen as reciprocal and children begin to learn the difference between reality and make-believe.

As children enter adolescence, they move into Fowler’s (1981) third stage, Synthetic-

Conventional wherein individuals adhere to rules. Dogma, morals, and conformity are the central

themes of this stage. Adolescents in this stage are thought to adopt unquestioningly the religious

and societal norms of their culture, and to ascribe authority to individuals or groups who

represent those religious and cultural beliefs. Individuals in this stage are not aware that they are

following rules and dogma that have been handed down to them.

Fowler’s (1981) fourth stage is Individuative-Reflective, which begins in young

adulthood. In this stage, individuals begin to separate their identity from that of the group and

begin to question group norms and beliefs. This stage is characterized by struggle and anxiety as

individuals leave the comfort of the tribe to begin the search for individual truth. They begin to

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define their own values, goals, and meaning apart from the group. At this stage, they begin to

self-define their roles and relationships.

The fifth stage is the Conjunctive stage which may begin in adulthood (Fowler, 1981). In

this stage, individuals develop the capacity to see symbols as holding multiple meanings. This is

the beginning of mysticism and the beginning of feeling the ecstasy of divinity. Individuals are

more concerned with what is true than their beliefs and have no problem finding the unifying

elements in many different religions. In this stage, the individual finds peace with paradox. Truth

is understood to have many different perspectives and contradictions.

Fowler’s (1981) final stage is the Universalizing Faith, in which all people and creatures

are seen as one. Individuals feel compelled to commit themselves completely to a Universal

cause or vision. Spiritual awareness becomes an everyday lived experience. Fowler noted that

some individuals never move through all of the stages, but rather remain in an earlier stage even

through adulthood, as evidenced by adults who remain in the Synthetic-Conventional stage and

never question their inherited religious dogma.

In Fowler’s (1981) theory, adolescents are thought to absorb and ascribe to religious and

cultural norms with little ability to question what cultural and religious doctrine has been handed

down to them. Adolescents also are not considered capable of experiencing the spiritual or

mystical dimensions of life, as that is thought to require full cognitive development. In Fowler’s

model, transcendence is reserved for the chronologically mature. My study indicates that this is

not valid.

Fowler’s (1981) theory has been criticized by many; however, no one has yet presented

another comprehensive model of faith development. Critics argue that Fowler’s (1981) theory

more appropriately describes ego development. He has also been criticized for an overreliance on

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stage theory (Day, 2001). In introducing stage theory to the psychology of religion, Fowler

limited children’s faith to their cognitive abilities (Roehlkepartain, Benson, King, Wagener,

2006). Day (2001) wrote:

Structuralist approaches to the psychology of religious development . . . have held that religious development proceeds in a uniform way across a series of universal, hierarchical, and irreversible stages. It follows a course that moves the human being from heteronomy to autonomy, in a process of ongoing meaning-making centered in the cognitive structures of the individuals disposed, as philosophers, to an ongoing concern with questions of meaning, the nature of the sacred, and relationships between human and divine activity. (p. 173)

The term development may be misleading as in many cultural and religious traditions spirituality

exists fully formed in newborns (Gottlieb, 2006). Indeed, in some cultures such as that of the

Beng people in West Africa, infants are considered to be the most spiritual of all humans and

childcare is focused on nurturing the spiritual nature of children. According to Day (2001):

“spirituality is more mystical, relational, and divinely gifted than is suggested by the use of the

word development, which can imply a sort of inevitability to the process” (p. 10). Hay and Nye

(2007) echo this sentiment:

the cumulative feeling I am left with after reviewing what we know about childhood spirituality is an uneasiness about the adequacy of developmental theory to give an account of it. . . . I do not deny that stage theories have their uses. The major problem is their narrowness, coming near to dissolving religion into reason and therefore childhood spirituality into nothing more than a form of immaturity or inadequacy. (p. 57)

Absorption, joy, wonder, reverence, connection with nature, intuition, empathy, and compassion

are spiritual experiences that children and adolescents experience on a regular basis (Hart, 2006).

In his research on the spiritual experiences of children and youth, Hart (2006) conducted both

qualitative and quantitative studies of children who have had spiritual experiences and found that

spirituality is deep and alive in some young people:

Children’s spiritual expressions often go unrecognized or are interpreted as merely immature religiosity. However, children’s spirituality may exist apart from adult rational and linguistic conceptions and from knowledge about religion. Although children may

12

not be able to articulate a moment of wonder or conceptualize a religious concept, their presence—their mode of being and knowing in the world—may be distinctly spiritual. (pp. 163-164)

To illustrate his point, Hart (2006) tells the story of Karen who said:

I was 15, sitting in silence in my “special spot” outside, a short walk from my family’s house. I was just sort of tuning in to nature, the little bird and insects here and there. Then suddenly I had this experience of everything being connected. Both in the sense of just part of the same, but then, what was most amazing to me was there was also a sense of everything being equal—the majestic mountain, the blade of grass, and me. (p. 165)

He also described Jim who at age 14 said:

I couldn’t get my teachers to take my questions and ideas seriously. I thought this was what school was going to be about. There was such a big deal about going off to first grade, but I kept waiting for us to talk about life—you know, why we’re all here? What’s this world about? The nature of the universe. Things like that. (Hart, 2006, p. 169)

Indeed, some children and youth display a remarkable capacity for wisdom that is not based on

cognitive ability, but rather from direct inner knowing or transrational processes (Hart, 2006).

Those who have worked with adolescents in a spiritual context assert that adolescent

spirituality is not only real, but deep, powerful, transformative, and ripe with spiritual

experiences (McCulloch, 2003). The central task of adolescence is to find self, understand self,

and expand the self which often presents deep spiritual crises, though this aspect of adolescence

is often overlooked. Indeed, adolescence can be seen as a time of deep existential inquiry, which

often begins the individual’s search for meaning, transcendence, and purpose (Berman et al.,

2006; Hacker, 1994; Kim & Esquival, 2011):

This existential crisis faced by the adolescent results in the intense search for new ways to affirm life: (a) to search for meaning, (b) to search for linkage with others, (c) to search for linkage with someone greater than one’s self such as a Supreme Being or God, (d) to develop a sense of relationship with meaningful philosophies, and (e) to find a way to bring about purpose for being. (Schlesing, 2005, p. 78)

The search for identity, sense of place, and purpose are all highly spiritual desires that target the

root of existential questions (Benson, 1997; Hacker, 1994).

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Through the process of breaking away and forming identity, many adolescents may face a

time of breakdown (and possibly a subsequent breakthrough), which results in increased feelings

of emptiness and the need to search for personal meaning.

An adolescent can awaken one morning with the insight that, for the first time in his or her life, an incredible feeling of isolation and loneliness stemming from a sense of not belonging has invaded his or her thoughts. An adolescent also can gain, in a moment, the insight that who he or she is no longer depends on what others believe but rather on who he or she wants to become. (Hacker, 1994, p. 304)

Adolescence seems to be a spiritually sensitive time of identify formation and deep existential

questioning.

The spiritual needs of adolescents during this transitory time of profound biological,

emotional, mental, and social changes have not been explored nor researched. What has been

demonstrated is that spirituality and religiosity seem to be protective factors during the critical

time period of adolescence, even though the exact mechanisms of this are not known.

Research on Religiosity and Spirituality in Adolescents

Research on spirituality and religiosity in adolescence has mostly focused on their

generally positive effects on mental health, well-being, and resiliency. Berman et al. (2006)

sought to examine the sources of existential anxiety in youth using the three-domain framework

posited by Tillich (1952): anxiety about fate and death, emptiness and meaninglessness, and guilt

and condemnation. Participants comprised 139 adolescents ages 15-18 (M = 16.7, 70% were

female, 30% were male) recruited from high school psychology classes in Florida. Researchers

administered three measures: the 13-item Existential Anxiety Questionnaire (EAQ) using true-

false statements to measure the subdomains of Tillich’s theory; the 18-item Brief Symptom

Inventory using a 5-point Likert scale measuring depression, anxiety, and somatization; and the

Ego Identity Process Questionnaire to assess identity status.

14

Existential concerns were highly prevalent in the sample. Results showed that 70% of the

sample reported anxiety related to emptiness, 64% to fate, 59% to guilt, 53% to condemnation,

48% to death, and 30% to meaninglessness (Berman et al., 2006). EAQ was also found to be

correlated with anxiety and depression. Limitations of this study include the cross-sectional

design, homogenous sample, and ratio of females to males. However, this study indicates that

many young people grapple with abstract and complex existential issues such as emptiness.

Similarly, Davis, Kerr, and Kurpius (2003) examined the effect of spirituality and/or

religiosity on 45 adolescents (25 female, 20 male) ranging in age from 14 to 17 (M = 15.2) who

were part of a nationally sponsored workshop for at-risk youth (defined as having talent or

leadership potential and being economically impoverished, undersupported, minority status, and

engaging in delinquent behaviors). Participants completed the State-Trait Anxiety Inventory

which measures situational and chronic anxiety; the Spiritual Well-Being Scale which measures

religious and existential well-being; the Allport/Ross Religious Orientation Scale which

measures extrinsic and intrinsic religiosity; and the Social Provisions Scale which measures the

social provisions of attachment, opportunity for nurturance, social integration, guidance,

reassurance of worth, and reliable alliance.

Results (Davis et al., 2003) demonstrated significant correlations between trait anxiety

and spiritual well-being for males (r = .58, p <.01). When spiritual well-being was analyzed by

its subscales of existential well-being and religious well-being, males reported significantly

higher existential well-being than their female counterparts. In addition, existential well-being

was negatively correlated with trait anxiety for both males (r = -.48, p < .05) and females (r = -

.39, p < .05). Existential well-being was a significant predictor of trait anxiety. The study

indicates that spirituality and religiosity affect anxiety in adolescents, and that existential well-

15

being may be a more salient construct than religious well-being when looking at trait anxiety. A

limitation of this study is the use of at-risk adolescents and small sample size. Nevertheless, this

study supports the idea that adolescents may be deeply concerned with existential issues and that

spirituality may buffer existential anxiety.

Indeed, the link between spirituality/religiosity and adolescent mental health has been

demonstrated by a number of studies (Benson, 1997). Increased spirituality and religiosity have

been tied to positive developmental outcomes including decreased sexual activity, decreased

substance abuse, decreased violence, and increased prosocial values such as helping others, more

harmonious family relationships, and greater academic success (Benson, 1997; Good &

Willoughby, 2008). These findings however, do not differentiate between spiritual and religious

causes. Most empirical studies have focused on religion as a protective factor in adolescence.

Rasic et al. (2011) examined the self-rated personal importance of religion and frequency

of attendance at religious services with risk of depression and risky behaviors in adolescents ages

15-19 in Nova Scotia. A total of 1,615 individuals (number of females and males not provided)

were administered the Center for Epidemiological Studies Depression Scale to measure levels of

depression, a survey measuring alcohol and drug use along with suicidal thinking, a four-item

scale measuring the importance of religion and frequency of church service attendance, and a

measure of social capital which was defined as perceived trustworthiness of school peers.

Separate analyses were conducted for males and females because of distinct risk factors for

depression, suicidal behavior, and substance abuse. Results showed that the relationship between

religiosity, mental health, and substance abuse is different for each sex.

Religious importance was shown to have weak protective effects for depression and

suicidal thoughts in females, although findings became nonsignificant when constructs of social

16

trust and substance use were not used (Rasic et al., 2011). In females, religious attendance was

found to be a protective factor for substance abuse. In males, religious importance was a

protective factor for substance use, and religious attendance was a protective factor for binge

drinking. Limitations of this study include the inability to infer causation, self-report bias, and a

homogenous sample from one area. However, results suggest that religiosity may positively

affect adolescent mental health and engagement in risky behaviors.

Sawatzky, Gadermann, and Pesut (2009) examined the relationships between spirituality,

health, and quality of life (QOL) in adolescents. Researchers hypothesized that

(a) spirituality is associated with physical and mental health status in adolescents, (b) spirituality and health status have the potential to contribute to adolescents’ QOL, and (c) there are other aspects of life, often referred to as life domains, that are relevant to adolescents’ QOL. (Sawatzky et al., 2009, p. 7)

The five life domains examined were family, friends, school experiences, living environment,

and perception of self. Data were obtained through a cross-sectional sample of 8,225 adolescents

(50% male and 50% female) in grades 7 to 12 (M = 15.2 years of age) who participated in the

British Columbia Youth Survey on Smoking and Health II. Participants attended 49 schools in

different areas of British Colombia, Canada, and were administered surveys during class.

Measures included an adapted form of the Spiritual Well-being Scale to assess existential

spirituality on a 5-point Likert scale (e.g., “I believe there is some real purpose in my life”), the

Multidimensional Students’ Life Satisfaction Scale (MSLSS) using a 6-point Likert scale to

measure satisfaction with four life domains (school, friends, self, living environment), and two

items measuring quality of life using a 5-point Likert scale (e.g., “I am satisfied with my quality

of life”). Analyses were run based on polychoric correlations.

Results showed that 89% of the participants agreed or strongly agreed that their life has a

real purpose (Sawatzky et al., 2009). In addition, 86% agreed or strongly agreed that there is real

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meaning in life. Interestingly, only 17% of the participants strongly agreed and 32% agreed that

religiosity and spirituality were a source of comfort. Spirituality was significantly correlated with

global QOL. Of the six attributes of spirituality measured, existential matters were the best

predictor of QOL. Spiritual and religious attributes were also significantly associated with

perceived mental health status and perceived physical health status, though to a lesser degree.

Limitations of this study include the homogeneity of the sample (72.6% were Caucasian) and

possible bias given that some surveys were administered electronically and others by pen and

paper. Despite this, this study shows that spirituality and religiosity do have an influence on

adolescents’ quality of life and mental health. Of particular interest is the result that existential

factors of spirituality were the most salient factor when predicting QOL.

Markstrom, Huey, and Krause (2010) sought to test three hypotheses: (a) that adolescent

females would score higher than males on religious attendance, empathy, volunteerism, care for

others, and perspective taking; (b) that adolescents who were more religious would score higher

on volunteerism, empathy, care, and perspective taking; and (c) that care and volunteerism would

predict the level of empathy and perspective taking for both males and females regardless of

religiosity. A sample of 165 males and 263 females (n = 428) ranging in age from 15 to 17 from

rural West Virginia was used. Most participants self-identified as White and Christian.

Participants were asked about their religious participation (e.g., “How often do you attend

religious services?” and “How important are religious or spiritual beliefs in your day-to-day

life?”). Questions were answered with multiple choice or on a 7-point Likert scale as applicable.

Three other variables were assessed: empathic concern/perspective taking, care, and

volunteerism. To measure empathic concern/perspective taking, the Interpersonal Reactivity

Index was administered. A single yes or no question was used to assess volunteerism, which was

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“Do you currently do any volunteer work (without pay)?” Care was assessed using an 8-item

subscale from the Psychosocial Inventory of Ego Strengths using a 5-point Likert scale.

Females scored significantly higher than males on religious attendance, importance of

beliefs, empathic concern, perspective taking, and care (Markstrom et al., 2010). There were no

significant differences between sexes regarding volunteerism. Religious attendance was

significantly positively correlated with care for others for males (r = .25, p = .00) and females (r

= .21, p = .00) yet z tests showed no significant differences. For females, importance of beliefs

was significantly positively correlated with empathic concern (r = .12, p = .046) but not for

males. For males, importance of beliefs was significantly correlated with perspective taking (r =

.15, p = .04) but not for females. Religious attendance was not a significant predictor of empathic

concern or perspective taking in either sex. Multiple regressions revealed that importance of

beliefs and not religious attendance was a better predictor of empathic concern, perspective

taking, care, and volunteerism.

Self-acknowledged limitations of this study were the small quantity of items measuring

attendance and spirituality, homogenous sample size, and lack of measurement of social

desirability (Markstrom et al., 2010). Other limitations included the low number of items

measuring particular constructs such as volunteerism and care, which compromises validity.

Wong, Rew, and Slaikeu (2006) conducted a systematic review of recent research on the

relationship between adolescent spirituality and religiosity and mental health. Researchers

defined religiosity as an individual’s relationship with a faith tradition or doctrine. They defined

spirituality as the intrinsic experience of the sacred which involves the search for meaning,

purpose, and connectedness. Twenty articles on quantitative studies focused on adolescent

mental health populations in the United States published between 1998 and 2004 were selected

19

from CINAHL, ERIC, Medline, PsychINFO, and Sociological Abstracts database. Demographic

data revealed that the majority of participants self-identified as Christian, yet two studies used

exclusively African American samples and one utilized an Asian Indian American sample. Two

studies used only female samples. All participants were in school.

Articles were analyzed and categories of religiosity and spirituality were extracted (Wong

et al., 2006). Categories were coded as “institutional” (e.g., focusing on the social and behavioral

elements), “ideological” (e.g., beliefs, attitudes, ideology), “personal devotion” (e.g., personal

devotion and private practices), “existential” (existential well-being), “multidimensional” (e.g., a

combination of the other factors), and “generic” (e.g., generic or vague). In addition, analyses

examined the relationship between adolescent religiosity/spirituality and negative and positive

aspects of mental health. Out of the 20 studies analyzed, 18 (90%) demonstrated positive

findings suggesting that adolescents who reported high levels of religiosity and spirituality also

report better mental health.

Of the religiosity and spirituality factors, institutional and existential were the best

predictors of adolescent mental health (Wong et al., 2006), and ideological and personal

devotion, the poorest predictors. In addition, religiosity and spirituality mediated mental health

more often for boys than girls and more often in older adolescents than younger adolescents.

Self-acknowledged limitations included the use of data from only the United States, the use of

only published studies leading to possible bias, and possible inflation of terms based on

conceptual overlap between religiosity and spirituality. Despite this, the systematic review serves

as strong evidence that a relationship between religiosity/spirituality and mental health does exist

in adolescence. In addition, it suggests that the variables encompassed by the institutional and

existential categories might have particular salience for adolescent populations.

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As evidenced by these studies, spirituality and religiosity have been shown to positively

affect mental health outcomes in adolescence. Both have been shown to be a protective factor in

youth in that they are related to reduced anxiety, increased prosocial behaviors, decreased

substance abuse, and decreased sexual activity. Specifically, existential well-being seems to be

an important predictor of adolescent mental health.

Substantial research demonstrates that spirituality and religiosity positively impact

healthy identity formation, civic engagement, purpose, and resilience. Yet, less is known about

spirituality and religiosity as domains of development in their own right (Good et al., 2011). In

2005, researchers from UCLA’s Higher Education Research Institute conducted a survey of

112,232 college freshman (55% female, 45% male, mean age not reported) from 236 colleges

and universities across the United States (Astin, Astin, Lindholm, Bryant, Szelenyi, &

Calderone, 2005). Data from 98,593 participants and 209 institutions were used in the final

analysis since participation from some institutions was deemed too low. Student religious

preferences indicated that 19 different religions were represented, with 12 of them being

Christian denominations. The most represented religions included: 28% Roman Catholic, 17%

no religion, 13% Baptist, and 11% Other Christian. Seventy-seven percent of participants

believed that “we are all spiritual beings.” In addition, four in five students reported “having an

interest in spirituality” and “believing in the sacredness of life.” Approximately two-thirds of

participants agreed that “my spirituality is a source of joy” and three-fourths reported that they

“are searching for meaning/purpose in life.” Three in four freshman reported having had a

spiritual experience while in nature, and half had one while listening to music. Religion was also

of great importance, with four in five attending religious services in the past year and regularly

discussing religion and spirituality with friends and family. The majority (74%) felt a “sense of

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connection with God/Higher power that transcends my personal self.” In addition, 47% had

sought out opportunities to help themselves grow more spiritually.

Interestingly, survey results support the notion that adolescence may be a time of deep

questioning (Astin et al., 2005). Sixty-five percent of the participants reported having “felt

distant from God” at different times in their lives, and 57% had questioned their religious beliefs.

This further supports the possibility that adolescence is a sensitive time for spiritual development

(Good et al., 2011). However, the mean age, sex breakdown, ethnic breakdown, and

socioeconomic breakdown of this sample were not reported. The sample included only college

students, a socioeconomically privileged population.

In another survey of adolescent spirituality conducted by the Search Institute involving

12,000 public school students in grades 6-12 (breakdown by sex not reported) recruited from a

large Southwestern city in the United States, 48% said “being religious or spiritual” was of high

importance, and 17% said it was somewhat important (Benson, 1997). Students were asked to

rate the importance of their values. “Helping other people” was rated highest (74%), followed by

“equality” (60%), honesty (59%), “making the world a better place” (57%), and

religion/spirituality (48%). Even though religion and spirituality as an explicit value were rated

fifth, the other variables may be seen as reflections of spirituality or spiritual awareness. It is

possible that adolescents place importance on spiritual values without understanding or labeling

them as spiritual.

In a study by Good et al. (2011), researchers sought to describe configurations of

spirituality/religiosity over time based on four dimensions of spirituality. Researchers used a

longitudinal, person-centered analysis approach. A sample of 803 students (52% female, 48%

male) from eight high schools in Ontario completed a survey during grade 11 (M = 16.42 years

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of age) and then the following year in grade 12 (M = 17.36 years of age). The survey consisted of

questions about involvement in religious activities (e.g., “How often in the last month have you

gone to religious/spiritual meetings other than church/synagogue/temple”), enjoyment of

religious activities (e.g., “I enjoy attending activities held by my religious/spiritual group”),

wondering about spiritual issues (e.g., “I often wonder about spiritual issues [i.e., life after death,

the existence of a higher power, etc.]), psychological effects of spirituality (e.g., “Even when I

experience problems, I can find a spiritual peace inside”), frequency of prayer (e.g., ”in the past

month, how often have you prayed?”), and frequency of meditation (e.g., “In the past month,

how often have you meditated?”). Participants rated their responses on a 5-point Likert scale

assessing frequency or agreement, as applicable.

Results showed that adolescents could be divided into five clusters (Good et al., 2011):

36% in Grade 11 and 5% in Grade 12 were characterized by low involvement with religion,

meditation, and prayer, but high concern with spiritual issues, the Disconnected Wanderers; 24%

of students in Grade 11 and 26% in Grade 12 revealed low involvement with religious

institutions, yet frequent use of prayer suggesting a personal connection with the divine, the

Personal group; 17% of students in Grade 11 and 8% in Grade 12 were shown to be affectively

and behaviorally engaged with the institutional and personal elements of spirituality/religiosity,

the Institutional/Personal group; 14% of students in Grade 11 and 13% in grade 12 did not note

spiritual/religious feelings or behaviors and said that a connection to the sacred did not represent

a positive effect in their day-to-day life, the Aspiritual/Irreligious group; and 9% of students in

Grade 11 and 8% in Grade 12 who reported frequent engagement in meditation, yet little to no

involvement with religion, the Meditators.

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These five clusters remained stable from Grade 11 to Grade 12 (Good et al., 2011).

However, one notable effect emerged: adolescents in the Institutional/Personal cluster in Grade

12 reported higher levels of involvement in religious activities and enjoyment of those activities

as compared to their results from Grade 11. Researchers suggested that this may reflect a

crystallization and commitment to religion. In addition, individuals in the Institutional/Personal

cluster in Grade 11 were more likely than chance to be described as fitting into the Personal

cluster by Grade 12. The researchers acknowledged that 1 year may be insufficient time to

measure stability of spirituality/religiosity patterns. Another acknowledged limitation was the

homogenous sample.

Bussing et al. (2010) examined which aspects of spirituality are valued by adolescents

using their own Aspects of Spirituality (ASP) questionnaire (Bussing, Ostermann, & Matthissen,

2007), which measures both religiosity and spirituality and quantifies the cognitive, emotional,

intentional, and behavioral aspects of both religion (defined as an institutional and organized

closed system of belief) and spirituality (defined as the multidimensional and internal search for

purpose and meaning). The ASP consists of 25 statements (e.g., “I orient myself with ethical

norms”) rated by agreement on a 5-point Likert scale. It includes four scales derived from

previous research and pilot-tested on adolescents taking religious courses in high school

(Bussing et al., 2007): Search for Insight/Wisdom (existential and philosophical views, e.g.,

“Trying to develop wisdom,” “Life is a search and question for answers”), Conscious

Interactions (humanistic views, e.g., “Conscious interaction with others,” “Conscious interaction

with myself”), Religious Orientation (religious views, e.g., “Praying for others,” “Reading

religious or spiritual books”), and Transcendence Conviction (esoteric views, e.g., “Convinced of

a rebirth of man,” “Convinced that man is a spiritual being”). In addition, participants were

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administered the Brief Multidimensional Life Satisfaction Scale (BMLSS) which assesses life-

satisfaction on a 7-point Likert scale across eight different dimensions: Myself, Overall Life,

Friendships, Family Life, School, Location, Financial Situation, and Future prospects. Surveys

were administered to 254 adolescents (51% female, 49% male, mean age 16.6 years) from four

high schools in Germany. Most students had a Christian background. However, 67% identified

as being neither spiritual nor religious; 21% rated themselves religious, but not spiritual; and 6%

rated themselves as spiritual, but not religious. Reliability, factorial analyses, analyses of

variance, and correlation analyses were run with a p > 0.05 significance level. Researchers

confirmed the factorial structure of the ASP by combining adolescent data with data from 988

healthy adults. The instrument was found to have good internal consistency: Cronbach’s alpha =

.94 for the whole sample, and Cronbach’s alpha = .90 for the adolescent sample.

The adolescents rated “Conscious Interactions” as the most relevant variable to their own

sense of spirituality, followed by “Search for Insight/Wisdom.” “Prayer/Trust in God” and

“Transcendence Conviction” were rated as the least important (Bussing et al., 2010). Researchers

said that 16 and 17 year old adolescents most appreciated humanistic values such as “Conscious

Interactions,” “Compassion/Generosity,” and “Aspiring for Beauty/Wisdom.” Existential and

religious values, such as “Religious Orientation,” “Transcendence Conviction,” and “Quest

Orientation” (not defined), were rated of least importance. Females scored significantly higher

on the “Compassion/Generosity” dimension than males. Findings confirmed results of a pilot

study that most adolescents do not consider themselves to be religious or spiritual, yet value

conscious interactions with peers, family, and authority figures. Researchers suggested that

adolescents may cognitively reject the notion of religion or spirituality, but emotionally “there

seems to be a longing to be sheltered, guided, and beloved by an external transcendental being

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providing meaning and direction in a complicated life” (Bussing et al., 2010, p. 40). Though this

study may suggest possible nuances in adolescent spirituality, the sample consisted of only

German youth whom the researchers observed may have a more pragmatic attitude that rejects

ideas of religion and spirituality (the United States is generally considered a more religious

country compared to most Northern European countries).

Rew, Wong, Torres, and Howell (2007) sought to investigate the role of family and

friends’ influence on spirituality and religiosity and to explore the diversity of spiritual and

religious experiences in older adolescents between 18 and 21 years of age. Qualitative data were

collected from 28 undergraduates (17 women, 11 men) from a public university in the

Southwest. The sample consisted of 10 Caucasians, 10 Asian American/Pacific Islanders, 4

Hispanics, 3 African Americans, and 1 biracial individual. Participants responded to 10 open-

ended questions related to their spirituality/religiosity, how it differs from their friends’ or

parents’, how beliefs have influenced life decisions, and how beliefs or practices have changed

since starting college. All participants were compensated $30 for their time. Data were coded and

categorized into themes.

The majority of participants described their beliefs and practices as similar to one or both

parents’ (Rew et al., 2007). However, participants also described themselves as being more

open-minded and questioning than their parents. Overall, most participants said they had both

similar and different beliefs than their friends. The majority also stated that their beliefs and

practices had at least some effect on major life decisions. Over half indicated no change in

beliefs since arriving at college. However, many reported questioning spiritual and religious

beliefs after being exposed to new ideas, beliefs, and practices. A major limitation of the study is

the small sample size.

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As has been shown, adolescence seems to be a time of deep existential questioning in

which youth grapple with constructs of God, empathy, altruism, and connection to others.

Research on adolescent spirituality has been increasingly emerging in scholarly literature for

over a decade. Substantial literature exists pertaining to the positive effects of spirituality and

religiosity on mental health, prosocial values, and resiliency in adolescent populations. Most

adolescents rate spirituality and/or religiosity as important, and the majority of adolescents seem

to identify as spiritual even if they do not explicitly describe themselves as such, suggesting that

conceptual spirituality and lived spirituality may be different for this population.

It is important to note sex differences evident among adolescents, with males displaying

less existential anxiety and females displaying more empathic concern, religious attendance,

perspective taking, importance of beliefs, compassion, and care. Religiosity and spirituality also

seem to more positively affect mental health for males than females and more often in older

adolescents than younger adolescents. This suggests the possibility of developmental differences

related to spiritual development in males and females, though this has yet to be researched. It is

also possible that females are acculturated to respond in more empathic ways and thus suffer

from social bias in self-report measures. More research is needed on the differences between

male and female adolescents’ sense of spirituality.

Spiritual Intelligence and Adolescents

Though scholarly literature has begun to examine spirituality and religiosity in youth,

almost no research examines adolescents who could be considered spiritually high functioning.

Current research on spiritual intelligence in adolescence is theoretical in nature, but suggests that

some adolescents may utilize spiritual principles at higher than average levels.

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In the last 20 years, the concept of spiritual intelligence (or SQ) has gained some

momentum in popular and scholarly literature. The notion of multiple intelligences by Gardner

(1983) argued for intelligences other than intellectual intelligence (IQ), which focuses on logical

rational intelligence, including the possibility of a spiritual intelligence. However, controversy

exists over the construct of SQ and whether it is best operationalized as an “intelligence.” No

singular definition of SQ exists, making it hard to define as a theoretical construct.

Gardner (1999) suggested that intelligence may be understood as “a biopsychological

potential to process information that can be activated in a cultural setting to solve problems or

create products that are of value in a culture” (p. 34). He identified eight intelligences: linguistic,

logical-mathematical, musical, spatial, bodily-kinesthetic, interpersonal, intrapersonal, and

naturalist. Gardner (1999) suggested that each intelligence functions separately as an

independent system and could be qualified as an intelligence if it met the following criteria:

1. An identifiable and consistent set of operations 2. An evolutionary advantage or potential 3. A characteristic pattern of development 4. Potential isolation by brain damage 5. Case studies of exceptional humans with or without the intelligence system 6. Potential to encode in a symbol system 7. Support from experimental psychological experiments 8. Support from psychometric findings. (pp. 62-65)

Subsequently, Goleman (1995) popularized the concept of emotional intelligence, based

on the research of Boyatzis (e.g., Boyatzis & Sala, 2004) of motive and trait-level intrapersonal

and interpersonal competencies. He suggested that emotional intelligence is the ability to

empathize, persist, self-regulate, hope, and engage in self-awareness. According to Goleman

(1995), emotional intelligence dictates how IQ is used in that it enables a person to navigate the

inevitable trials and tribulations of life.

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Emmons (2000) expanded upon the notion of emotional intelligence to suggest the

possibility of a spiritual intelligence. He found that one of the hallmarks of intelligence is the

ability to problem-solve and promote the goals of a person (Sternberg, 1990). He defined

spirituality as the search for and experience of the sacred or transcendent and suggested that

spiritual intelligence might be a subset of spirituality that allows an individual to use spiritual

themes and abilities to solve problems. Emmons (2000) considered spirituality “a set of specific

abilities or capacities” that may “underlie a variety of problem-solving skills relevant to

everyday life situations” (p. 8), congruent with Gardner’s (1999) criteria. Emmons (2000)

defined spiritual intelligence as “a framework for identifying and organizing skills and abilities

needed for the adaptive use of spirituality” (p. 163). However, Emmons (2000) was also careful

to note that spirituality cannot be reduced to the capacity to problem solve, but rather

encompasses the ability to solve everyday problems. He identified five characteristics that define

spiritual intelligence:

1. The capacity for transcendence—experiences that go beyond the purely physical, a sense of going beyond the purely physical

2. The ability to enter into heightened spiritual states of consciousness—also known as exceptional human experiences

3. The ability to see the sacred in everyday life 4. The ability to use spiritual resources to solve daily problems 5. The capacity to engage in virtuous behavior or to be virtuous—to show forgiveness,

to express gratitude, to be humble, and to practice compassion. (Emmons, 2000, p. 3)

Gardner (2000) refuted Emmons’ (2000) view, arguing insufficient evidence to support

the concept of spiritual intelligence. He said that intelligence refers to cognition and information

processing and that Emmons uses intelligence to describe “motivation, emotions, personality,

and morality” (Gardner, 2000, p. 33). Gardner rejected the idea of a spiritual intelligence, but

suggested the possibility of an existential intelligence that encompasses many of the variables

considered to make up spiritual intelligence. However, Gardner (2003) acknowledged that the

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criteria for separate intelligences are judgmental and not fixed. He viewed the concept of

intelligence from a reductionist lens whereas Emmons (2000) viewed it from a holistic lens. This

suggests that even though Gardner (2000) established his eight criteria for defining an

intelligence, they may be subjective.

Some researchers have criticized Gardner’s (2000) criteria for intelligence. Noble (2000)

suggested that spiritual intelligence is a dynamic concept that cannot be defined in a static way.

In addition, Sisk and Torrance (2001) criticize Gardner’s definition because it fails “to take into

account the multisensory perspective of problem solving that employs vision and intuition, the

primary problem solving tools of Einstein, Tesla, and Hildegarde de Bingen to name a few” (p.

6).

Mayer (2000) suggested that what is considered spiritual intelligence might be better

described as spiritual consciousness. He described consciousness as the structuring of awareness,

or the ability to be aware of one’s self as opposed to cognition, which is mental process. He

refined Emmons’ five characteristics of spiritual intelligence to reflect consciousness rather than

cognition:

1. Attending to the transcendent 2. Consciously entering into altered states of awareness 3. Attending to the sacred in everyday life 4. Structuring consciousness so that daily problems are seen as part of the spiritual life 5. Desiring to act and acting in virtuous ways (through forgiveness, compassion,

humility, and gratitude). (Mayer, 2000, p. 47)

He suggested that it might be more appropriate to describe spiritual intelligence as a state of

awareness or beingness rather than as a mental ability. Mayer (2000) is especially critical of

Emmons’ fifth aspect of spiritual intelligence because virtuous behavior is based more on

temperament than cognition, which suggests that it fits under the realm of personality, not

cognition.

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As a result of these critiques, Emmons (2000) retracted his fifth criterion, but maintained

that spiritual intelligence is what facilitates taking action in the world and using skills to

problem-solve in a spiritually adaptive way. Thus, he maintained that spiritual intelligence

should be considered a legitimate intelligence and does belong in the realm of cognition.

Since his introduction of the term, many researchers and laypeople have created their

own definitions of spiritual intelligence. Sinetar (2000) defined spiritual intelligence as a

consciousness that includes full understanding of self, a natural creativity, authenticity, unitive

identification, inspired thought, and compassion. Sisk (2008) said that spiritual intelligence is the

“capacity to use a multisensory approach—intuition, meditation, and visualization—to access

one’s inner knowledge to solve problems of a global nature. SQ includes awareness of unity or

connectedness with self, others, the community, the earth, and the cosmos” (p. 25) and that

“spiritual intelligence can be described as a deep self-awareness in which one becomes more and

more aware of the dimensions of self, not simply as a body, but as a mind-body, and spirit”

(Sisk, 2002, p. 209). Levin (2000) described spiritual intelligence as the realization that human

beings are interconnected and that there is more to the human experience than logic, rationalism,

and physical reality. Zohar and Marshall (2000) described it as the capacity to problem solve

through value, vision, and meaning. Vaughan (2002) defined spiritual intelligence as “a capacity

for a deep understanding of existential questions and insight into multiple levels of

consciousness” (p. 19). Amram (2008) described it as “the ability to apply, manifest, and

embody spiritual resources, values, and qualities to enhance daily functioning and well-being”

(p. 5). A more recent definition by Hosseini et al. (2010) described spiritual intelligence as:

A blend/combination of the individual’s personality characteristics, neurological processes, specialized cognitive capabilities, and spiritual qualities and interests. It can help us to outgrow our immediate ego selves and to reach beyond those deeper layers of potentiality that lie hidden within us. It helps us to live life at a deeper level of meaning.

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And finally, we can use our SQ to wrestle with problems of good and evil, problems of life and death, the deepest origins of human suffering, and often despair. (p. 179)

Although this last definition encompasses cognition, personality, and spirituality presented in

previous constructs, it is clear that little consensus exists.

Based on her research of spiritual pathfinders, or great spiritual teachers and leaders, Sisk

(2008) has compiled a list of the major components that make up spiritual intelligence. She

describes them as:

Core capacities Concern with cosmic/existential issues and the skills of meditating, intuition, and visualization

Core values Connectedness, unity of all, compassion, balance, responsibility, service

Core experiences Awareness of ultimate values and their meaning, peak experiences, feelings of transcendence, and heightened awareness

Key virtues Truth, justice, compassion, and caring Symbolic systems Poetry, music, dance, metaphor, and stories Cognitive states Rapture. (Sisk, 2008, p. 25)

These characteristics combined with the various definitions of spiritual intelligence suggest that

spiritual intelligence is a deep self-awareness that transcends the ego and is often marked with

existential concern, transcendence, unity, desire to be of service, intuition, and compassion. For

purposes of this research, this definition was used.

Very little research exists on spiritual intelligence. The majority of articles and books on

the topic use varying definitions to explore anecdotal accounts of children, adolescents, and

adults who display what is best described as spiritual intelligence (Sinetar, 2000; Sisk, 2002;

Zohar & Marshall, 2000). Most publications on the subject are theoretical (Hosseini et al. 2010;

Ronel, 2008).

Amram (2007) was one of the first researchers to qualitatively explore spiritual

intelligence and was also the first to develop an ecumenical SQ theory. He interviewed 71 people

from different faith traditions who were considered spiritually intelligent by their associates in

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that they demonstrated a spirituality that enhanced functioning in everyday life. He conducted

semistructured interviews with people in the following traditions: Buddhism (n = 7), Christianity

(n = 7), Earth-based (Shamanic and Pagan) (n = 6), Eclectic (n = 20), Hindu (n = 5),

Islam/Sufism (n = 5), Jewish (n = 7), Nondual (n = 5), Taoist (n = 4), and Yogic (n = 5).

Interviewees were asked to describe their everyday spiritual practices and qualities, how

spirituality affects their work and relationships, and how spirituality helps them in their daily

functioning. Interviews were coded to identify individual properties and themes. Subsequent

interviews were continued until convergence and saturation were found in a grounded theory

approach. Amram (2007) found seven major themes:

1. Consciousness—Consciously developed self-awareness and self-knowledge 2. Grace—Living in alignment with the self and sacred, loving and trusting life 3. Meaning—Experiencing significance in daily life and engaging in service with a

sense of purpose 4. Transcendence—Going beyond the physical and egoic self into experiencing

something more 5. Truth—Living with acceptance and love for all of creation 6. Serenity—Peaceful surrender to Self or concept of God 7. Inner-Directedness—Freedom coupled with wise action. (p. 3)

The author concluded, “that most spiritual and wisdom traditions cultivate a universal set of

qualities that are adaptive, i.e., increase functioning and wellbeing” (Amram, 2007, p. 6).

Participants reported regularly using SQ capacities such as intuition and holistic thinking.

According to Amram (2007),

An ecumenical theory of spiritual intelligence holds an expanded view of human potential. In this view, people are capable of experiencing existential meaning, developing refined consciousness, living in grace, love and reverence for life, being curious and open to truth, and attaining peacefulness, wholeness, and inner-directed freedom. (p. 6)

Amram (2007) found many traits that seem to phenomenologically describe and possibly define

spiritual intelligence amongst many religious and spiritual traditions. However, other traits may

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exist that the participants were not able to articulate. Results point to possible themes in spiritual

intelligence, but cannot be extrapolated beyond the adult spiritual leaders of the traditions

described.

In one of the two peer-reviewed quantitative studies on spiritual intelligence and

adolescence found, Annalakshmi and Tony (2011) examined the relationship between spiritual

intelligence and resilience in Catholic youth. They attempted to identify strong predictors of

resilience in adolescents between the ages of 16 and 19 in Ernakulum, Kerala.

One hundred and forty-one females and 79 males (N = 220) were recruited from Roman

Catholic schools and churches (Annalakshmi & Tony, 2011). Participants completed the

Integrated Spiritual Intelligence Scale (ISIS), which was developed by Amram and Dryer (2008)

and the BU Resilience Scale (BURS), developed by the researchers to measure resilience, which

was defined as the ability to cope with stress and catastrophe. The ISIS consists of 45 statements

on a 6-point Likert scale measuring 22 variables including beauty, gratitude, wholeness,

intuition, service, and truth. The BURS consisted of 30 self-assessment statements on a Likert

scale measuring reaction to negative events, ability to recover normal functioning, response to

risk factors, perception of past, definition of problem, hope/confidence in regards to the future,

and openness/flexibility to experience. The Cronbach’s alpha reliability coefficient was found to

be 0.88 (0.83 for the current sample). The ISIS was reported as having a Cronbach’s alpha of

0.97 (0.85 for the current sample). Data were analyzed using multiple regressions (Annalakshmi

& Tony, 2011). Results showed that intuition, synthesis, beauty, discernment, gratitude,

immanence, joy, purpose, service, higher self, holism, equanimity, inner wholeness, openness,

presence, and trust were significantly positively correlated with resilience at the 0.00 level.

Those 16 capabilities were analyzed using a stepwise method. A five factor model emerged, F(5,

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214) = 20.65, p > 0.000 in which trust, equanimity, joy, discernment, and synthesis accounted for

57% of the variance (Adjusted R square = 0.3). A posthoc power analysis revealed the power of

the analysis was 1.00. VIF range was 1.1 to 1.2 with a tolerance range of 0.9 which indicated no

presence of multicollinearity.

The study results showed high correlations between spiritual intelligence and resilience

(Annalakshmi & Tony, 2011). However, the sample was too specific to be generalizable.

Additionally, use of the ISIS, which was normed on American adults and includes many items

particular to adult populations, may be problematic.

In the second study involving spiritual intelligence and adolescence, Hosseini et al.

(2010) investigated the effects of spiritual intelligence training (SI-G) in Iranian students in

Kuala Lumpur in a quasi-experimental design. Participants included 120 Iranian girls (M = 15

years of age) living in Malaysia who were attending an Iranian school. The measure was Amram

and Dryer’s (2008) ISIS. The reliability of the scale was measured in a pilot test completed with

30 students. The remaining 90 participants were then administered the ISIS, and the lowest

scoring 34 participants were selected for the experimental portion of the study, and randomly

divided into two groups of 17. The experimental group was given five spiritual intelligence

training sessions, which consisted of 130 minutes of training per week. The control group

partook in their regular training programs, such as life skills and religious studies. A post test

was administered 3 weeks later to assess training stability.

Results were analyzed using data from 16 students in each group although the reason for

the reduction in sample was not explained (Hosseini et al., 2010). The mean score for the control

group was 3.95 and 3.96 for the experimental group. The control group showed significant

change only in the purpose subscale (t = 2.40, p ≥ .05, M = 0.47). The experimental group

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showed a significant difference in pre and post tests (t = 6.08, p < .0001), with gratitude showing

the largest effect size (t = 7.42, p ≤ .0001).

The follow up test showed that the “training program did not have good sustainability on

SQ and some of the subscales” (Hosseini et al., 2010, p. 186). However, the researchers

concluded that the training program positively affected SQ. Major limitations of this study

include the small sample size and specific population (Hosseini et al., 2010) in addition to

potential problems with using the ISIS with this population. All in all, it is questionable whether

spiritual intelligence may be improved with training.

Taken together, these studies suggest that spiritual intelligence may be related to positive

psychological outcomes. It is also unclear whether adolescents possess high spiritual

intelligence. To date, no measures of spiritual intelligence have been created for and normed on

an adolescent population.

Surprisingly, little research also exists on the components that comprise SQ, namely

empathy, altruism, compassion, transcendence, emotional intelligence, and intuition as they

relate to adolescent populations. Empathy has been the most researched, specifically, the

development of empathy through childhood and adolescence (e.g., Eisenberg, Eggum, &

Edwards, 2010), with some research on emotional intelligence, altruism, and transpersonal

commitment. Empirical studies on compassion and intuition in adolescent populations were not

found.

Empathy seems to be the underlying variable in many of the components of SQ such as

altruism, compassion, and emotional intelligence. Eisenberg et al. (2010) defined empathy as:

an affective response stemming from the apprehension or comprehension of another’s emotional state or condition; thus, it is a response that is identical, or very similar, to what the other person is feeling or might be expected to be feeling. (p. 115)

36

Hoffman (2001) defined empathy as “a feeling that fits someone else’s condition more than

one’s own. This feeling may or may not exactly match that of the other person” (p. 62).

Empathy, then, can be seen as experiencing the affective state of another.

It has been suggested that empathy plays a key role in moral development and actions

(Hay & Cook, 2007). Empathy seems to be a precursor to prosocial behaviors such as helping

alleviate another’s suffering. It has been suggested that empathy precedes altruism and other

prosocial behaviors (Eisenberg et al., 2010; Raboteg-Saric, 1997). Conversely, a lack of empathy

is associated with conduct problems, aggression, and delinquency in youth (Frick & White,

2008).

Empathic behavior has been observed as early as infancy (Hay & Cook, 2007). Hoffman

(1977, 2001) proposed the most detailed developmental model of empathy, suggesting that

empathy includes a behavioral aspect (helping), a cognitive aspect (moral reasoning), and an

affective aspect (empathy). In his observations of children, he noticed five stages of empathic

distress. He postulated that in infancy, children have no boundaries and cannot differentiate

between themselves and another. As they grow, they differentiate themselves from others and

progress from trying to appease their own empathic distress to engaging in prosocial behaviors

that reduce the distress of another.

Specifically, in the first stage, newborns exhibit global empathic distress when they see

or hear another newborn crying and respond by crying themselves (Hoffman, 1977, 2001). By 6

months of age, infants seem to only cry in response to prolonged crying by another. At 11-12

months, infants engage in egocentric empathic distress. At this point, they will whimper and

watch another infant or child in distress. After age 1, children exhibit quasi-egocentric empathic

distress and begin to make helpful gestures such as patting, kissing, advising, hugging, and

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soliciting help from adults on behalf of a peer in distress. Hoffman (1977, 2001) thought that

children at this age may be just starting to understand what are their own desires and those of

others. In the fourth stage, children at age 2 show increasingly accurate empathy for another’s

feeling. Children recognize that they are separate from others at this point and thus engage in

prosocial behaviors that will alleviate the suffering of others. In the fifth stage, children ages 6-9

begin to experience empathic distress beyond the situation. Hoffman (1977, 2001) suggested that

at this age, children form an identity that is coherent and solid which enables them to empathize

and engage in even more prosocial behaviors. Additionally, he speculated that children are able

to feel compassion at this point. Hoffman’s (1977, 2001) theory of empathic distress

development marks the beginning of serious inquiry into the development of empathy.

In a related vein, Kohlberg (1963, 1973, 1983) established a developmental theory of

moral judgment for children and adolescents based on Piaget’s work with cognition. His six

stages are broken down into three levels.

The Preconventional Level contains Stages 1 and 2 and is thought to apply to children up

to age 9 (Kohlberg, 1963, 1973, 1983). In this level, individuals are mostly concerned with direct

consequences and are not able to take the perspectives of others. Stage 1 is the Punishment-

Obedience Orientation wherein morality is seen as obeying rules and avoiding punishment. In

Stage 2, the Self-Interest Orientation, children are thought to be consumed with self-interest.

They approach morality from the perspective of how situations can benefit them. Thus, in both

stages, children are thought to be egocentric and judge moral dilemmas based on rules and self-

interest.

The Conventional Level applies from age 9 through adolescence (Kohlberg, 1963, 1973,

1983). In this level, the individual acts in accordance with societal rules and norms for what is

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right and wrong. In Stage 3, the main desire is for group approval. Thus, the individual acts in

ways that will garner approval from friends and family. Relationships to others in their social

circle are of utmost importance. In Stage 4, the Authority Maintaining Morality, the individual

becomes concerned with society at large. Societal rules and authority trump relational approval.

Morality is thus dictated by external sources.

In the last level, the Post-Conventional Level, individuals begin to realize they are

separate from society (Kohlberg, 1963, 1973, 1983). Chronologically, this is thought to be

reserved for adulthood. In this level, an individual’s morality may take precedence over

authoritative or social morality. Rules no longer seem fixed. In Stage 5, the Morality of Contract

becomes of central importance. The concern is with the health of the larger society. The

individual understands that any given society comprises many beliefs and cultures and morality

becomes about upholding the values. In Stage 6, or the Morality of Individual Principles, the

individual determines her own ethical code based on universal ethical principles. Justice is seen

as upholding a universal ethic, even when this may contradict society’s rules.

Kohlberg (1963, 1973, 1983) hypothesized that development follows these stages and

that only rarely do individuals regress to earlier stages. There are many criticisms of Kohlberg’s

(1963, 1973, 1982) theory, which is based upon almost exclusively male participants. Kohlberg

conceptualized morality as justice to the exclusion of other values such as caring and nurturing

which some may value over justice (Gilligan, 1982). Kohlberg (1963) based his entire theory on

a theoretical problem, the Heinz dilemma, which may or may not reflect actual behavior. Last,

Kohlberg’s (1963, 1973, 1983) theory of moral development could be described as overly

cognitive and related only to rules, laws, and authority (Eisenberg, Carlo, Murphy, & Van Court,

1995) excluding the affective aspects of empathy and prosocial behavior.

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Since Hoffman (1977, 2001) and Kohlberg (1963, 1973, 1983), some additional research

has examined the relationship between empathy and prosocial behavior. Eisenberg (Eisenberg-

Berg, 1979; Eisenberg et al., 1995) conducted a series of studies on empathy in childhood and

adolescence. In her studies, children and adolescents were presented with a series of moral

dilemmas in which there was a cost of helping. In some of the studies, participants were also

administered measures such as the Empathy Scale (Cronbach’s alpha = .78) measuring empathy,

the Social Desirability Scale for Children (Cronbach’s alpha = .92) measuring social desirability,

and Davis’s Interpersonal Reactivity scale (Cronbach’s alpha = .83, .73, and .74 on the subscales

of Sympathy, Perspective Taking, and Personal Distress, respectively). Additionally, in one of

the studies (Eisenberg et al., 1991), parents of participating children were asked to complete the

Altruism scale, measuring altruism, about their child’s behavior. One of the studies was the first

to examine empathy longitudinally in children and adolescents.

Responses were coded by two raters and complex analyses were run (Eisenberg-Berg,

1979; Eisenberg et al., 1995). Relevant results to this study included demonstrating that the

pattern of childhood and adolescent moral reasoning was relatively congruent with Kohlberg’s

(1963) stages. The exception was that no evidence was found for punishment and authority-

related moral judgment as predicted by Kohlberg’s Stage 1. The researchers attributed this to the

age of the sample and suggested that Stage 1 may occur at a very young age. Additionally, it was

found that high school students’ reasoning became more abstract and more strongly empathetic

as they aged. Additionally, females used higher levels of moral reasoning up until ages 11-12, at

which point their scores were equal to males. The researchers speculated that social desirability

may have a role in female’s self-reported moral reasoning because of acculturation.

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Though the researchers found support for Kohlberg’s theory, (e.g., Eisenberg-Berg, 1979;

Eisenberg et al., 1995), their research designs employed moral dilemmas in the same way

Kohlberg used the Heinz dilemma, which restricts moral judgment to hypothetical scenarios.

Additionally, the dilemmas restrict response to a set number of responses and discourage

children from out-of-the box problem solving.

More recently, Hay and Cook (2007) compiled the existing literature on the development

of prosocial behavior from infancy to childhood. They found that most studies suggest that

infants and children often display prosocial behavior, defined as those behaviors that help

alleviate other people’s and animals’ suffering. From their perspective, the authors saw altruism

as one type of prosocial behavior.

As a result, the researchers observed three types of prosocial development in infancy and

childhood: feeling for another which involves empathic concern, kindness, and affection;

working with another which involves cooperation, sharing, and helping; and ministering to

another, which involves comforting, nurturing, and willing compliance (Hay & Cook, 2007).

Infants have been observed sharing toys and food with peers and parents, comforting those in

distress, and voluntarily giving up their own objects to those in need. As children grow older,

their cooperation increases. By age 1, children comply with verbal and nonverbal requests

especially when they involve safety or fairness. By age 2, children cooperate and problem solve

with adults and peers. Additionally, toddler’s rates of responding to those in distress have been

shown to be comparable with adults (Demetriou & Hay, 2004). At ages 3 and 4, children pay

attention to social cues and attend to others in socially acceptable ways. Thus, the authors assert

that children may be born empathetic and that: “prosocial behaviors emerge in the first 2 years of

life, and subsequently become regulated in accordance with societal expectations” (Hay & Cook,

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2007, p. 124). However, the authors note that it is difficult to tease out what is authentic altruism

and what is social conditioning and that much of the literature is based on small and homogenous

samples.

Many studies support the notion that 1-year-olds help and comfort others (e.g., Buckley,

Siegel, & Ness, 1979; Svetlova, Nichols, & Brownell, 2010). Warneken and Tomasello (2009)

found that toddlers display altruistic behavior when no reward is present. The researchers found

that 14-month to 18 month-old toddlers displayed unrewarded altruistic behavior such as helping

adults reach objects. Indeed, children as young as 14 months display altruistic behavior even

when there is personal cost, such as physical obstacles in the way. Children who receive material

rewards for helping become less motivated to help compared to children who receive no rewards.

This suggests that young children are intrinsically altruistic and that altruistic behavior may not

be entirely conditioned.

Few studies explore the manifestation of empathy in adolescence. Raboteg-Saric (1997)

sought to investigate the relationship between affective empathy and maturity of moral reasoning

in adolescents. He hypothesized that empathic tendency would be positively correlated with

prosocial behavior which was defined as “voluntary and intentional behaviour which has positive

consequences for the well-being of other persons” (Raboteg-Saric, 1997, p. 493).

Participants included 311 14-year olds (174 female, 137 male) in the 8th grade living in

Croatia (Raboteg-Saric, 1997). All were administered the Altruism Scale, the Emotional

Empathy Scale, and the Fantasy Scale. The altruism scale consisted of a 17-item self-report

measure in which the participant rates the frequency of prosocial behaviors on a 5-point scale.

Example behaviors include helping neighbors, sharing classnotes, sharing food, and so forth. The

Emotional Empathy Scale consists of 19 items assessing emotional responsiveness, empathy, and

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sympathy, rated on a 5-point Likert scale. Example statements include “I feel sorry when I see

someone being helpless.” The Fantasy Scale is a 6-item scale that measures respondents’

tendencies to imagine themselves taking the places of fictitious characters and was administered

to assess for empathy. The type of scale or measure was not reported. Participants’ moral

reasoning was assessed using the Moral Judgment Interview which consisted of three written

dilemmas involving life, law, punishment, and consequences. A global score and a moral

maturity score (MMS) were found and used to assess participants for Kohlberg’s stages (1973).

An intelligence test, the Problem Test, was also administered to control for the relationship

between moral reasoning, fantasy, and intelligence. It was standardized on a Croatian population.

Last, a 13-item social desirability scale, the Marlowe-Crowne Social Desirability Scale was

administered with a low Cronbach’s alpha of 0.59.

Participants were administered tests as part of regular vocational counseling (Raboteg-

Saric, 1997). The mean MMS was 284.08 (SD = 38.12), which researchers indicated that the

majority of subjects were in the third stage of moral reasoning. Females showed higher MMS

than males (t(209) = 1.99, p = .05). A qualitative index of moral reasoning indicated that moral

judgments were largely in stage 3 (81% of subjects). Females scored significantly higher on the

Emotional Empathy Scale (t(309) = 6.66, p <.001, the Fantasy Scale (t(309) = 6.04, p < .001),

and the Altruism Scale (t(309) = 3.43, p =. 001).

Altruism was found to be positively and significantly related to emotional empathy and

social desirability scores (r = .45, p < 0.01 and r = .25, p < 0.001, respectively) and not

correlated with moral maturity and fantasy scores (r = 0.02 and r = .05, respectively; Raboteg-

Saric, 1997). Moral reasoning was not correlated to empathy. There was no significant

correlation between moral maturity and emotional empathy when controlling for sex.

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Researchers found a significant correlation between fantasy and intelligence (r = .16, p < .01)

when controlling for intelligence. Significant differences were also found between females and

males. However, it is possible that females are more susceptible to social desirability in terms of

empathy and prosocial behavior because of sex roles. When controlling for altruism, sex and

empathy were highly significant (r = .31, p <.001). When controlling for sex differences, the

correlation between empathy and altruism remained the same (r = .42, p < .001), leading him to

conclude that “gender differences in altruistic behavior could be explained by girls’ higher

tendencies to experience affective empathy” (Raboteg-Saric, 1997, p. 504). Hierarchical

regression analysis revealed that altruism was best predicted by the variable of empathy.

Not surprisingly, empathy was positively and significantly correlated with prosocial

behavior and empathy was the best predictor of altruism (Raboteg-Saric, 1997). Additionally,

moral maturity was not related to emotional empathy nor was moral reasoning related to

altruistic behavior.

The results of this study may not be applicable to an adolescent population outside of

Croatia (Raboteg-Saric, 1997). Additionally, even though the mean score on the Moral Judgment

Interview indicated that the majority of the sample fell under Stage 3 of moral development, this

does not take into account high and low scorers.

To examine the stability of empathy in adolescents, Davis and Franzoi (1991) conducted

a longitudinal study to examine self-consciousness and empathy in adolescent populations. They

administered the Self-Consciousness Scale, which measures self-awareness tendencies (with

subscales of private self-consciousness, public self-consciousness, and society anxiety) and the

Interpersonal Reactivity Index, which measures empathy (with subscales of perspective taking,

empathic concern, personal distress, and fantasy). Participants included 205 high school students

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(103 male and 102 female) from a small city in Michigan. Measures were administered each year

for 4 successive years from 1982-1985.

Results relevant to this study are that empathy remained relatively stable throughout the

4-year period (Davis & Franzoi, 1991). Perspective taking and empathic concern increased

slightly and personal distress decreased slightly over time, supporting Hoffman’s (1977) view

that capacity for role-taking increases and selfish distress reaction changes into sympathy and

compassion. Results also suggest that increased perspective taking is linked to a decrease in

personal distress, although this is based on correlation and not causation.

The researchers acknowledged that the sample is homogenous and may not reflect

developmental patterns at large (Davis & Franzoi, 1991). In addition, participants may have

wanted to appear consistent in their answers and therefore may have jeopardized test-retest

reliability.

Though empathy may be stable in adolescence, sex may be a differentiating factor.

Underwood and Moore (1982) examined sex differences in empathy and socioemotional

variables in adolescence and the relationship of empathy with social behavior, self-concept, and

capacity for analyzing negative emotions to test these hypotheses:

1) Girls will obtain significantly higher score in empathy at all ages; 2) Capacity for empathy will increase with age; 3) Girls will score significantly higher in diverse types of positive social behaviors (prosocial and assertive behaviors, etc.), whereas boys will present more negative social behaviors (aggressive behaviors in peer interaction, antisocial behaviors, etc.); 4) Girls will score significantly higher in capacity for cognitive analysis of negative emotions; 5) Boys and girls will obtain similar scores in self-concept; 6) Empathy will present a positive association with social behaviors that facilitate socialization (prosocial and assertive behaviors, consideration, self-control, leadership, etc.) and a negative association with social behaviors, withdrawal, etc.); 7) Empathy will be positively associated with sociometric choice of prosocial classmate; 8) A positive relationship will be found between empathy and self-concept; and 9) Empathy and the capacity for cognitive analysis of negative emotions will be positively associated. (p. 220)

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Participants were 313 randomly selected 10 to 14 year old students from the Basque

Country of Spain, with 139 participants representing late childhood (ages 10-12) consisting of

46% males and 54% females. Early adolescents comprised 154 12-14 year olds of whom 55.2%

were male and 44.8% were female.

Each participant (Underwood & Moore, 1982) completed 12 measures: the Empathy

Questionnaire measuring empathy, the Prosocial Behaviors Questionnaire measuring prosocial

behavior, the Child Altruism Inventory measuring prosocial behavior, the Children’s

Assertiveness Behavior Scale measuring social behavior, the Antisocial-Delinquent Behavior

Scale measuring delinquent behavior, the Antisocial Behavior Scale measuring delinquent

behavior, the Socialization Battery measuring consideration for others, self-control, withdrawal,

anxiety, shyness, and leadership, the Sociometric Questionnaire, the Prosocial Classmate

measuring prosocial values, the List of Adjectives for Evaluation of Self-Concept in Children

Aged 10 to 12 Years measuring self-concept, the List of Adjectives for Evaluation of Self-

Concept in Adolescents measuring self-concept, and the Questionnaire for Evaluation of

Capacity for Analyzing Feelings measuring the ability to analyze negative emotions. All were

self-report except for the Prosocial Behaviour Questionnaire which consisted of parent and

teacher assessments of observed behavior.

The study used descriptive and correlational methods (Underwood & Moore, 1982).

Relevant results showed significant differences between males and females F(1.311) = 52.88, p

< .001 with females scoring higher than males on scores of empathy (M = 17.05, SD = 3.07 and

M = 14.02, SD = 4.28, respectively). When examining empathy and age, no significant

differences emerged. Females obtained significantly higher scores in empathy, prosocial

behavior, assertive behavior, and ability to analyze negative emotions at all ages. This study

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relied on self-report and could suffer from social bias, particularly with the female participants

who may be conditioned to display more prosocial behaviors. Yet, this study supports others that

demonstrate that empathy is related to prosocial behavior in children and teens and sex

differences affect empathy.

Supporting results of Underwood and Moore (1982), de Kemp, Overbeek, de Wied,

Engles, and Scholte (2007) hypothesized that parental support will be related to decreases in

antisocial behavior in youth who display high levels of dispositional affective empathy. In

addition, researchers examined the effect of sex and role of parental support on sex and empathy.

Participants comprised 970 adolescents (49% male, 51% female) aged 11 to 14 (M = 12.

8 years, SD = 0.53) who attended five high schools in the region of Utrecht in The Netherlands

(de Kemp et al., 2007). The study was conducted in two waves to create a longitudinal design.

Attrition resulted in a final participant count of 823. The majority of participants were of Dutch

origin.

All participants were administered three scales (de Kemp et al., 2007). The Index of

Empathy for Children and Adolescents was used to assess for dispositional affective empathy.

The scale consisted of 22 statements (e.g., “I get upset when I see a girl being hurt”) and a two-

point yes or no response (de Kemp et al., 2007). A subscale consisting of eight items from the

Dutch version of the Youth Self-Report was used to assess for antisocial behavior. Item

statements were rated on a 3-point scale measuring applicability of statements (e.g., “I engage in

physical fights”). The Parental Support Scale measured adolescents’ perceptions of their parents’

support and love. It consisted of 11 items (e.g., “I can count on my father’s support if I have a

problem”) which were answered using a 5-point Likert scale. ANOVAs were conducted. The

LISREL 8.30 program was used to create a model that hypothesized the relationship between

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parental support and antisocial behavior or adolescents (de Kemp et al., 2007). Results (de Kemp

et al., 2007) showed that in time one (T1) and time two (T2), empathy was significantly and

positively correlated with parental support and negatively related to aggressive behavior and

delinquent behavior. Sex differences were found for the relationship between empathy and

delinquent behavior at T1 (Fisher z = -2.74, p < .01) with a significant correlation for boys (r = -

.18, p < .001).

This study “indicates that youth who report a greater emotional responsiveness to feelings

of others are less inclined to show aggressive and delinquent behavior” (de Kemp et al., 2007, p.

14). Parental support was negatively related to antisocial behavior. As hypothesized, the

influence of parental support on antisocial behavior was stronger for girls.

The researchers acknowledged several limitations to this including the homogenous

sample and the use of subjective self-report measures (de Kemp et al., 2007). In addition, the

exact nature of the two wave longitudinal design was not clearly explained making it difficult to

infer results. However, this study offers support to the considerable literature showing that

empathy is inversely correlated with antisocial behavior (e.g., Hunter, Figueredo, Becker, &

Malamuth, 2007; LeSure-Lester, 2000).

A recent study demonstrates that many pre-adolescents may exhibit a natural concern for

the world around them. Sargeant (2010) sought to qualitatively examine pre-adolescents’

perspectives and personal understandings of the terms “worry,” “happy,” and “change.”

Participants included 199 students with a mean age of 12.7 from an Australian secondary school

and 198 students with a mean age of 11.7 from a school in England. All participants answered

three open ended questions: (a) What makes you happy? (b) What do you need to be happy? (c)

If you could change one thing in the world, what would it be? Open-ended questions were used

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“because it enabled participants to write a free account in their own terms” (p. 415). For the first

question, “What makes you worry?” the central themes reflected concern over personal and

relationship-related issues (Sargeant, 2010). The majority of responses identified concern about

the safety of those close to them and their own connectedness with family (e.g. “Someone close

to me dying”). Other areas of concern were personal problems (e.g., “people bully me and

calling me names”), global conflict (e.g., “The world, because not many people are doing much

to help the world. Something is happening to the world that is quite dangerous”), school (e.g.,

“Teachers”), and animals/pets/environment (e.g., “So many animals in danger”).

The second question, “What do you need to be happy?” again reflected the importance of

relationships (e.g., “Other people to be happy and smiling”; Sargeant, 2010). Participants defined

happiness “as a personally achievable construct that does not usually require the accumulation of

resources, wealth, or necessary change to their current circumstances” (p. 418). The researcher

noted few responses were related to self-gratification such as material possessions or money

(e.g., “My phone, iPod, straightener”). Additional themes included personal (e.g., “Listening to

music”) and school (e.g., “To be happy I need no homework”).

Responses to the third question, “If you could change one thing in the world, what would

it be?” produced a deviation from the other two questions (Sargeant, 2010). The central theme

related to greater global awareness (e.g., “To help the little kids and their families in Africa”).

Other themes included personal (e.g., “To be thinner, to have no pimples”), global conflict (e.g.,

“The way people put each other down & all the war & fighting in the world”), environment (e.g.,

“Climate change”), school (e.g., “Get rid of school”), relationships” (e.g., “That Dad has gone”),

animals/pets (e.g., “Animal cruelty”), safety (e.g., “Violence and abuse to women”), nothing

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(e.g., “I wouldn’t change a thing”), material (e.g., “get more skateboard), and other (e.g.,

“Cancer”):

Beyond their prioritization of certain conditions in their lifeworld, the children demonstrated an acute, sophisticated and altruistic knowledge of their local community and the global world. They clearly identified global issues as they might impact them personally; they also identified specific local issues and related these to their personal impact. (Sargeant, 2010, p. 423)

Limitations of this study include the lack of interrater reliability in the coding of themes

(Sargeant, 2010). In addition, the actual themes were not described making it difficult to assess

for possible conflating variables, such as sex, socioeconomic status, or ethnic background.

To examine altruism in adolescence, Killen and Turiel (1998) examined the helping

behaviors of participants in three stages of adolescence. Participants included 30 individuals in

middle school (M = 13 years of age), 30 individuals in high school (M = 15 years of age), and 30

individuals in college (M = 21 years of age). Each group comprised 15 males and 15 females and

all attended school in a small city in the Northeast United States. Ninety percent were Caucasian

and were middle class.

Each was interviewed at school for about 35 minutes (Killen & Turiel, 1998). The

interviewer told participants 10 stories, two of which involved distant relationships (e.g., a new

friend and former sibling-in-law) and three involved close relationships (e.g., parent-daughter,

mother-son, husband-wife). Each story had two versions, which depicted either helping or

sacrificing behavior. All stories were created to be nonstereotypical for sex to avoid social

desirability and stereotypical social roles. An example of the distant helping story involved a”

wealthy girl who wants to invite a homeless girl to her house on her birthday” whereas the

sacrificing version of the same story involved a personal sacrifice so that “the wealthy girl would

lose an opportunity to go to a friend’s sleep-over by inviting the homeless girl over to dinner on

her birthday” (Killen & Turiel, 1998, p. 360).

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For each story, the participant was asked whether it was right for the protagonist to help

and then were asked to rate three questions on a 5-point Likert scale (Killen & Turiel, 1998): 1)

“How important was it for the protagonist to help the family member-friend?” 2) “How

satisfying was it to do it?” 3) “Would it be wrong for the protagonist not to help?” (p. 361). The

participants were also asked to rank all five helping stories in order of importance.

Data were coded using a system that was developed during a pilot study and based on

previous research (Killen & Turiel, 1998). Coders were blind to demographic information of

each participant. The justification responses were coded into seven categories: (a) Duty to others,

(b) Well-being of others, (c) Relationship enhancement, (d) Benefits agent, (e) Unfair not to

help, (f) Personal choice, (g) Miscellaneous. Two coders were used and interrater agreement was

.88 using Cohen’s kappa.

Ninety-eight percent said it was all right for the protagonist to help and 96% said it was

alright for the protagonist to make a sacrifice with no evident age or sex effects. Participants said

it was more important to help (Ms = 4.4) and sacrifice (Ms = 3.9) in close relationships than

distant relationships (Ms = 3.5 and 3.6, respectively; Killen & Turiel, 1998). Sex and age effects

were significant. Females rated higher importance ratings for all of the stories (Ms = 4.0) than

their male counterparts (Ms = 3.7). The middle school and high school participants gave more

importance to helping and sacrificing in distant relationships than the college students.

Satisfaction ratings showed no age or sex effects. Participants rated the satisfaction of helping in

distant and close relationships as the same (M = 4.0). They also rated the satisfaction in helping

in distant relationships (M = 3.9) higher than sacrificing in close relationships (M = 2.0).

Regarding how wrong it would be to not to help or sacrifice, there were no age or sex effects.

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Participants rated not helping in close relationships (M = 4.0) more wrong than not sacrificing in

close relationships (M = 3.5).

A self-acknowledged limitation was that the types of helping and sacrificing behavior

varied in each scenario (Killen & Turiel, 1998). Thus, it is difficult to ascertain whether results

speak to type of relationship or type of act. The sample size was also small, and the use of

hypothetical stories may skew responses.

Indeed, altruism may exist independently of age in adolescents. Charbonneau and Nicol

(2002) sought to examine emotional intelligence and prosocial behaviors in adolescence and also

to examine sex differences in regards to emotional intelligence and prosocial values in

organizations. Prosocial behaviors included altruism, courtesy, sportsmanship, conscientiousness

(defined as obeying rules), and civic virtue. Emotional intelligence referred to “one’s ability to

understand and influence one’s own and other emotions and to control the emotional content

imbedded in various situations” (Charbonneau & Nicol, 2002, p. 361). Researchers noted that

emotional intelligence is similar to empathy.

Participants included 134 youth (72 males, 62 female) ages13 to 18 (mean age 15.5, SD =

0.9) from an organization run by the military (Charbonneau & Nicol, 2002). Participants were

selected from all over the U.S. based on their involvement with hometown military activities and

were then invited to a 6-week camp sponsored by the military. Participants were given a 33-item

self-report measure of emotional intelligence that utilized a 5-point Likert scale. The scale was

reported to have acceptable internal consistency, construct validity, and predictive validity for

adult samples. Additionally, participants were asked to rate peers using a 20-item scale to

measure organizational citizenship behaviors. The scale contained five factors of altruism,

courtesy, sportsmanship, conscientiousness, and civic virtues which were measured on a 5-point

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Likert scale. The scale was adapted to fit participants’ age by substituting work-related language

to verbiage related to the camp. Participants rated themselves on the emotional intelligence scale

and then rated up to four peers on the organizational citizenship behaviors.

Participants were rated by an average of 3.64 peers (SD = 0.48; Charbonneau & Nicol,

2002). Within-group agreement indexes and correlations were run for each participant.

Emotional intelligence was significantly correlated with Altruism and Civic Virtue. Age was not

significantly correlated with any of the study variables. Females scored higher than males on

emotional intelligence (t = 2.12, p <.05), altruism (t = 2.24, p < .05), conscientiousness (t = 2.13,

p <.05), and civic virtue (t = 2.15, p <.05). Positive aspects of this study include using dual

methods of report (e.g., self-report and peer ratings). However, the fact that this study utilizes a

population of adolescents who are interested in the military or who have parents in the military

makes it impossible to generalize to a larger population.

In the only study of its kind, and perhaps the study most directly related to spiritual

intelligence in adolescents, Magen (1983) aimed to investigate cross-cultural dedication to

transpersonal desires to transcend self in adolescence. Transpersonal commitment was defined as

“a person’s readiness to be committed beyond self” and involves

the capacity to be committed to activities and purposes beyond basic need fulfillment, to fulfill a meaning beyond self, and to be devoted to a cause, as contrasted with searching for pleasure for its own sake, or seeking short-term gratification. (Magen, 1983, p. 96)

The researcher hypothesized that adolescents experience a desire for transpersonal commitment

to goals other than immediate self-satisfaction or ego, and that a positive correlation would exist

between high intense positive experiences and transpersonal commitment.

Participants included 1,094 14 and 15-year olds from rural and urban areas of the US and

Israel who self-identified as American Christian, Israeli Moslem-Arab, or Israeli Jewish (Magen,

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1983). Distribution of participants was as follows: 351 Israeli Arabs (192 male, 159 female), 357

Israeli Jews (166 male, 191 female), and 386 Americans (195 male, 191 female). Participants

were given three measures. The Life Aspiration Questionnaire was developed for this study and

consisted of the question, “What is the best thing you would like to do in your life?” which was

answered in narrative form. The Positive Experience Questionnaire was used to elicit

descriptions that evoked “a very very good feeling, an experience where as a consequence you

felt that life is wonderful” (Magen, 1983, p. 101). Reponses were coded using a 4-point scale of

intensity ranging from barely positive to “inspiring, exciting, full of joy and caused a change in

perception of the self and/or other and the world” (Magen, 1983, p. 101). The High School

Personality Questionnaire was used to examine personality characteristics and included 14

dimensions related to personality such as tendermindedness, conscientiousness, dominance,

intelligence, and ego strength. Participants were administered measures during class.

Twelve raters were divided into three groups representing the different cultural groups

with four members in each group. All raters were trained in analysis and in use of the individual

scales (Magen, 1983). Interrater reliability was found (Pearson Correlation between .75 and .88)

and members were asked to rate responses in pairs. Discrepancies were resolved by an additional

rater. Thirty-four percent of the participants showed evidence of a desire to commit beyond self.

Females expressed a desire for commitment beyond self more than males (scores of on the Life

Aspiration measure were 2.27 for girls and 2.01 for boys), with the exception of Israeli Jewish

boys who scored higher than Israeli Jewish girls (2.30 and 2.19 respectively). A significant effect

for sex was found but not for culture. Additionally it was found that participants who reported

positive interpersonal relationship experiences scored highest on the Life Aspirations Scale. In a

2 x 3 ANOVA, the nature of experience was significant (F = 12.96, p > .001) and culture was not

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(p > .01). Multiple regression analysis showed a significant positive correlation between the

intensity of experience and Life Aspiration (p = .24, p <.001) with no significant contribution of

culture (p > .05) but with significant contribution of intensity (p < .001).

Thus, even though they may be in the minority, about a third of adolescents expressed

desire to dedicate themselves to transpersonal commitments beyond the ego (Magen, 1983). The

results support the hypothesis that adolescents who reported interpersonal experiences expressed

a desire for commitment beyond self as a life aspiration. The findings point to a connection

between commitment beyond self and feelings of closeness, intimacy, and meaningful “I-Thou”

encounters (Magen, 1983, p. 110). High intensity positive experiences, sex, and personality all

had some effect on commitment to transpersonal goals.

One positive feature of this study was the large sample size (Magen, 1983). However,

this study can only be generalizable to American and Israeli students. Also, the location of

American students was never disclosed, which further puts generalizability in question.

Additionally, the Life Aspiration Questionnaire was designed specifically for this study and was

not tested for validity or reliability. This study speaks directly to the possibility of spiritual

intelligence in adolescents.

While no consensus exists on a definition of spiritual intelligence, empathy,

transcendence, altruism, compassion, connection, and a search for the sacred seem to be factors

that comprise it. Research shows that adolescents experience empathy, altruistic desire, prosocial

behaviors, concern for their global community, transpersonal commitment, and desire to

transcend the self, suggesting they are capable of and may express spiritual intelligence. This

directly contradicts Kohlberg’s (1983) and Fowler’s (1981) views that adolescents are limited in

their faith and moral reasoning because of a lack of cognitive development. Indeed, Magen

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(1983) said that “Kohlberg’s study of morality in adolescence (1971) revealed adolescents as

self-centered, egocentric and hedonistic, who focus on events as they relate to self-image as

leading to immediate experience and satisfaction” (p. 98). Yet, adolescents are shown elsewhere

to experience real empathy and devote their time and energy to causes that go beyond self-

gratification. Though no empirical studies exist on spiritual intelligence in adolescence

specifically, it is likely that these same adolescents could be described as having a high spiritual

intelligence.

Conclusion

Adolescence is a turbulent time characterized by physical, emotional, and mental

changes. Researchers have recently suggested that adolescence may even be considered an

extremely sensitive time for the development of spirituality.

Recent youth positive movements have emphasized the importance of adolescence and

spurred interest in research on spirituality and religiosity as protective mechanisms. Most of the

literature from the past decade has shown spirituality and religion to positively affect adolescent

mental health and well-being. Both constructs have been correlated with decreased anxiety,

depression, sexual behavior, and substance use. Spirituality, defined as the internal search for the

sacred, has especially been shown to be important to youth. Religion, defined as external

doctrine and dogma has also been shown to positively affect adolescent well-being. However,

spirituality and religiosity are overlapping constructs and no major inferences can be drawn.

Though much research has shown that spirituality and religiosity are important constructs

in healthy adolescent development, relatively little research has explored spiritual development

in its own right. Even less research exists on adolescents who could be considered spiritually

high functioning, or spiritually intelligent. Though no consensus on a definition of spiritual

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intelligence exists, most definitions include elements of existential concern, empathy,

transcendence, connectedness, and altruism, all of which have been demonstrated in adolescent

populations.

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Chapter 3: Methods

The current study was guided by one major research question: “Do some adolescents

demonstrate spiritual intelligence, and if so, how is it experienced?” To address this question, an

explanatory sequential mixed methods design was used with a participant-selection variant

(Creswell & Plano-Clark, 2007). In such a design, quantitative data were first used to empirically

assess for the existence of spiritual intelligence in youth and then subsequently used to select

high scoring participants. In the second phase, qualitative data were gathered to elucidate the

phenomenon of spiritual intelligence in adolescence with the selected high scoring participants.

Mixed methods are ideal to explain initial results or when one data source may be insufficient

such as in the case of the present study (Creswell & Plano-Clark, 2010).

Recruitment

To recruit participants, school administrators in the Bay Area, Albuquerque, Los

Angeles, and Santa Fe were contacted via email, mail, and telephone. Conventional schools,

parochial schools, and alternative schools that have a holistic or spiritual approach were

approached to optimize the chance of locating individuals who quantitatively demonstrate

spiritual intelligence (see Appendix A). For the same reason, groups that had a religious or

spiritual orientation, such as church youth groups or service-oriented groups, were also contacted

through email or telephone.

Approximately 35 schools and 15 organizations were contacted from January to June of

2013. Of those, three schools responded and said they would be willing to participate. However,

one of the Bay Area public schools retracted participation once the school administrators were

given copies of the spiritual intelligence surveys to be used. They expressed concern over the

words “spirituality” and “religion.” A gifted school in Los Angeles also declined participation

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saying it was too chaotic to solicit participants with a recent change in Dean. The third school, a

Waldorf school, agreed to participate, but then abruptly stopped returning the researcher’s phone

calls.

A wilderness vision quest group for teens in the Bay Area agreed to participate, as did a

Presbyterian youth group in Albuquerque, New Mexico. In addition, a government-sponsored

leadership group for high-achieving teens from the state of Texas offered to participate. Finally a

number of participants contacted the researcher directly after hearing about the study from

friends and asked to participate.

For the wilderness vision quest group that offered to participate, the group leader asked

that surveys be distributed electronically. An introductory letter (Appendix A), consent form

(Appendix B), and demographic survey (Appendix C) were emailed to the group leader who

forwarded them to participants. For the youth group, the researcher was invited by the Youth

Group Leader to come to a group meeting, explain the survey, get parental consent, and

administer assessments. For the leadership group in Texas, the researcher sent consent forms,

demographic survey, and assessments to the program-director who then administered them in-

person. Completed paper copies of the assessments, demographic survey, and consent forms

were collected by the researcher or sent directly to her residence. Electronic versions of the

assessments and surveys with scanned copies of the consent forms were sent back to the

researcher via email.

Participants

Participants were 115 individuals between the ages of 12 and 18. The groups were split

based on age with Group 1 consisting of adolescents ages 12-14 and Group 2 consisting of

adolescents ages 15-18 to assess for age-related differences. All participants resided in

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California, New Mexico, Texas, and Indiana. Participants of any sex, race, socioeconomic

background, and religious/spiritual background were eligible so long as they were sufficiently

fluent in English to comprehend the wording of the surveys and articulate subjective inner

experience. Because of the demonstrated sex differences in variables such as empathy and

altruism (Markstrom et al., 2010), the researcher attempted to recruit an equal number of males

and females. Parental consent and minor assent were required for every participant under the age

of 18 (see Appendix B). Consent was required from 18-year-old participants (Appendix B).

Instrumentation

Three instruments were used to assess for spiritual intelligence and spiritual experience:

the Spiritual Intelligence Self-Report Inventory (SISRI; King & DeCicco, 2009), the Integrated

Spiritual Intelligence Scale (ISIS; Amram & Dryer, 2008), and the Intrinsic Spirituality Scale

(ISS; Hodge, 2003). The ISIS (Amram & Dryer, 2008) and the SISRI (King & DeCicco, 2006)

were selected because they are the most popularly used and well-validated scales to measure

spiritual intelligence in adult populations. No scales currently assess for spiritual intelligence in

adolescence specifically. The ISS (Hodge, 2003) was selected as a measure of validity.

SISRI. The SISRI (King & DeCicco, 2009) was created to directly measure spiritual

intelligence as defined by the criteria for intelligence set forth by Gardner (1983). King and

DeCicco (2009) sought to create a scale that shows that spiritual intelligence can be

psychometrically measured. Their review of the literature on the subject revealed four major

factors that characterize spiritual intelligence: critical existential thinking (CAT), personal

meaning production (PMP), transcendental awareness (TA), and conscious state expansion

(CSE).

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An original scale of 84 items was created based on the theoretical conceptualization of

spiritual intelligence. Items were modeled after existing scales measuring spirituality, meaning,

and transcendence while using the four established factors (King & DeCicco, 2009). All items

were rated on a 5-point Likert scale for the extent to which the item statement was true for each

participant. Items scores were calculated by summing the item scores. The scale was presented to

34 adults in the academic community for feedback and editing. The initial scale was given to 619

participants (488 females and 131 males, M = 22.51 years of age) at Trent University in Ontario,

Canada. The measure was shown to have a high internal consistency (Cronbach’s alpha = .97).

Exploratory factor analysis found six factors. Redundant items were removed, making the scale

42 items with an alpha of .96.

Subsequently, 305 students (231 female and 74 male, M = 25.56 years of age), were

given the 42-item SISRI, the Meaning of Life Questionnaire, the Metapersonal Self Scale, the

Mysticism Scale, the Age Universal Intrinsic-Extrinsic Religiosity Scale, and the Balanced

Inventory of Desirable Responding (King & DeCicco, 2009). Correlations with these scales

revealed support for convergent, divergent, and criterion-related validity. The measure was

shown to have a high internal consistency (Cronbach’s alpha = .96). High residual correlations

and redundancy led to further removal of items, creating a 24 item final SISRI with an alpha of

.92. The four subscales of CET, PMP, TA, and CSE also displayed alpha coefficients of .78, .78,

.87, and .91, respectively. A principal components analysis revealed four factors, validating the

original four-factor model. A slight indication of social desirability was noted; however, the

effects were small. Twenty-five participants completed the SISRI again after 4 months with test-

retest reliability. It was also found in comparing to other scales that the SISRI measured spiritual

intelligence as a distinct construct from religiosity.

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ISIS. The second measure, the ISIS was created by Amram and Dryer (2008), discussed

above. Using the seven themes described above and found in spiritually intelligent individuals

(consciousness, grace, meaning, transcendence, truth, peaceful surrender, and inner-

directedness), they created an 84-item scale which was tested on four different sample groups

and then modified to create the ISIS.

Participants included 262 adults living in the U.S. (Amram & Dryer, 2008). Thirty-five

reported being between the ages of 18-24, 44 reported being 25-34, 33 reported being 45-54, 31

reported being 55-64, 6 reported being 65 or older, and 30 participants did not report their age.

The first group of participants consisted of spiritual teachers nominated by peers for their

application and embodiment of spirituality (Amram & Dryer, 2008). The second group consisted

of business leaders known for their application of spirituality and were nominated by peers. Two

comparison groups were formed. The first was found using convenience sampling and did not

specifically embody spiritualty, although there was no evidence of this. The second was found

using a judgment sampling and consisted of participants in an MBA program who were

considered high in business savvy, but not necessarily in their embodiment of spirituality.

Of those who completed the ISIS, the high spiritual intelligence and business savvy

sample included 15 participants (9 men, 5 women, 1 unreported sex), the high spiritual

intelligence and average business savvy sample included 17 participants (5 men, 7 women, and 5

unreported sex), the business student sample included 21 participants (15 men, 5 women, and 1

unreported sex), the comparison sample included 210 participants (59 men, 116 women, and 35

unreported sex).

All participants completed the ISIS, the Satisfaction With Life Scale (SWLS, Pavot &

Diener, 1993), and the Index of Core Spiritual Experiences (INSPIRIT, Kass, Friedman,

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Leserman, Zuttermeister, & Benson, 1991; Amram & Dryer, 2008). Over 400 items were

generated for the ISIS based on 13 themes of spiritual intelligence found in previous research

(Amram, 2007). Items were reviewed, revised, and removed. Twelve volunteers were

administered the ISIS in a pilot test. Subsequently, 82 items were retained for the ISIS plus the

validity statement of “I have answered all these questions truthfully and to the best of my

ability.” The ISIS is scored by correcting the reversed items, summing the totals, and dividing by

the total item number.

Researchers hypothesized that: (a) INSPIRIT and ISIS would be highly correlated; (b) the

correlation coefficients between INSPIRIT and ISIS subscales would significantly differ; (c)

ISIS and SWLS will be moderately correlated; (d) the relationship between ISIS and SWLS will

be strong (when controlling for INSPIRIT) and INSPIRIT and SWLS will be strong (when

controlling for ISIS); (e) correlations coefficients between SWLS and ISIS subscales will differ

significantly; (f) age and sex effects on ISIS will be statistically significant; (g) effect of the

embodiment of spirituality factor on overall ISIS scores will be statistically significant; (h) ISIS

subscale scores will differ significantly in discriminating four samples (Amram & Dryer, 2008).

All data were analyzed with a principal components analysis (PCA) and a hierarchical

cluster analysis (HCA). Groupings within the same cluster that had high loadings were

considered evidence of a natural class. Twenty-two subscales were found: Beauty, Discernment,

Egolessness, Equanimity, Freedom, Gratitude, Higher-Self, Holism, Immanence, Inner-

Wholeness, Intuition, Joy, Mindfulness, Openness, Practice, Presence, Purpose, Relatedness,

Sacredness, Service, Synthesis, and Trust (Amram, 2008). Higher order domains were

constructed from these subscales, which were: Consciousness, Grace, Meaning, Transcendence,

and Truth.

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To create a shorter version of the ISIS, the two items for each subscale that showed the

highest correlation with the subscale score were retained making a scale of 44 items plus one

validity item for a total of 45 items (Amram & Dryer, 2008). The ISIS-Short showed .99

correlation with the original ISIS. The Cronbach’s alpha for the ISIS-Short was 0.97. The

internal consistency of the domain scales were also high (Cronbach’s alpha = 0.84 for

Consciousness, 0.91 for Grace, 0.86 for Meaning, 0.95 for Transcendence, and 0.90 for Truth)

with a mean of 0.89. A subsample was tested after 6 weeks of taking the ISIS-Short and it was

found to have acceptable test-retest reliability (Pearson r = 0.77, p < 0.01).

Convergent and discriminant validity were assessed by comparing scores and

investigating patterns between the ISIS, INSPIRIT, and SWLS. The INSPIRIT was found to be

highly correlated with the ISIS (Pearson r = 0.72, p < 0.01; Amram & Dryer, 2008). In addition,

ISIS subscale scores were highly correlated with wellbeing. The SWLS was highly correlated

with the subscales of Grace (Pearson r = 0.51, p < 0.01) and Truth (Pearson r = 0.51, p < 0.01). It

was moderately correlated with Consciousness (Pearson r = 0.20, p < 0.01), Transcendence

(Pearson r = 0.35, p < 0.01), and Meaning (Pearson r = 0.41, p < 0.01).

Group differences showed that women had higher scores on the ISIS than men (M = 4.43,

SD = 0.61 and M = 4.16, SD = 0.66, respectively). A MANOVA using sex as a two-level (male

or female) fixed factor and age as a covariate found that for sex F(5,214) = 5.21, p < 0.001 and

age F(5,214) = 6.87, p < 0.001 (Amram & Dryer, 2008). Across the domain subscales, sex

effects were significant for Grace, F(1218) = 9.16; Consciousness, F(1218) = 5.20, p < 0.05;

Transcendence, F(1,218) = 8.83, p < 0.01; and Meaning, F(1,218) = 17.10, p < 0.001. For all the

domain scales, the age effect was significant: Transcendence, F(1,218) = 17.06, p < 0.001; Truth,

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F(1,218) = 19.95, p < 0.001; Consciousness, F(1,218) = 5.02, p < 0.05; Grace, F(1,218) = 31.53;

and Meaning, F (1,218) = 14.53, p < 0.001.

Thus, the ISIS was shown to have high reliability, internal consistency, temporal stability,

and convergent validity. In addition, two significant effects for age and sex were found (Amram

& Dryer, 2008). The researchers acknowledged several limitations of this study especially

because factor structures were only preliminary. In addition, spiritual intelligence is a

multidimensional construct with many facets and the ISIS may or may not reflect all of the

aspects of the construct. The subscales of Relatedness and Egolessness are particularly

experimental as they did not show the same level of internal consistency.

One major limitation for the purposes of this study is that the ISIS was created for and

normed on an adult population (Amram & Dryer, 2008). Despite the fact that other researchers

have used the ISIS on adolescent populations (e.g., Annalakshmi & Tony, 2001; Hosseini et al.,

2010), the ISIS may present comprehension difficulties in younger populations. In addition,

several of the items reference work as it relates to purpose (e.g., “My work is in alignment with

my greater purpose”). Because adolescents typically are not yet working and may be only

beginning to search for purpose, these items may not be relevant or appropriate.

To investigate the appropriateness of using the ISIS on adolescents, this researcher asked

8 12-year old boys and girls in the Bay Area to mark which items on the ISIS-Short were

difficult to comprehend. All were students in the 6th or 7th grade and spoke either English or

Spanish as their first language. The researcher sought to survey the group with probable low

reading comprehension as compared to the anticipated sample in this present study.

Transcendence was the most problematic for students though additional items were troublesome

as well. The Transcendence subscale includes the themes of Higher Self, Holism, Practice,

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Relatedness, and Sacredness. For purposes of the present study, this researcher used the ISIS-

Short with its current language so as not to compromise validity. However, it is to be expected

that results may be skewed because of language and conceptual difficulty.

ISS. For the third measure, the ISS (Hodge, 2003) was chosen to serve as a validity

check. The ISS was created to assess the degree to which spirituality is a motivating factor based

on the work of Allport and Ross (1967) and Gorsuch, Mylvaganam, and Gorsuch (1997). The

measure was created to be nontheistic and does not use explicitly religious terms such as “God.”

Rather, it aims to measure connectedness and transcendence in relation to a greater source. To

create this instrument, Hodge (2003) included 172 undergraduate students ranging in age from

17 to 25 who were enrolled in sociology classes at a medium-sized Baptist affiliated university

(M = 19.26 years of age). Sixty-seven percent were female, 69% self-reported being White, 12%

Hispanic, 9% Black, and 10% Other.

All participants were administered the ISS which consisted of 37 questions based on the

Allport and Ross (1967) measure of intrinsic religion (Hodge, 2003). Any references to religion

were removed and reworked to address spirituality. Additional items were added to the original

measure. Three items of substance use were included which were expected to negatively

correlate with spirituality. In addition, three items were included regarding insecure or secure

attachment and it was hypothesized that secure attachment would be correlated with spirituality

and vice versa. All items included an 11-point phrase completion which the researcher argued

maintained better reliability and validity than traditional Likert scales. In the phrase completion,

a traditional Likert scale is used with two possible phrase completions serving as the high and

low rating. Participants rate themselves along the scale in accordance to their agreement with

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phrase completion. Scores are obtained by summing the scores and dividing by the total item

number.

Confirmatory factory analyses were conducted and ineffective items were removed until

only six valid and reliable items that measured the latent construct remained (Hodge, 2003). Fit

indices indicated a reasonably good fit (RMSEA = .062) and good fit (CFI, IFI, AGFI > .90)

supporting good validity. Concurrent validity was tested by calculating correlations between the

ISS and a measure of intrinsic religion, substance use items, and attachment items. All

hypotheses were supported. There was a high correlation between the ISS and a similar measure

of intrinsic religion (r = .911, p < .001), a negative correlation with alcohol use (r = - .489, p <

.001), a negative correlation with binge drinking (r = -.464, p < .001), a negative correlation with

tobacco use (r = -.376, p < .0010), a positive correlation with secure attachment (r = .223, p =

.003), a negative correlation with avoidant attachment (r = -.168, p = .028), and a negative

correlation with ambivalent attachment (r = -.210, p = .006). No sex differences were noted.

Self-acknowledged limitations include the use of a primarily Christian sample and the

need for reading ability to understand some of the items (Hodge, 2003). Additionally, the sample

size represented the minimum satisfactory sample size. Despite this, the ISS did demonstrate

good validity and high reliability. For the purposes of this current research, the fact that the ISS

was normed on a group of participants whose ages overlap with the intended population presents

an advantage rather than a limitation.

Procedure

Informed consent forms (Appendix B) were distributed to and signed by guardians or

individuals who were 18. For the minors in the sample, assent was obtained by the individuals

themselves in addition to consent from their parents or guardians. Participants were then

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administered a basic demographic questionnaire (Appendix C), and the SISRI, ISIS, and the ISS.

Depending on the request of the program leaders or participants, paper and pencil copies of

surveys were sent by mail or .pdf copies of the surveys were sent to participants who returned

them by email. All participants were offered a $5 amazon.com gift card at the outset of the

survey to encourage participation. Gift cards were sent to participant’s email address once

surveys were returned and completed.

Results were compiled and entered into an Excel spreadsheet by the researcher on a

password-protected computer in her residence. After quantitative results were gathered, surveys

were scored and the results from the three surveys were totaled for each participant to find a

cumulative score. The top 15 scorers or those who had the highest cumulative score on all three

assessments were contacted via email and asked if they would be willing to participate in an hour

long semistructured one-on-one interview. Participants were offered a $10 gift card to

amazon.com as incentive to complete the interview. The researcher described the second phase

of the study to each respondent and received verbal permission to conduct and record interviews.

The 15 respondents were then interviewed via Skype or telephone, according to their preference.

The interviews consisted of several open-ended questions pertaining to their personal

experiences of spirituality and spiritual intelligence (Appendix D). All interviews were recorded

on a digital recorder and files were uploaded to the researcher’s personal computer. Files on the

digital recorder were then deleted. Utilizing a transpersonal framework, the researcher meditated

and utilized deep breathing prior to each interview to center, become present, and provide a

clear, open, and safe space for participants to share their experiences.

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Treatment of Data

For both quantitative and qualitative portions of the study, all computer files, including

transcriptions and quantitative data, were stored on a password-protected computer in the

researcher’s residence. Once demographic and completed measures were received, results were

entered into an Excel spreadsheet and participants were given identification numbers. Completed

copies of test materials were stored in a locked file box to which only the researcher had access.

Descriptive statistics were computed on SPSS for all scales. Pearson’s correlations were

calculated between the ISIS, SISRI, and ISS to check for construct validity. Pearson’s

correlations were also run between age and scores. One-way independent samples t-tests and

ANOVAS were run for the demographic variables of ethnicity, religion, and sex.

For the qualitative portion of the study, recorded interviews were uploaded to the

researcher’s personal computer. Interviews were then transcribed by the researcher verbatim.

Participants were given code names and all files were stored on the password-protected

computer.

Transcription data was then coded and analyzed using thematic analysis to identify,

analyze and find patterns (Braun & Clark, 2006). Thematic analysis followed Braun and Clark’s

(2006) six phases of analysis: familiarization with data, generalized initial codes, search for

themes, reviewing themes, defining and naming themes, and final analysis and report. It was the

intention of this researcher to use participants’ rich descriptions of their own experiences to

expand on and elucidate quantitative results.

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Chapter 4: Results

One hundred and twenty eight adolescents responded, with 119 participants completing

surveys by hand and 9 online. Of those, only 115 (43 males [m], 37.39%, 72 females [f],

62.61%) were eligible and completed the SISRI, ISIS, and ISS for usable data as shown in Table

1. Participants ranged in age from 12 to 18 at the time of survey completion, with a mean age of

16.35 and a standard deviation of 1.36 (M = 16.25, SD = 1.43 for males and M = 16.46, SD =

1.31 for females). Almost 74% (32 males, 53 females) of the sample was comprised of 16-18

year-olds. The vast majority (95) of the sample were in high school, with 6 in middle school, 12

in college, and 2 not reporting grade.

Table 1 Participants by Age and Sex (N = 115)

Age Males Females Total n % n % n %

12 13 14 15 16 17 18 unreported

1 2 0 7 12 9 11 1

0.87 1.74 0 6.09 10.42 7.83 9.57 0.87

1 1 1 15 17 20 16 1

0.87 0.87 0.87 13.04 14.78 17.39 13.91 0.87

2 3 1 22 29 29 27 2

1.74 2.61 0.87 19.13 25.22 25.22 23.48 1.74

Total 43 37.39 72 62.61 115 100 Participants resided in Texas, New Mexico, California, and Indiana, with the majority

(104, 90.43%, 35m, 69f) from Texas, followed by New Mexico (8, 6.96%, 6m, 2f), California (3,

2.61%, 1m, 2f), and Indiana (1, .87%, 1f). The majority of participants came from a summer

residential program sponsored by the Texas legislature on youth leadership as shown in Table 2.

Participants were selected from across the state of Texas based on their intellectual or academic

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achievements. Other participants came from a Presbyterian youth group in New Mexico and a

vision quest program in the Bay Area.

Table 2 Participant Source (N = 115)

Source Males Females Total n % n % n %

Leadership Program

36 31.31 68 59.13 104 90.43

Youth Group 6 5.22 2 1.74 8 6.96 Wilderness Program

1 0.87 0 0 1 0.87

Other 0 0 2 1.74 2 1.74

Total 43 37.39 72 62.61 115 100

The sample was ethnically diverse with African-American, Hispanic/Latino, and

Caucasian comprising the largest groups and accounting for 72.18% of the sample. Each

accounted for approximately one-fourth of the total as shown in Table 3.

Table 3

Participants by Ethnicity (N = 115)

Ethnicity Males Females Total n % n % n %

African-American

9 7.83 22 19.13 31 26.96

Hispanic/Latino 10 8.70 18 15.65 28 24.35

Caucasian 10 8.70 14 12.17 24 20.87 Other 5 4.35 13 11.30 18 15.65

Asian 9 7.83 4 3.47 13 11.30 Undisclosed 0 0 1 0.87 1 0.87

Total 43 37.39 72 62.61 115 100

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Table 4 shows that the sample was predominantly Christian. Atheists and agnostics

combined were the next largest group. Notably, there were no Jewish participants in the sample.

Table 4

Participants by Religion (N = 115)

Religion Males Females Total n % n % n %

Protestant 14 12.17 43 37.39 57 49.57

Roman Catholic

14 12.17 12 10.42 26 22.61

Other 3 2.61 5 4.35 8 6.96 Undisclosed 3 2.61 4 3.48 7 6.09

Agnostic 3 2.61 3 2.61 6 5.22 Atheist 3 2.61 1 0.87 4 3.48

Hindu 2 1.74 1 0.87 3 2.61 Buddhist 1 0.87 1 0.87 2 1.74

Native American

0 0 1 0.87 1 0.87

Taoist 0 0 1 0.87 1 0.87

Total 43 37.39 72 62.61 115 100

Quantitative Results

Quantitative data were gathered to examine the possibility of spiritual intelligence in

adolescence using the instruments noted. Some participants expressed frustration with the

complex language of the SISRI and ISIS. As a result, many left questions blank, though there

were no remarkable trends as to which items were skipped. Participants who left more than two

questions blank on a survey or who failed to complete a survey were excluded from the final data

set, resulting in a final sample of N = 115.

Missing items were calculated based on an average of the participant’s other scored

items. Scores from the ISIS, ISS, and SISRI were then created for each participant by totaling the

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scores on each survey. Scores on all three surveys were then summed for each participant to

provide a total score, which was used as the main indicator of spiritual intelligence.

Table 5 shows the survey means and standard deviations for the sample. The lowest

possible score on the SISRI is 0 and the highest is 96, and it is not a normed inventory. For the

current sample, the lowest score was 8, and the highest was 94. As is standard practice in the

absence of norms, low scores are considered those one deviation below the mean, or 46.51 and

lower for the SISRI. High scores are one standard deviation above the mean, or 80.59 and higher.

Fourteen participants (12.17%) scored below 46.51 and 17 participants (14.78%) scored above

80.59.

For the ISIS only, the total was divided by the number of survey items (45) to create an

average score for each participant. This was done to make it possible to compare scores with

preexisting norms, which used an average score instead of a summed score (Amram & Dryer,

2008). The lowest possible score on the ISIS is 1 and the highest is 6. A sample (n = 34) of

highly spiritually intelligent 18-24 year olds was surveyed during the creation of the ISIS and

had an average score of 4.02 (SD = .60). For this sample, 2.29 was the lowest score and 5.33 the

highest. The mean score on the ISIS was 3.80 (SD = .58). Thirty-four (29.57%) participants

scored above 4.02 and could be considered high scorers. Overall, the participants in the current

sample scored lower than the 18-24 year olds, which is to be expected because age has been

shown to be positively correlated with spiritual intelligence (Amram & Dryer, 2008).

The lowest possible score on the ISS is 6 and the highest is 60 and it is not a normed

inventory. Low scorers were considered those who scored one deviation below the mean, or

26.48 as suggested by the test creator (Hodge, personal communication, January 16, 2014). This

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included 14 participants (12.17%). Higher scorers scored one deviation above the mean, or 43.34

which included 15 participants (13.04%).

Table 5 Survey Means and Standard Deviations for the Sample

Measure Minimum Maximum Mean SD

SISRI 8 101 63.59 17.087

ISIS 103 240 170.99 26.182 ISS 7 57 34.91 8.427

Significant findings. Pearson’s correlations were calculated between surveys to examine

validity and the relationship between constructs as shown in Table 6. All surveys were positively

correlated with one other. Results show that a positive relationship exists between the three

survey measures, suggesting that the purported measures do measure spiritual intelligence.

Table 6 Correlations Between Surveys (N = 115)

Measure SISRI ISIS ISS

Total Cumulative

SISRI Pearson Correlation

1 .655** .604** .861**

Sig. (2-tailed) .000 .000 .000 ISIS Pearson

Correlation .655** 1 .630** .934**

Sig. (2-tailed) .000 .000 .000 ISS Pearson

Correlation .604** .630** 1 .772**

Sig. (2-tailed) .000 .000 .000 Total Cumulative

Pearson Correlation

.861** .934** .772** 1

Sig. (2-tailed) .000 .000 .000 ** Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed).

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As shown in Table 7, total scores were compared between males and females with

females showing higher scores on all three surveys.

Table 7

Average Means and Standard Deviations by Sex (N = 115)

Measure

Male (n = 43)

Female (n = 72)

Total (N = 115)

M SD M SD M SD

SISRI 60.93 18.30 65.18 16.24 63.59 17.09

ISIS 163.95 22.75 175.19 27.32 170.99 26.18 ISS 33.53 8.33 35.74 8.44 34.91 8.43

A one-way independent samples t-test was conducted to assess for significance between

males and females on the survey measure means (see Table E1 in Appendix E). Results revealed

a significant difference between males and females only for the ISIS (t = .03, p < .05).

Nonsignificant findings. To compare younger versus older participants, age groups were

separated into two categories: the younger group consisted of 12-15 year olds, and the older

group consisted of 16-18 year olds. The sample was divided in an attempt to create more equally

weighted groups, though the older group was still noticeably larger. The older group scored

higher on all three surveys as shown in Table 8.

Table 8 Means and Standard Deviations by Age Group (N = 113)

Measure Younger—12 to 15 years

n = 29 Older—16 to 18 years

n = 84 Total

N = 113 M SD M SD M SD

SISRI 60.10 16.93 64.64 17.20 63.48 17.17

ISIS 163.48 29.92 173.44 24.75 170.88 26.39 ISS 32.69 10.04 35.65 7.80 34.89 8.49

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A one-way independent sample t-test was also conducted between the Younger and Older

group to test for differences in the two groups scores (see Table E2 in Appendix E). No

significant differences emerged between the two groups, suggesting that mean scores were not

different enough to be significant.

As shown in Table 9, means were also compared across ethnic groups. The undisclosed

group (n = 1) was added to the Other group (n = 18) to create more balanced groups. Results

were variable. On the SISRI, the Caucasian group scored the highest and the Asian group, the

lowest. The African-American group scored highest on the ISIS, and the Asian group, the lowest.

A similar pattern emerged on the ISS, with the African-American group scoring the highest and

the Asian group scoring the lowest. It is important to note that the African-American group was

the largest group, and the Asian group the smallest, which may have affected mean scores.

Table 9 Mean Scores by Ethnicity (N = 115)

Unit

African-American (n = 31)

Hispanic (n = 26)

Caucasian (n = 25)

Other (n = 18)

Asian (n = 14)

M SD M SD M SD M SD M SD

SISRI 64.39 15.18 61.77 16.84 68.64 17.83 64.44 13.73 57.07 22.05

ISIS 180.01 23.64 164.16 23.56 176.85 32.47 166.83 18.38 160.93 26.53 ISS 36.39 7.40 35.12 7.70 35.00 11.46 34.56 6.86 32.43 7.45 A one-way between subjects ANOVA was also run to compare the effects of ethnicity on

test scores (see Table E3 in Appendix E). No significant findings emerged indicating that there

were no significant differences in test scores between the ethnic groups. However, the ISIS and

ethnicity approached significance [F(4, 109) = 2.43, p = .052] at the p < .05 level. Follow-up post

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hoc analysis indicated no significant pair-wise comparisons. This suggests there were no

significant differences in test scores across the ethnic groups.

As shown in Table 10, means were compared across religious groups. The Hindu (n = 3),

Buddhist (n = 2), Native American (n = 1), and Taoist (n = 1) groups were combined with Other

(n = 10) to create more balanced groups. The Atheist/Agnostic group scored highest on the

SISRI and the Other group scored the lowest. The Protestant group scored highest on the ISIS

and ISS and the Roman Catholic group the lowest on both surveys.

Table 10

Mean Score by Religion (N = 108)

Unit

Protestant (n = 57)

Roman Catholic (n = 26)

Other (n = 15)

Atheist/Agnostic (n = 10)

M SD M SD M SD M SD

SISRI 62.89 14.57 62.40 19.63 59.15 18.99 72.30 24.03

ISIS 177.18 23.82 161.44 28.56 173.20 27.49 166.70 27.52 ISS 35.52 6.52 33.40 9.55 35.20 8.03 35.20 8.03

A one-way between subjects Analysis of Variance (ANOVA) was conducted to test score

differences in religious groups (see Table E4 in Appendix E). There were no significant findings,

indicating that there are no major differences in survey scores between the different religious

groups. Results suggest that religion had no significant effect on spiritual intelligence scores.

Last, Pearson’s r correlations were also run to assess for the relationship between age and

survey scores. No significant correlations emerged, indicating that for this sample, age was not

significantly related to scores on any survey.

Summary of quantitative findings. Quantitative analysis revealed significant positive

correlations among all three survey measures. Additionally, scores were significantly different

from males and females on the ISIS with females scoring higher. Scores between the younger

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and older groups did not yield significant results despite the older group showing a higher mean

score. No significant differences emerged in scores across ethnic or religious groups. Results

indicate that females may score higher on surveys of spiritual intelligence, though this was true

for only one survey. There were no significant relationships between survey scores and ethnic

group nor between survey scores and religious group.

Qualitative Data

For the qualitative analysis portion of this study, the highest scorers were approached

about being interviewed to discuss their spirituality. Fifteen participants with the highest

cumulative score on all three surveys were first contacted about participation via email. Of those,

7 agreed to participate. The next five high scorers were approached via email and so on until 15

participants volunteered and the interviews were completed. In total, 30 participants with the

highest cumulative score were approached to obtain the 15 interview participants.

Interviews took place from September 15, 2013 to November 5, 2013. Participants were

given the choice between using Skype or the phone for interviews. Seven participants used

phone and 8 used Skype. Interviews lasted between 10 and 45 minutes. All interviews were

recorded on a digital recorder.

The 15 interviewees consisted of 6 males (40%) and 9 females (ranging in ages from 15-

18 (M = 16.73, SD = 1.12) years as shown in Table 11. The largest group of interviewees

consisted of 18 year olds (30.0%). The mean age of the interview sample was slightly higher

than that of the larger sample.

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Table 11

Interviewee’s Age and Sex (n = 15)

Age Males Females Total n % n % n %

15 1 6.7 2 13.3 3 20.0

16 1 6.7 2 13.3 3 20.0 17 2 13.3 2 13.3 4 26.7

18 2 13.3 3 20.0 5 33.3

Total 6 40.0 9 60.0 15 100

All interview participants except for 2 African-American males, 1 African-American

female, and 1 Hispanic female were high scorers on the SISRI. All interviewees were considered

high scorers on the ISIS. All but 1 African-American male, 2 African-American females, and 1

Hispanic female were high scorers on the ISS. Participants in the interview group scored higher

on the three surveys as compared to the larger sample. Most participants could be considered

high scorers on all three surveys with the exception of 2 African-American males, 1 African-

American female, and 1 Hispanic female who were considered average scorers on one of the

three surveys. As seen in Table 12, the mean scores for the interview participants were

approximately one standard deviation above mean of the larger survey sample.

Table 12 All Survey Participant Scores Compared to Interview Participant Scores

Measure

All Participants N = 115

Interview Participants n = 15

M SD M SD

SISRI 63.59 17.09 84.36 9.42

ISIS 170.99 26.18 206.50 13.65

ISS 34.91 8.43 43.71 3.28

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Participants represented the five different demographic groups with Caucasian (40%),

African-American (26.7%), and Asian (20.0%) being the largest three groups as shown in Table

13. The interviewee sample was proportional to the larger sample except for Hispanics, which

comprised the second largest group in the larger sample, but only had 1 representative in the

interviewee sample.

Table 13

Interviewee’s Demographic Profile by Ethnicity (n = 15)

Ethnicity Males Females Total

n % n % n %

African-American

2 13.3 2 13.3 4 26.7

Hispanic/Latino 0 1 6.7 1 6.7 Caucasian 3 20.0 3 20.0 6 40.0

Other 0 1 6.7 1 6.7 Asian 1 6.7 2 13.3 3 20.0

Total 6 40.0 9 60.0 15 100 The interview sample consisted of predominantly Protestant (40.0%) and Roman

Catholic (20.0%) participants as shown in Table 14. This was roughly proportional to the larger

sample.

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Table 14 Interviewees Religions (n = 15)

Variable Males Females Total n % n % n %

Protestant 2 13.3 4 26.7 6 40.0 Roman Catholic

2 13.3 1 6.7 3 20.0

Other 0 0 1 6.7 1 6.7

Agnostic 1 6.7 1 6.7 2 13.3 Atheist 1 6.7 0 0 1 6.7

Hindu 0 0 1 6.7 1 6.7 Taoist 0 0 1 6.7 1 6.7

Total 6 40.0 9 60.0 15 100 Participants came from every source except the Presbyterian youth group as shown in

Table 15. The predominant group came from the leadership program (12, 75.0%). Participants

from the Wilderness Program and Word-of-Mouth category accounted for more of the total in

the interview sample than in the larger sample.

Table 15

Interviewees Source (n = 15)

Source Males Females Total

n % n % n %

Leadership Program

5 33.3 7 46.7 12 75.0

Wilderness Program

1 6.7 0 0 1 6.7

Other 0 0 2 13.3 2 13.3

Total 6 40.0 9 60.0 15 100

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Analysis of the interviews identified eight primary categories comprising 27 subthemes.

The eight primary categories were: (a) definition of spirituality, (b) definition of God, (c)

importance of family, (d) ways of connecting to divine, (e) spiritual experiences, (f) role models,

(g) spiritual values, and (h) skepticism of spirituality. For each theme, frequencies were reported

by total number of respondents also rendered as a percentage of the interview sample and broken

down by sex. The actual names of the students were not reported.

Definition of spirituality. When asked to define spirituality, the most common response

(7; 47%, 2m, 5f) was some kind of expression of higher ideals or forces, such as connecting to a

greater purpose, being authentic, following dreams, and connecting with the infinite. Spirituality

was seen as a force greater than the human self and a goal to strive towards, especially by the

young women.

Spirituality is how we feel about the infinite, kind of like what we’re working towards. (Sadhi) It is being able to express yourself on the highest level, of your highest self. (Melissa)

Spirituality is kind of like how we make sense of the world, like within ourselves, like in a way that’s like bigger than science, sort of like the unexplainable. (Olissa)

I believe that there are greater forces than human, and I believe finding it crucial to mental peace. (John)

I think that spirituality is something that is universal, it’s something that is fundamental, it’s something that is a [inaudible] that all human beings tend towards. . . . It’s more about how to live my life in a really practical sense, how to tap into peace in whatever way I can on a day-to-day basis, on a day-to-day level, and how to be the best person I can be—and that’s a very spiritual endeavor for me. (Noah)

Four teens (4; 27%, 2m, 2f) saw spirituality pertaining to self-awareness and

psychological growth.

You have to look within and see what it is that is either holding you back or brings you forward in life. (L’Shonda)

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[Spirituality is an experience] of growth. Especially in self-awareness and self-growth. I would say that spirituality is for me, a mixture of your perceived self and how you view yourself and others. . . . It’s an experience of personal growth, I would say. Any kind of growth from within that is not some physical growth. (Daniel)

I think [spirituality] has more to do with your inner state. (Theo)

I would consider myself very spiritual in the fact that I accept who I am and I am happy with it and while I’m going to always work towards improving myself and bettering myself. (Jenice)

Spirituality was seen as a search for existential truth (3; 20%, 3 m) by all 3 of the

Caucasian males in the interview sample.

It’s about existential truth. . . . Having some kind of existential value, some greater existential value in life and including your own life and existence in its context and understanding everything around us is a natural urge human beings have, that’s spirituality to me. (Noah)

It is a search, it is a search to find what we don’t know. (John)

Six respondents (40%, 3m, 3f) differentiated religion from spirituality. Specifically,

religion was seen as an external practice while spirituality was seen as an inner experience or

state.

There is a huge difference between religion and spirituality. . . . Spirituality to me, is more of an understanding of . . . not necessarily a higher being, but something greater in connection with you and what’s around you. . . . Religion is more agreeing with how other people see things and using their beliefs for a greater good, trying to learn more together. (Caitlyn)

Spirituality is not something that you can be given. It’s the experience, and religion can be a catalyst for that experience. (Daniel) Spirituality is actually more deep within. Religion, I think, is more of an outside thing that most people see. Spirituality is something that only you see. (Lucia) I feel like people who are religious in the context like they go to church. People who are spiritual kind of sit back and think more about maybe emotional intelligent aspects of other people. . . . Spirituality itself is like a why versus like a lot of religion, the context is more about what you do. (Sadhi)

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Religion . . . it’s an institutionalized organized perspective on spirituality, a clearly-defined historically preset perspective on spirituality that unites a certain group of people under one way of thinking, but tied up in religion are many things other than spirituality. (John)

Definition of God. When asked about how they view God, the majority of participants

(8; 53%, 4m, 4f) described God as an abstract Ultimate Being that is difficult to define. The

majority of respondents were Caucasian and Asian, and respondents included all 3 Caucasian

males in the interview sample.

I feel like what God is, is basically . . . this divine being that we want to work for, kind of like the Ultimate Being. I feel like this Ultimate Being is woven from all of our ideas of what we wish we could be. . . . I feel God represents the idea of truth and infinite knowledge, beauty . . . and this infinite faith. (Sadhi)

All I can say for sure is that there is something other than us. I believe that humans cannot possibly be the smartest and greatest there is out there. There has to be a higher power. (Jenice)

[God is] any omnipotent being that you can find faith in and it’s generally because there are so many religions around a god or a god-like figure or even cults, anything that you can . . . .aspire to be or to please that will make you eternally happy. That’s how I would describe it. (Daniel)

I’ve always believed in greater forces in this world but it is incredibly hard for me to define. (John)

I think there’s something out there bigger than all of us. I mean, I don’t think it’s defined to a set God or set deity, because we’re all like, as humans, believe in things, but I do recognize that there’s a greater power out there. (Olissa) I feel like this ultimate being is woven from all of your ideas of what we wish we could be almost and what we want to achieve and for that reason, I feel God represents platonic form like the idea of truth and the infinite knowledge, beauty versus us where this finite faith like yeah, this finite faith. (Mei)

Five Christian respondents (30%, 2m, 3f) all of them African-American or Hispanic,

described God in the traditional Judeo-Christian sense as a “Father.”

He’s like a father to me. He’s a father to all of us. He’s like the father that gives freedom, I guess you could say. (Lucia)

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He’s my Father. (Theo)

God is a role model. He is the Father of the world. He does the healing, and He tells you and leads you into the right direction, the right path, and where to go. (Tasheka)

For 4 female participants and 1 male (5, 30%), God was associated with protection and

guidance. God was seen as a force that, while unseen, looked after the respondent.

I feel like God, I mean, it’s not like He actively intervenes in our lives, but He’ll like have a little push or shove here or there to kind of influence our decisions. (Olissa)

The fact that I know that Someone has something great planned out for me, even though I can choose different paths to achieve it, it helps me feel more powerful. (Jenice)

I look to God for protection and everything. (Deshawn)

It’s like I was being watched over. (Caitlyn)

Importance of family. The majority of participants expressed the importance of family

in their spiritual lives. For most participants (13; 87%, 6m, 7f), a family member introduced

them to their own spirituality, either through religion or a family culture of spirituality. This was

true for all the males in the interview sample.

I was never raised to go to church, but I was raised with a Christian mindset but we never were very strict about it, I guess is the word. You know, we prayed sometimes but for the most part, my parents were very open-minded and I was very exposed to nature and the world. (John)

[It was my dad] getting me into meditation and Buddhism in general that allowed me to realize that I’ve been kind of thinking on a spiritual level all my life. (Noah)

My parents both were very much social people and about being morally righteous and morally clear, but I think that’s where I gained more of my sense of spirituality [rather than through] my religious background. (Sadhi)

My family is religious. I was raised in the church. (Tasheka)

[We attend] church every Sunday. That’s just the way it’s been since I was a baby. (L’Shonda)

It started with [my aunt]. She had a Christian friend and we had a church gathering, so we went to her house and we started talking about His word. . . . [It was my] aunt that got me

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there, she’s like one of my, I guess you can call her, she’s like a second mom to me. I really love her a lot. The fact that she tried to help me knowing that I wanted to commit suicide. My parents wouldn’t really listen to me during that time, so I thought that was amazing. At that moment I felt God because I felt really, like I just wanted to quit with everything. (Lucia)

When asked about their experience of love, 6 participants (40%, 2m, 4f) cited

interpersonal family love. Some felt love through family, while others felt the love of God

coming through family.

[I feel] tremendous love every time my mom hugs me. It’s such a big part of everyone’s life. The fact that you were made from a woman who will always love you unconditionally. (Jenice)

I’m an only child and to be at home with my mom or . . . sit in the den with my grandmother, talking. I can see it in their eyes, and especially when I’m off to the sidelines and she’s just talking to people on the phone and she doesn’t think I’m paying attention. (L’Shonda)

My parents and my family we all love each other fairly well, and it’s not like [unintelligible 00:08:58] we’re aware that we love each other very much, but it’s not like we make an effort to show each other all the time because we already know that we love each other. (Olissa)

I don’t think about how much love there is, that people love me so much that when His spirit’s by me I feel like it’s a lot of people that love me, but I just don’t know. (Tasheka)

Ways of connecting to divine. Participants cited four ways in which they connect to the

divine: prayer, meditation, contemplation, and journaling. The most frequent means of

connecting to the divine cited was meditation (6; 40%, 3m, 3f). Most respondents were

Caucasian and Asian.

Usually I’ll find a quiet place . . . right before bed or if I’m in the shower or something like that. . . . But anytime where I can feel myself or any place I can reflect easily and not disturb me . . . it’s a lot more just meditating on it and thinking about it. (Daniel)

I mostly try to blank my mind because sometimes I think I just, like my brain is kind of exploding at the moment. I try to calm down. I think take like the situation when sometimes I don’t know what to say or what to do, I just take the situation and break it into parts and ask God for advice on what to do. (Lucia)

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I usually do I AM meditations. (Melissa)

I meditate for self-awareness. (Jax)

Four respondents (26%, 1m, 3f) said contemplation helped them connect to God or

themselves. Most were female.

It’s one of those things where I’ll just go home and put myself in a relaxing state and just have my communications with God. (L’Shonda)

I try and find a relatively quiet place. I mostly connect to it while I am outside and around nature . . . I would probably say I do it once a month, but I sit quietly at least three times a week, which is like meditation but wouldn’t be full meditation. . . . It is] just me cultivating a mindfulness and a consciousness about the big picture and the way things work and who I am and why I’m here and what’s going on. (John) I sat in on like clubs, church meetings and it’s a place to contemplate. I feel like so if I’m trying to get closer to God, I feel like it is a lot about thought, allowing yourself at times think. I know sometimes it’s like we get too busy to do things unless we plan out time for it so maybe just like lying in bed, just thinking about how you’re grateful for everything in the morning, thinking positive thoughts to try and get myself ready for the day. (Mei)

Other respondents, most of them African-American, said prayer was their primary means

of connecting to the divine (4; 26%, 2m, 2f).

Every morning I roll out of bed and drop down to my knees and pray and thank Him for waking me up. I pray before going to sleep. (Theo)

I just pray. (Deshawn)

I go to church and I go on the podium and I just pray. And try and, you know, just talk to Him about things I’m going through, and read the Bible, and try to connect with Him, and wait things out and see what happens. (Tasheka)

Three female respondents (20%) utilized journaling to connect to the divine.

I usually go sit either in my closet on the opposite side of my bed where there’s no one around me, because I feel that it’s best to have a quiet environment where there are no disruptions. I’ll either sit there with my Bible or I’ll just, whatever, write in my journal. It’s kind of like I’m just writing letters to God. (L’Shonda)

I do journal . . . it’s kind of like a conversation—a one-sided conversation. (Caitlyn)

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Spiritual experiences. Many respondents reported having had transpersonal experiences.

Ten respondents (66%, 3m, 7f) mentioned the importance of nature or having had a spiritual

experience in nature.

Just going to Yosemite, and just seeing the sequoias . . . just something so old and so wise. Just like being able to read the body and energy off that and feel that web of stories and years. (Melissa)

I would just go out and sit in trees for hours and just you know, be outside. . . . I do remember one time I went outside and I felt as though [God] was trying to communicate. I wouldn’t say communicate, but I would say it was trying to give me an overall idea. I can’t really describe it. . . . I just felt its presence, I just felt sheer beauty. (John)

It was just the two of us on a boat and it was very quiet so you could feel like we were talking to each other without speaking any words. You need to be quiet. Just being that close to nature actually helped spark this feeling within me and in the silence you could think a lot and I feel like I actually kind of started to view things outside my normal self. It wasn’t just a beautiful landscape that I was looking at. It was feeling all these different energies and all the colors became more vibrant. It was kind of a stepping outside of self. I felt very connected to everything around me. (Daniel) Whenever I’m depressed, I really like to go out and see nature because it helps me feel better. I feel like I can breathe better. (Lucia) I remember lying on the ground and breathing the air and looking toward the sky and the trees and . . . there was a moment where I felt like I could kind of feel the much higher purpose underneath me. (Noah)

When I’ve been out in nature alone . . . it gets me thinking of a lot of things, like random topics, I feel like the world we live in is so loud and clustered, and coming into quiet ambiance of nature is just . . . I feel like there’s some connectivity I have going on. (Mei)

Six respondents (40%, 2m, 4f) reported having a deep sense of connection to the divine

or connection to “oneness” that was marked by a feeling of warmth, unity, stillness, and

vibrancy.

It’s like one of those within and without experiences. Knowing that you are an individual but also being part of something completely united. . . . It feels like everything is finally right in the world. It feels like the moment where everything makes sense. . . . It is like a really warm feeling. And there are pastel colors. (Melissa)

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Your heart warms up and sort of drops to the center of your body, the main center, and so you can feel it spreading throughout the rest of your body. You can feel it in the tip of your toes down, up to the tip of your nose. That kind of feeling. How I would describe it, is that if there was a long piece of string and you could literally tie that string to every line around you. You may be standing next to the desk and that desk if you were to draw it, you would draw it with lines and those lines would connect you to that desk to you. So that’s the kind of oneness that I feel. (Jax)

I once went to this church in Oklahoma. It was really amazing because you could feel the Holy Spirit. . . . It felt really warm. It felt like I was being held in the moment. It felt really beautiful. (Lucia)

Five respondents (33%, 1m, 4f) mentioned feeling a deep sense of connection to other

people that transcended everyday interactions. Most were female.

I met somebody that I really connected to. It was really designed by coincidences that would coincide between us and it wasn’t personal interest, it was like something throwing us together. . . . We were always on the same page. (John)

After my Aunt Pat died. I was just sitting with my mother and it almost as though everything had come full circle. Because, at this time . . . I mean, I know that death is there, clearly, everybody’s going to die one day, but it was one of those things that hit me, but being with my mom . . . it was just being able to sit there in her presence and laugh and talk with her. (L’Shonda)

I saw a boy crying. . . . I walked over to him and gave him a hug and he told me that he was being bullied because his mom was in the hospital for cancer because she drinks. I told him to talk to me about it and of course, I was a stranger to him and he didn’t even know my name. I told him that the best thing to do sometimes is to talk to a complete stranger. They don’t know who you are or what you stand for. They can’t judge you—they can only go by what you’re telling them and that’s what opens up a world of opportunity to know a new person. Every single time I meet someone new, I feel connections with them because you never know what that may mean to them and what they may end up doing for you. (Jenice)

Three Caucasian (20%, 2m, 1f) respondents described having an active spiritual life or

spiritual experiences in childhood.

I know it may seem irrelevant, but when I was little, I used to have epilepsy. And it was really interesting because it was like an out of body experience. . . . It was a good feeling. Until I was told it was bad. And then it got surrounded by fear. . . . It would just be like you went somewhere else. . . . And it would change each time. (Melissa)

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People were shocked by how mature I was when I was younger. Looking back, I can’t believe what level I was on, thinking. After that, until about age 8 or 9, from then on, I always thought about every aspect and thought about how I could reach a crazy ultimate conclusion. . . . I would sit there and think about God and how the universe works. I would question God and stuff as a child and I would think about how it all worked. I would think about the shape of a sphere and think about how it was the perfect shape of abundance. Perfect equilibrium. (John)

Role models. When asked whether they had role models they admired, 7 (46%, 3m, 4f)

participants said no, or that they are cautious about having role models. Four participants

described needing to be themselves rather than look up to another.

I look up to them but I usually don’t want to emulate them because it is like “to thine own self be true.” (Melissa)

Obviously, no one’s perfect, so there’s not one person where you can look them over head to toe and say, “I want to be exactly like this one person.” (Caitlyn) I don’t look up to any role models. I wouldn’t say there are any role models I’d be interested in. I look up to role models when I do because they’ve done something, one aspect of their life is to be admired, and I would try to [inaudible 00:22:23] to that admiration but not so much say that I would want to be like that person because I tend to always find some kind of flaw. (Jax)

Surprisingly, I do not have a role model. I love my mom to death. She’s the best person ever, but I really need to kind of be myself. . . . That’s great, but I just want to be myself. I’m not really [inaudible 00:11:36] or worried about having a role model or looking up to others, really. I have to look for myself and see where I can go. (L’Shonda)

Five respondents (33%, 3m, 2f) mentioned a family member as their role model for some

particular attribute, including work ethic, discipline, ability to love, and spiritual life.

One would be my uncle. He’s like a Master Sergeant in the Air Force right now. Definitely would be my parents. They work hard in the things they have to do. They're always running to many different events and organizations. (Deshawn) My youngest brother . . . I’ve always looked up to him. His determination. Of course I don’t look up to every aspect of his life. Of course he is human and has made many mistakes. But I’ve been able to benefit from it and not make the same mistakes. But I’ve always looked up to how level headed he is. I’ve kind of tapered off of that and developed my own sense of levelheadedness. He has kind of given me discipline. (John) The reason for my dad is because he’s really a role model for me even though I’ll never tell him that. I drop hints but it’s more meaningful for him to catch little wisps of it. Just

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because his parents were completely different than the kind of parent that he is, typically better. Him being better, sorry. I really model after him for my future. There’s a few things about him I’m not going to try to pick up, little quirks but there’s been a lot of things I’d like to emulate from him. Especially his loving attitude and his great defense of family. (Daniel) I would probably have to say my mother and my great-grandmother, because they’re both still alive and they’re both very hard working women. (Olissa) I’d say my Dad is my role model. . . . He was the one who first exposed me to all of this stuff about spirituality and Oneness and Beingness. (Melissa)

An equal number listed a spiritual or religious avatar as their role model (5; 33%, 2m, 3f).

Nelson Mandela . . . I don’t know about most people but I know I could not forgive people who had imprisoned me for 20 plus years for being a part of a protest and not being violent. I don’t know, that wouldn’t fly with me. It’s just the compassion and the love for humanity. It’s just profound. I think that he’s very, very interesting. Especially because he advanced the human situation for millions of people in one of the most recent times. It’s practically within most people’s lifetime that are alive today. It just happened in the ‘90s. (Daniel)

I think my favorite role model would be Jesus. Even though he’s human he tried his best to be perfect, so I want to follow that too. (Lucia) Mahatma Gandhi . . . Definitely his whole beliefs accepting satyadraha, which is like doing things without being violent. (Mei)

I look up to God the most. I think He’s the most best person there ever is. He talks to me. He puts me in situations where I don’t expect things to be and when I ask him for something, He does it in mysterious ways. That’s amazing and that’s why I look up to Him as my hero. (Tasheka)

Spiritual values. A number of spiritual values emerged as important to respondents. The

most cited spiritual value was openness, usually to other forms of spirituality, as stated explicitly

or evidenced through behaviors, such as exploring others’ religions and maintaining friendships

with people of other faiths (7; 46%, 2m, 5f)

I would probably want people to be more open-minded, because I feel like, in an ideal world, everyone would be accepting on another. . . . If there were more people that were kind and accepting of others, I feel like we wouldn’t have so many problems with hate crime, and homophobia. (Olissa)

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[I would change] people’s openness to spirituality. I mean, I feel like it is just so wonderful but people are just so confused about it. (Melissa) I do for the most part, believe what most Methodists and Christians believe, but there is definitely some different viewpoints or some different points to that. It’s not exactly the same, because everyone’s views are different, but I really do like seeing other religions and how they view things. There’s definitely a lot of connections between them all. They’re extremely similar; it’s just the way that they describe things, different stories that they will tell. (Caitlyn) I would like to re-route people’s way of thinking, not necessarily to the way I do. I wouldn’t want to take away individuality. I would just love to have people be more open-minded and think about humanity as a whole. (John)

I feel like I’d like to change the way people treat ignorance, the way they feel about knowledge. (Sadhi)

The majority of participants, and all the males, reported valuing nonreaction in the face of

bullying or interpersonal adversity (10; 66%, 6m, 4f).

People picking on me when I was on the JV team. I mean, it really didn’t bother me. I don’t really sweat the small stuff. I try and stay even-tempered all the time. (Theo)

When my boyfriend upsets me, I’ll ask myself, “Why does it make you sad? I just really kind of pick at it until I find these small points because I didn’t know why it was bad at first and then once I feel [inaudible 00:24:42] and sad, I will talk to him about it. (Sadhi)

If someone hurts you in a way that I have not experienced before, then normally I will just be quiet and I don’t say anything. I sort of think it through. . . . Like I really cherish professionality, professionalism. I like it whenever people, whenever their emotions are going haywire and they choose to still represent themselves as calm and very serene. (Jax)

I try to remain calm when I’m being insulted . . . I mostly try to blank my mind because sometimes I think I just, like, my brain is kind of exploding at the moment. I try to calm down. (Lucia)

Six respondents, including all of the Asian participants (40%, 2m, 4f), reported engaging

in or valuing altruistic motives and behaviors either in themselves or other people.

I like pondering how I can be better as a person, how I can make a difference in humanity. (Sadhi)

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[My ROTC instructor is] my hero because he’s been through war and all this stuff and yet he still takes time out of his life to help guide kids in high school. (Jenice)

I also volunteer biweekly at the Municipal Courthouse for a volunteer court program which is actually teenagers who have misdemeanors. . . . So that made me feel like I was part of something greater than myself, because I had helped somebody in my community and I changed a life and he’s doing great in school. (Theo)

I would probably choose something more along the lines of starting a massive charity of some kind of trying to achieve some kind of goal that would benefit other people more than myself. I’ve always wanted to go to a foreign country like Bangladesh or Kenya or something like that. I would put more attention where there’s little attention to it. (Jax)

Robert Downey Junior also, he can be trendy, snooty, and stuff like that, but him as a person, you see on social media how thoughtful he actually is. When he was doing the movie Avengers, they were about to offer him this huge raise and all this other nonsense, and he decided that he didn’t want to do anything until all [inaudible 0:35:36.2] workers and all the other actors had got raises, too. There are people like that out in the world. (Caitlyn)

Five participants, 4 of them Caucasian, (33.3%, 2m, 3f) reported valuing understanding

another’s point of view, self, or other’s motives.

There was somebody who wasn’t necessarily bullying me but was actually a friend of mine and was really close and then one day he just kind of yelled at me about a few things. Called me some ridiculous names and just yelled. I was really hurt at the time. But I didn’t get mad. I believe that everyone is equal, that we are just separated by events and different experiences and there really is no reason to hold yourself higher than another. When you keep that in mind, there is no need for any of that. (John)

I make sure I’m not hurting anybody else. But I understand that is where their current level of awareness is, that is where their current level of consciousness is and that they are only working from that definition. [Consciousness is] honestly and truthfully understanding what is going on. (Melissa)

Understanding why people do the things they do is huge for me. When people react towards me or even towards other people in a way that seems hostile, or even a bit unnecessary in reaction, it makes me want to know why they’re doing it. (Jenice)

It’s not ignoring the differences, it is more understanding them, and seeing how understanding different countries or different political views and different cultural backgrounds can affect why people think the way they do, and why they do what they do. Understanding that what they do is not necessarily against what someone else does; it’s just what they believe, or how they’ve been taught. (Sadhi)

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Five female respondents (33.3%) reported valuing authenticity and believing in one’s

self.

In grade school, or elementary school, I used to get bullied a lot, and I would just kind of take it with a grain of salt, because everyone’s entitled to their own opinions. I don’t really like people-pleasers because it’s not like I was put on this earth to please you. If you don’t like me, that’s fine, I can find someone else who loves me for who I am and who respects me as an individual. (Olissa)

[I admire the way Jesus] could talk to people and tell them the truth, but at the same time respect the people. (Lucia)

I'm very sure of myself. I know where I'm going. I know what I want in life. I don't really sit around and try to listen to others, unless they're giving me advice or something that I can really grasp onto. (L’Shonda)

Five respondents (33%, 2m, 3f) expressed appreciation for having a community or

friends with similar viewpoints. Most were African-American or Caucasian.

It is just friends getting together. Lots of people came just for the food, but you weed out the bad eggs and it became lots of teenage adolescent Christians and people that have lots of spiritual beliefs and have a good relationship with God. It is like a communion, but a communion with like-minded people. (Theo)

It’s kind of reassuring knowing that there’s a whole community that feels the same way and welcomes you, because you share the same belief. (Olissa)

It’s like when you’re in a roomful of people that actually understand the same thing, and they express the same feeling of [inaudible] . . . you can feel it. It just really made me happy. (L’Shonda)

Skepticism of spirituality. A few high scorers (3; 20%, 2m, 1f) expressed skepticism

about spirituality, or confusion about how science and spirituality can coexist).

I believe in the scientific universe but not so much in the universe as I would find in spirituality, not that kind of universe. (Jax) But, on the other hand, there has to be a more scientific aspect than: Okay, this being God said, “Yeah,” and the world became the world. (Jenice) I’m spiritual, yes, but I’m very, very much a person of logic, and I believe that most things should be logical. And I believe that if you show me the facts, then it exists. But

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with that said, almost in contradiction to it, I still believe that there are things that are not logical, but that doesn’t mean there isn’t any logic to them. (John) Overall, participants expressed a sense of spirituality that involved a relationship with an

Ultimate Being, though that Being was indefinable for most with the exception of the Christian

participants who saw God as a type of father. Spirituality itself had different meanings for

different participants but was related to expressing higher ideals, psychological growth, or the

search for existential truth. Many interviewees differentiated spirituality from religion, saying

that spirituality is the inner experience of the divine while religion is external practices and

doctrine.

Family played a large role in almost all the interviewees’ lives. Most were introduced to

spirituality through their family. Many had experiences of interpersonal love through family who

were described as spiritual in nature.

Interviewees described prayer, mediation, contemplation, and journaling as practices they

used to connect to the divine. The majority of interview participants described having a spiritual

experience in nature. Others described having direct experiences of the divine marked by warmth

or a deep feeling of presence. Many also reported having unitive or deeply empathic experiences

with other people that felt spiritual.

When asked to reflect on role models for their lives, many participants described

skepticism towards role models because human beings are fallible. Many reported the

importance of following your own path and being true to yourself. For others, family members

who exhibited values of work ethic, ability to love, discipline and spirituality were cited as role

models. Many participants also expressed admiring spiritual avatars as role models for their own

lives.

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Many spiritual values emerged as important to participants including openness to other

people’s spirituality or religion, nonreaction in the face of adversity, altruism, understanding,

authenticity, and community. Lastly, a few participants expressed skepticism about how

spirituality and science can coexist.

Summary of Quantitative and Qualitative Results

Major qualitative findings were (a) the SISRI, ISS, and ISIS were positively correlated

with each other and (b) there was a significant difference between males’ and females’ scores on

the ISIS. The first finding suggests that the three surveys used do measure a similar or identical

construct in an adolescent population. The second finding shows that females scored higher on

spiritual intelligence on one survey. It is important to note that females did score higher than

their male counterparts on all three surveys, though results did not reach significance for the

SISRI and the ISIS.

Quantitative results revealed no significant differences between younger (12-15 year-old)

and older (16-18) year-old participants. However, the interview sample, selected from high-

scoring individuals, was mostly older, with the majority being 18 years old.

Qualitative findings showed eight primary categories. The first was definition of

spirituality which was defined most commonly as an expression or connection with a higher

ideal or force. It was also seen as self-awareness or psychological growth for some and the

search for existential truth by the 3 Caucasian males in the sample. Religion and spirituality were

seen as separate constructs by most participants, with spirituality being an inner experience and

religion being external dogma and practices.

The second category was definition of God with the majority of respondents referring to

God as an Ultimate Being that is difficult to define. The 5 Evangelical participants referred to

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God as “Father” and described Him in traditional religious language. God was also associated

with protection and guidance for some participants.

The importance of family was the third category that emerged with the majority of the

sample crediting family for introducing them to their religious or spiritual path. Many

participants also cited their primary experience of love (divine or otherwise) was from family.

When asked about how they connect to the divine, participants cited prayer, meditation,

contemplation, and journaling. Meditation was used most often by Caucasian and Asians while

prayer was used most often by Evangelical Christians. Several females utilized journaling.

The sixth category was spiritual experiences with most participants reporting having had

a spiritual experience of some kind. Most commonly, participants had spiritual experiences while

in nature. Many participants had a deep connection with the divine such as unitive experience or

peak experience characterized by warmth, stillness, and vibrancy. Others experienced deep

connection within interpersonal relationships. A few of the respondents mentioned having had

spiritual experiences in childhood.

When asked about role models, responses varied. Most commonly, participants were

cautious about having role models, saying that all beings are fallible and everyone has their own

path. Of those who had role models, family members were most often cited for various attributes

such as ability to love, disciplne, or work ethic. For others, a spiritual or religious avatar such as

Jesus, Ghandi, or Nelson Mandela was listed.

Many spiritual values emerged as important to participants. The most common value was

openness to other religions and participants of other religions. For the males of the sample,

nonreaction in the face of interpersonal adversity was important. For some, including all the

Asian participants, altruistic motives and behaviors were highly valued. Many participants

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reported valuing understanding, or taking another’s perspective. Additionally, being authentic

was shown to be important for many of the females. The importance of having a community of

like-minded individuals emerged as important to the African-American and Caucasian

participants. Lastly, a few participants expressed skepticism about spirituality.

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Chapter 5: Discussion

Though the researcher sought a cross-sectional sample from a variety of schools across

California and New Mexico, 90% of the sample came predominantly from a singular source, the

leadership group in Texas. In order to get into this program, participants from this source were

considered intellectually or academically gifted and had expressed an interest in leadership,

which may have affected scores, given that gifted students have been shown to perceive and

relate to the world in unique ways (Sisk, 2008). Additionally, most participants were from Texas,

which is characterized by conservative Christian values (Rentfrow, Gosling, Jokela, Stillwell,

Kosinki, & Potter, 2013) with Evangelical Protestantism being the most popular religion,

followed by Catholicism and then Mainline Protestantism (Texas Interfaith Center, 2012). Eight

participants in the sample hand-wrote the word “Baptist” on the demographic questionnaire,

reflecting the importance of denominational identity in religion and the value of conservative

Christian beliefs.

On average, the surveyed participants who came from New Mexico and the Bay Area

identified as less conservative Christian than did the participants from Texas. This suggests that

the majority of participants in this sample came from a predominantly conservative Christian

culture, which may have influenced results given that noncharismatic conservative or

fundamentalist Protestant religions tend to be less open to transpersonal experiences (unlike

charismatic denominations, such as the Pentecostals—because they regularly engage in practices

to cultivate certain kinds of altered states for direct access to God). Texas is also a “majority-

minority” state, meaning that racial and ethnic minorities outnumber Caucasians (Combs, 2006),

with about twice as many Hispanics and about an equal number of African-Americans compared

to the entire population in the United States. This unique demographic makeup is reflected in the

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sample, in which both African-Americans and Hispanics outnumbered Caucasians, though the

African-American group had heavier representation than is characteristic for the state of Texas.

Quantitative Findings

The survey results suggest that some adolescents do display spiritual intelligence.

However, it is difficult to make comparisons to other age groups and distinguish the differences

between religious beliefs and actual lived spirituality. Clearly some adolescents scored high on

scales of spiritual intelligence, though comparisons with other groups are difficult, given that few

norms for this age group exist. Roughly 13% of participants were considered high scorers on the

SISRI and ISS and 29% were high scorers on the ISS.

Females did score higher on all three surveys, which reached significance on the ISIS,

consistent with results obtained by creators of the ISIS, Amram and Dryer (2008), who found

that adult women scored significantly higher than men in a sample of average and highly

spiritual adults. King and DeCicco (2009) found no significant differences in sex for the SISRI.

Sex differences were not examined by Hodge (2003) during the creation of the ISS. Results are

consistent with findings that females score higher than males on empathy, emotional intelligence,

moral maturity, altruism, conscientiousness, prosocial behavior, and desire for commitment to

something beyond the self (Charbonneau & Nicol, 2002; Killen & Turiel, 1998; Magen, 1983;

Markstrom et al., 2010; Raboteg-Saric, 1997; Underwood & Moore, 1982). Thus, adolescent

females may display higher spiritual intelligence than males, though the current sample consisted

of more females than males, which may have impacted results.

The older group (ages 16-18) scored higher on all three surveys, though results were not

significant. This is consistent with findings that certain values remain relatively stable through

adolescence, such as empathy, conscientiousness, and emotional intelligence (Charbonneau &

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Nicol, 2002; Davis & Franzoi, 1991; Underwood & Moore, 1982). Age differences have been

found in altruistic motives, but only between adolescents and college-aged participants, not

between younger and older adolescents (Killen & Turiel, 1998), and the age range in this sample,

which included 18-year-olds would have been just at the boundary of this age break-over.

Interestingly, adolescents have been shown to have higher altruistic desire than college-aged

students. It is important to note that the creators of the ISIS, Amram and Dryer (2008), did find

significant differences in spiritual intelligence across various age groups, but their sample ranged

from 18 to 65. Thus, age does not seem to be a significant variable in scores of spiritual

intelligence for adolescents, when adolescence is defined as extending to age 18. No significant

differences in survey scores were found between ethnic or religious groups.

Qualitative Findings

The demographic makeup of the high-scoring interview sample was slightly different

from the quantitative sample, in which only 75% of the participants came from the leadership

group in Texas as opposed to 90% in the larger sample. African-American, Caucasian, and Asian

were the largest groups in the interview sample as opposed to African-American, Hispanic, and

Caucasian in the larger sample. The religious make-up of the interview sample was roughly

proportional to the larger sample, though Agnosticism had higher representation in the interview

sample. The sample still reflected the conservative Christian values of Texas with some

representation from the more liberal spirituality of the Bay Area (Rentfrow et al., 2013).

The interview data confirmed that some teens, albeit a minority, have a deeply felt

spiritual life that would qualify as spiritually intelligent according to standardized measures.

Many of the interview participants demonstrated having spiritual experiences, holding spiritual

values, and conducting deep existential searching, suggesting that spirituality might transcend

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age, as some researchers have noted (Benson, 1997; McCulloch, 2003). Some of the participants

engaged in existential and philosophical questioning, thought to be characteristic of adolescence

(Astin et al., 2005; Hacker, 1994; Schlesing, 2005).

Among the interview sample, three distinct orientations appeared, designated religious (4

participants), religious and spiritual (5 participants), and spiritual (6 participants). Religious

participants were defined as identifying as religious and providing responses that exclusively

reflected values and behaviors associated with a faith-based institution. When asked about

spiritual experiences or values, religious participants often used Christian terminology without

referencing many personal lived spiritual experiences or deep existential questioning.

Participants in this group were intent on listening to and obeying “God’s word.” For example,

when asked about how he connected to the divine, Theo responded,

Every morning I roll out of bed and drop down to my knees and pray and thank Him for waking me up. I pray before going to sleep. Religious and spiritual participants were defined as identifying as religious, but also

incorporating personal spiritual experiences and values in their responses that might not match

orthodox views associated with institutionalized religion. For example, Caitlyn said,

I am . . . I don’t like to use the term religious. I do . . . I go to church every Sunday. I’m a Methodist. My whole family is Methodist. . . . We’re strong Christians, but I’m not exactly hard core; this is what it is. I do for the most part, believe what most Methodists and Christians believe, but there is definitely some different viewpoints or some different points to that. It’s not exactly the same, because everyone’s views are different, but I really do like seeing other religions and how they view things. There’s definitely a lot of connections between them all.

Many of the religious and spiritual participants reflected religious beliefs, but also reported

having had moments of clarity or transcendence in church in what appeared to be a mild or full

peak experience, defined here as a

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highly valued experience which is characterized by such intensity of perception, depth of feeling, or sense of profound significance as to cause it to stand out, in the subjects’ mind, in more or less permanent contrast to the experiences that surround it in time and space. (Leach, 1962, p. 11)

Such a description seems to fit three experiences.

I once went to this church in Oklahoma. It was really amazing because you could feel the Holy Spirit. . . . It felt really warm. It felt like I was being held in the moment. It felt really beautiful. (Lucia)

When I was about 14 years old, I was in a play, and I was actually one of the stars in the play, and it’s one of those things where, it’s just kind of like the spotlight, and there was just this one moment where pretty much everyone had kind of faded out, but there was just one person in the audience. I know it wasn’t my mom because my mom was on the opposite site, but it was almost like, for me, I really do believe that God was there. And there was this cleansing emotion that comes within and it just . . . it was very uplifting. I don’t know how to really describe it to you, but it was there. (L’Shonda)

It’s really the only time I’ve felt really connected at church. It was just going through the ceremony and then when we got to that part and all eyes were on myself and the other 10 or 15 people that were going through [confirmation] too. The music struck up, the organ started playing and you just feel very connected and really like you were a part of the whole thing. It just became very surreal and it was another time where I stepped outside of myself. (Daniel)

Daniel’s experience seems to exceed Leach’s definition of a peak experience to involve the kinds

of alterations in perception, especially of personal agency and spatial orientation that are clinical

markers of altered states (Wade, 1996).

Spiritual participants were defined as having no religious responses but deeply felt

personal experiences that could be considered idiosyncratically spiritual or existential. For

example, John said,

I try and find a relatively quiet place. I mostly connect to [the divine] while I am outside in nature . . . I would probably say I do [meditation] once a month, but I sit quietly at least three times a week, which is like meditation but wouldn’t be full meditation. . . . [It is] just me cultivating a mindfulness and a consciousness about the big picture and the way things work and who I am and why I’m here and what’s going on.

The spiritual participants included Atheist and Agnostic responders, who reflected the most

powerful spiritual experiences and deeper questioning. In particular, 2 of the spiritual

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participants showed evidence of mystical experiences characterized by intense realness, feelings

of unity, ineffability, unusual sensations, and transsensate phenomena (Deikman, 1990).

Interestingly, 1 was Atheist and rejected much of the spiritual language in his interview. This

suggests that some adolescents might be having spiritual experiences with no training or spiritual

framework for them. Thus, spiritual experiences might happen organically for some adolescent

individuals. For example,

It’s like one of those within and without experiences. Knowing that you are an individual but also being part of something completely united. . . . It feels like everything is finally right in the world. It feels like the moment where everything makes sense. . . . It is like a really warm feeling. And there are pastel colors. (Melissa)

Your heart warms up and sort of drops to the center of your body, the main center, and so you can feel it spreading throughout the rest of your body. You can feel it in the tip of your toes down, up to the tip of your nose. That kind of feeling. How I would describe it, is that if there was a long piece of string and you could literally tie that string to every line around you. You may be standing next to the desk and that desk if you were to draw it, you would draw it with lines and those lines would connect you to that desk to you. So that’s the kind of oneness that I feel. (Jax)

Thus, though individuals who had powerful experiences, such as peak or mystical

experiences, were in the minority, clearly adolescents have the capacity for spiritual experiences

similar to those reported by adults. The individuals in this sample who had the most powerful

experiences expressed the least religious views. Thus, it is possible that spiritual experiences

may happen independent of religiosity. It is also possible that a higher percentage of the sample

was having powerful spiritual experiences but having trouble articulating them due to their

inherent ineffability.

Research on children’s spirituality suggests that spiritual experiences may be experienced

across the lifespan, that they may be present in childhood and actually decline in adolescence and

adulthood. Chilton Pearce (1992) has suggested that most models of human development are

fundamentally flawed in that they start with a full adult and move backwards, carrying forth the

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biases and possible filters of a mature logical adult. It has been suggested by some researchers

that acculturation and education have thwarted the cultivation of spiritual experiences and

knowledge in Western cultures (Mata, 2010; Taylor, 2009). Thus, it is possible that spiritual

intelligence could exist not only in adolescence, but in childhood as well.

Hoffman (1992) asserts that childhood spiritualty has been recognized as powerful, valid,

and transcendent in many religions. Through his research, he found that children have

experienced peak experiences, powerful experiences in nature, spontaneous bliss, profound

insights, unforgettable dreams, and uncanny perceptions. Similarly, Hart (2003) discerned from

qualitative case studies that children as young as 2 are capable of divining wisdom, experiencing

wonder, engaging with existential questions, experiencing profound empathy and compassion,

have psychic experiences, and access other realms.

Hart (2003) has suggested that children are capable of spiritual intelligence and can be

considered natural mystics. He asserts that spirituality is not logical or rational and that children

may be predisposed to direct experiences of spirituality based on their capacity for feeling and

images. Children may even have more spiritual experiences than adolescents or adults because of

they are nonrational (Taylor, 2009). In his research, many of the experiences described by

children satisfy the criteria for a mystical experience, and Hart describes many of these children

as spiritually intelligent. Indeed, many of their experiences fit the criteria set forth by Emmons

(2000) and Sisk (2002). It may be that children are born living in the realm of the mystical but

cannot yet verbalize their experiences due to lack of development.

Fowler’s theory of spiritual development (1981) was both supported and refuted in the

current sample. Adolescents, according to Fowler (1981), are said to be in the Synthetic-

Conventional stage in which they adhere to rules, dogma, conformity, and the religious norms of

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the culture. This was most apparent among the Evangelical Protestant individuals who expressed

traditional conservative religious views. The religious participants tended to adopt the views of

their family. However, other participants expressed views that wavered from societal norms,

specifically the Atheist, Agnostic, and Taoist participants. The spiritual but not religious

participants either rejected their family’s religion or were actively exploring other religions or

spiritual ideas through attending services, existential inquiry, meditation, or books and teachings

from spiritual authors. Several demonstrated qualities of Fowler’s (1981) more advanced stages

thought to be reserved for young adulthood and adulthood. Participants who were not devoutly

religious demonstrated evidence of being in the Individuative-Reflective stage, which is

characterized by separating from the predominant culture’s dogma. This was evidenced in the

interview sample as interview participants spoke about questioning groups norms and beliefs,

their interest in nontraditional spiritual teachings, existential questioning, and a having high

degree of openness. Three participants showed evidence of the Conjunctive phase, which is

characterized by finding a sense of truth independent of belief or religion. This is the beginning

of mysticism. One participant showed evidence of being in the Universalizing Faith stage, in

which spiritual awareness and mysticism are an everyday experience and spiritual evolution was

the singular guiding principle in life.

The majority of interview participants credited their family with introducing them to

religion or spirituality, which echoes findings by other researchers that family plays an important

role in religious and spiritual formation (King et al., 2013; Rew et al., 2007). Previous research

has also found that adolescents describe themselves as more open-minded and questioning than

their parents, which was also found to be true in the current research. This supports the idea that

adolescents value conscious interactions with peers, family, and authority figures (Bussing et al.,

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2010), as mentioned by interview participants. Results support findings that parental support is

linked to prosocial behaviors (de Kemp et al., 2007).

Most interview participants demonstrated altruistic motive and an awareness of local or

global issues, which supports existing research (Killen & Turiel, 1998; Sargeant, 2010). Many

also showed evidence of dedicating themselves to pursuits in service to the world or a dedication

to their spiritual path, consistent with research by Magen (1983).

The majority of interview participants showed evidence of spiritual intelligence as

defined by Emmons (2000) and Sisk (2008). As per Emmon’s (2000) five characteristics of

spiritual intelligence, most participants attended to the transcendent through consciously

focusing on the divine; cultivating meditation or contemplation; experienced moments of

sacredness; viewed daily problems as part of spiritual life; acted in virtuous ways and valued

virtuous living. Interview participants also showed evidence of spiritual intelligence according to

Sisk (2008). Namely, they were concerned with existential issues and utilized meditation and

contemplation; had values of unity, compassion, balance, and service; had spiritual experiences;

and a select few experienced rapture. There was only limited support for use of symbolic systems

in Sisk’s (2008) model such as poetry, music, art, and metaphor though 2 participants cited their

passion for music. It is possible that the participants engaged in and valued symbolic systems as

adolescence is often a period of deep creativity, however, none of the survey questions or

interview questions addressed this outright.

During the final stages of this research, a study was published by King, Clardy and

Ramos (2013) regarding adolescent spiritual exemplars. Eighty individuals (qualifications

unknown) were contacted to help with the nomination process, which yielded 17 nominators

submitting 50 applications from six countries. Participants were nominated based on 15 criteria,

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including passion, virtues, service, beliefs, and influence, which were developed by advisors

from across the globe. Nominators were asked to rate participants on 15 Likert-type scale items

based on the nominating qualities and complete a short essay about each participant.

Semistructured interviews were conducted in person by the research team and included questions

pertaining to self-understanding, spirituality, future orientation, purpose, and pathways of

spiritual development. Each participant also completed a timeline of key events in their own

lives that contributed to their spiritual development.

Thirty adolescents (17 males, 13 females) aged 12 to 21 (M = 17.73) from six different

countries and affiliated with eight different religions were interviewed (King et al., 2013),

specifically 1 each Sikh, Jew, mixed-religion, atheist, and Buddhist, 3 Hindu, 6 Muslims, and 14

Christians, comprising 10 Protestants and 4 Roman Catholics from India, Jordan, Kenya, Peru,

the United Kingdom, and the United States. Interviews were coded by three coders and reviewed

by an external auditor. Transcendence was found a dominant theme in that all participants

exhibited a strong awareness of “something beyond the mundaneness of life, such God or an

absolute truth,” which was often experienced as connection to something greater (King et al.,

2013, p. 196). Participants reported experiencing transcendence in their connection to a higher

being, friends and family, humanity as a whole, and nature. Fidelity was the second theme,

defined as commitment to worldviews, values, and beliefs. Participants described the importance

of beliefs, morals, devotion, purpose, openness, and values. Behavior was the third theme,

including various forms of intentional living, including acts of service or leadership, moral

living, and contribution.

The researchers noted that conclusions “should be recognized not as research findings but

as empirically grounded hypotheses” (King et al., 2013, p. 195). Besides the small sample size,

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the reasoning for choosing the specific countries targeted was not explained, nor were

nomination criteria fully delineated. Neither were the qualifications of the nominators discussed.

Also, the researchers included participants ages 12-21, which extends beyond the traditionally

accepted period of adolescence. In addition, it was difficult to ascertain whether some of the

participants’ narratives reflected religious belief rather than spiritual awareness.

The study by King et al. (2013) corroborates the current research in several important

ways. Both studies found that adolescents were capable of experiencing the transcendent and

were often attuned to higher ideals. In addition, both samples identified that experiencing

spirituality or God through personal relationships was a central experience of most participants.

Family and friends were presented as integral to their experiences of spirituality and

transcendence. Additionally, participants from both studies exhibited a commitment to spiritual

values and moral living, such as compassion, altruism, and openness. Consequently, participants

in both studies also exhibited behaviors in line with spiritual or religious beliefs such as altruistic

acts, prayer, and meditation

King et al. (2013) wrote that their research suggests

that spiritual development occurs when a young person’s interactions with others result in a deeper connection to something beyond the self and awareness of self, which can lead to a growing clarity and commitment to beliefs, values, and purpose that in turn motivates a way of living that benefits others. (p. 206)

The current research supports this hypothesis, though interactions with others did not seem to be

the hallmark of the adolescents’ spirituality, merely a facet of it. For the interview participants in

this study, deep connection was often most felt in direct relationship to the divine, and

secondarily with others. More characteristic of the interview sample was a yearning for the

transcendent, which was evidenced through dedication to spiritual practices, the desire to grow

and embody spiritual values, and deep existential questioning.

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Limitations and Delimitations

Design delimitations of this study include selecting an age range from 12 to 18. Many

individuals, especially those in industrialized nations, may have a prolonged adolescence that

extends until the late 20s (Arnett, 2007; Erikson, 1968/1994), and any age range may create

artificial cut-offs that do not accurately reflect current emotional, cognitive, and spiritual

development. Arnett (2004, 2007) has suggested a new life stage in between adolescence and

adulthood that roughly corresponds to the ages of 18 to 25. Termed “emerging adulthood,” this

new stage is a time of identity exploration and instability that has been observed in developed

countries where education beyond high school is commonplace. Emerging adulthood shares

many of the characteristics of adolescence including exploration, identity formation, and

instability which suggests that adolescence, in effect, may now extend into the late 20s. Thus,

defining adolescence as ages 12-18 may no longer be appropriate given the new socioeconomic

realities of developed countries.

There were many limitations of this study, including sampling bias and difficulties in

recruitment. As mentioned, the majority of participants came from a leadership group in Texas

aimed at gifted students. Thus, the sample was heavily weighted towards intellectually gifted,

Conservative Christian participants from Texas, which is not a representative sample of the

general adolescent population. Additionally, the sample consisted of nearly twice as many

females than males, which may have affected levels of significance in the quantitative portion of

this study. The sample also comprised many more older participants than younger participants,

which makes results difficult to generalize to younger adolescent populations.

Another major limitation was the process of recruitment. This researcher assumed the

subject matter would be of interest to both public and private schools because of the empirically

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demonstrated benefits of spirituality within adolescents. However, schools were seemingly

disinterested, overtaxed, or afraid to partake in research that involved the concept of spirituality.

The difficulty in findings schools and groups that were willing to participate suggests that the

current educational system is firmly entrenched in separating church and state. However, keeping

all discussions about spirituality out of the educational arena may be doing a disservice to many

adolescents who are exploring deep existential questions. By ignoring the deeper needs for

connection and spiritual understanding, schools and educators may be denying adolescents of

valuable transpersonal resources that could bolster self-esteem, reduce destructive behavior, and

promote values such as altruism and compassion (Mata, 2010). When researching childhood

spirituality, Chilton Pearce (1992) wrote that he “underwent some depression when I began to

see the potential of the child and the monumental tragedy that befalls us with each generation”

(p. x).

An additional limitation involved the construct of spiritual intelligence, which lacks a

consensus definition in the literature. Theories and measures of spiritual intelligence have been

designed for and used on adults. Thus, they have not been extensively used or validated on

adolescent populations, which is problematic in that they may not be accurately capturing the

construct in younger populations. In addition, spirituality is a subjective experience that may

have different meanings for different people. Difficulties in defining the oftentimes ineffable

qualities of spiritual experience may make it hard for participants to identify with or describe

their own experiences.

In the same vein, though the current research was focused on spirituality rather than

religion, the two constructs overlapped in the current sample. Participants were not screened for

religiosity so it may be that some participant responses reflected ingrained religious beliefs rather

111

than spiritual intelligence. Specifically, a few of the Evangelical Protestant participants

qualitatively demonstrated less spirituality than would be expected given their high scores. Thus,

it is possible that the survey measures may at times measure religious belief rather than lived

spirituality.

In addition, using surveys that were created for and normed on adult populations was

problematic for some participants. Participants from all backgrounds demonstrated difficulty

with the language of the surveys. Qualitative interviews were shorter and responses briefer than

anticipated, perhaps as a function of the more limited verbal skills of adolescents compared to

adults. Spiritual or religious experiences may even be somewhat unconscious, particularly for

adolescents, making elucidation even more difficult. Singleton, Mason, and Webber (2004)

found that adolescents in Australia born between 1976 and 1990 were better able to describe

their spiritual experiences with pictures. Their results showed that adolescents did demonstrate

an intrinsic spirituality, but that it was often difficult to verbalize.

It is also possible that the researcher’s personal biases may have unintentionally affected

some outcomes. As an adolescent, I was deeply concerned with existentialism and spirituality.

Though I was raised in a Presbyterian family, I never felt as though religion had the answers for

which I was searching. Even as a child, I had many mystical experiences and inner knowings

about the spiritual nature of the Universe that I did not feel comfortable discussing with anyone.

Attempts to share my experiences or engage in deeper spiritual inquiry in both childhood and

adolescence were often met with disbelief or condemnation. My passion for the current research

topic comes from the desire to give voice to young individuals who also may feel they have

innate wisdom that often goes unnoticed or unexpressed. I made every attempt to put my own

biases and assumptions aside, including using transpersonal practices such as meditation,

112

journaling, and spiritual guidance to help me find the places within myself where I had agendas

for research outcomes and to bracket them during the entire research process. It was my desired

intention to be open to any and all results regardless of whether they coincided with my personal

experience.

Implications for Future Research

In regard to future directions, it seems important to create a measure of spiritual

intelligence that is made for and normed on an adolescent population. A more appropriate

measure could be created with simpler language so that 12-18 year olds could more easily

understand and answer questions. Additionally, it is difficult to assess whether adolescents can

be considered highly spiritually intelligent because of the lack of comparison samples. A

quantitative study that compared adolescents who are considered highly spiritually intelligent

with both average and low spiritually intelligent samples from other age groups would be useful.

Such a comparison would serve to pinpoint how spiritual intelligence changes across the

lifespan.

There are also varying theories on spiritual intelligence as it relates to age. Amram and

Dryer (2008) found a positive correlation between the two constructs during the creation of the

ISIS. However, as previously discussed, emerging research on childhood spiritual experiences

suggests that spiritual intelligence might occur in children as young as two. The way spiritual

intelligence might present and manifest would likely be very different among children,

adolescents, and adults due to cognitive development and verbal skills, yet, it is possible that the

construct exists across all age cohorts. New ways of assessing for spiritual intelligence that might

include images instead of complex language might better measure the construct in younger

populations such as children and adolescents.

113

Also, it seems important to differentiate between religious belief and actual spiritual

intelligence, especially for this age group, which is highly responsive to familial and religious

social sanctions. As mentioned, the sample consisted mostly of participants from a region with a

strong religious rhetoric, which may have impacted results. It would serve the research on

adolescent spirituality to quantitatively assess for spiritual intelligence in regions across the

country, and possibly across the globe to begin to understand the impact of culture and religious

belief on spiritual intelligence.

Conclusion

The research on spiritually high-functioning, or spiritually intelligent adolescents is still

scant, though interest in the subject seems to be growing (e.g., King et al., 2013). This study

serves to introduce the possibility of spiritual intelligence in a population previously thought to

be incapable of having profound spiritual experiences or a high degree of spiritual awareness.

Findings suggest that spiritual intelligence does exist in adolescents and that some adolescents

display a remarkable ability to experience the transcendent as well as display behaviors that are

in line with wisdom traditions and spiritual virtues.

This study then, serves to introduce the idea that high levels of spirituality may exist

independent of age. Thus, accepted models of spiritual development (e.g., Fowler, 1981) may

need re-examining.

`

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Appendix A: Letter to Prospective Schools

[Date] Charmayne Kilcup 372 Camille Court, Apt. 5 Mountain View, CA 94040 [Target school or group name and address] Dear (principal, headmaster, group leader),

I am a PhD student at Sofia University (formerly the Institute of Transpersonal

Psychology) in Palo Alto. As part of my doctoral dissertation research, I am conducting a study

on spirituality in adolescence. Recent research on spirituality and adolescents is proving very

fruitful. Spirituality has recently been shown to be related to improved mental health, prosocial

behaviors (such as empathic concern and altruism), reduced sexual activity, and reduced

substance abuse. This research is very important in that it may inform educators, mental health

workers, and families about how to best support adolescents.

To further investigate the nature of spirituality in adolescents, I am seeking participants

ages 12-18 of any religious or nonreligious background to take part in this research.

Participants will complete four short paper and pencil surveys about their background and

spiritual experiences, which should take about 40 minutes to complete. If you choose to allow

adolescent members of your organization to participate, I will meet with teachers, group leaders,

and approved classes or groups and personally administer the surveys. Or, if you prefer,

participants may take the surveys home and complete them on their own time. Selected

participants will be asked to take part in a second portion, which will include a semistructured

interview about their own experiences of spirituality which will be conducted at the participant’s

home or other mutually agreed-upon location. All participants under the age of 18 will need to

have a consent form signed by their parents to take part in any phase of this research. These will

be sent home with the participants and will be collected by teachers, group leaders, or myself

before any research can proceed.

I am writing to you today to ask if your school or group would be interested in

participating in the survey portion of my research. Your participation would be greatly

124

appreciated. Results could help inform future educational and development programs for

adolescents. Once the study is complete, I would be happy to present research findings to you

and any interested teachers or group leaders.

If you have any interest in discussing this matter further, please contact me and I would

be happy to give you more information.

Warmly, Charmayne Kilcup, M.A. Phone: 505.280.8776 E-mail: [email protected]

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Appendix B: Informed Consent

To: The parent or guardian of a minor Research Study Participant

From: Charmayne Kilcup, Doctoral student at the Institute of Transpersonal Psychology, Primary Researcher

Your child is invited to participate in a research study that examines spirituality of all

types in young people, including the absence of spiritual and religious beliefs. Participation may help your child reflect upon and better understand his or her own spirituality and whatever beliefs are important to you and your family. Results from this study may help teachers, parents, psychologists, and others who work with adolescents to support their personal and spiritual growth.

The study consists of two parts. In the first part, your child will be asked to complete four paper and pencil surveys about his or her spiritual beliefs and experiences. Surveys will be administered by the lead researcher in your child’s classroom (or group) and should take a maximum of 40 minutes to complete. Your child will receive an emailed $5 gift card from amazon.com as a thank you upon completion.

For the second part, some participants will be asked to participate in a maximum hour

and a half long confidential interview with the researcher to discuss their experience completing surveys and their spirituality. The interview will occur in a place of your choosing, and will be observed but not overheard by a neutral adult to ensure your child’s safe participation. The interview will be audio-recorded. The audio recording will be transcribed and aggregated patterns that emerge from all the interviews will be included in the final research study. If your child is part of this phase of research, your child will receive an emailed $10 gift card from amazon.com.

Every effort will be made to ensure the privacy of you and your child, as well as confidentiality and anonymity. Your child will be asked to choose a code name that will be used in the final research study. The code name and a code number (assigned by the researcher) will be written on the space provided at the end of this consent form. That name and number will be used on all records pertaining to your child instead of his or her real name, and details from the interview will be removed or changed to protect your and your child’s identity.

All surveys and interview files (including audio files and transcripts) will be kept in a

locked cabinet in the researcher’s home, which only the researcher can access. If a professional transcriber is used, the transcriber will be required to sign a transcriber confidentiality agreement. As an added precaution, any other information which might otherwise identify a child or his/her family as a participant in this research study will be altered by the researcher.

Before signing this consent form to allow your adolescent child to participate in the interview, please consider the possibility that discussing spirituality may bring up memories or uncomfortable feelings. If your adolescent has concerns or questions at any time during the course of the interview or survey process, I will make every effort to discuss them and inform

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you if needed, of various options to resolve his or her concerns. In addition, you or your adolescent may withdraw from the study at any time without penalty or prejudice.

You may also request a written summary of the research findings by providing your mailing address.

I can be reached at 505-20--8776, or by e-mail at [email protected]. You can also contact Jenny Wade, Ph.D., my committee chairperson at ________, or Fred Luskin, Ph.D. (Chairperson for the Research Ethics Committee) at the Institute of Transpersonal Psychology at 650-493-4430, ext. 256.

I attest that I have read and understand this consent form. Any questions I have about this research study and our participation have been answered to my satisfaction. I understand that my child’s and my participation is entirely voluntary and that no pressure has been applied to encourage participation. My signature indicates our willingness for my child’s and my participation in this research study and to have the results published.

________________________________________________ ____________ Parent or Guardian Signature Date ________________________________________________ ____________ Researcher’s Signature Date Please send me a written summary of the study’s pertinent findings: ___ yes ___ no Contact Information (Please Print): Name: _____________________________________________ Address: ___________________________________________ ___________________________________________________ Phone: _____________________________________________ E-mail: _____________________________________________ To be filled out by the researcher Interview date and location Code Name & Number

127

Informed Consent Form for Legal Adults To: Research Participant

From: Charmayne Kilcup, Doctoral student at the Institute of Transpersonal Psychology,

Primary Researcher

You are invited to participate in a research study that examines spirituality of all types in young people, including the absence of spiritual and religious beliefs. Participation may help you reflect upon and better understand your own spirituality and whatever beliefs are important to you and your family. Results from this study may help teachers, parents, psychologists, and others who work with adolescents to support their personal and spiritual growth.

The study consists of two parts. In the first part, you will be asked to complete four paper and pencil questionnaires about your spiritual beliefs and experiences. Surveys will be administered by the lead researcher in your classroom (or group) and should take a maximum 40 minutes to complete. You will receive a $5 gift card via email via as a thank you for completing this portion.

For the second part, some participants will be asked to participate in a maximum hour

and a half long confidential interview with the researcher to discuss their experience completing surveys and their spirituality. The interview will occur in a place of your choosing, and will be audio-recorded. The audio recording will be transcribed and aggregated patterns that emerge from all the interviews will be included in the final research study. If you take part in this portion, you will receive a $10 amazon.com gift card via email.

Every effort will be made to ensure your privacy, confidentiality, and anonymity. You will be asked to choose a code name that will be used in the final research study. The code name and a code number (assigned by the researcher) will be written on the space provided at the end of this consent form. That name and number will be used on all records instead of your real name, and details from the interview will be removed or changed to protect your identity.

All surveys and interview files (including audio files and transcripts) will be kept in a

locked cabinet in the researcher’s home, which only the researcher can access. If a professional transcriber is used, the transcriber will be required to sign a transcriber confidentiality agreement. As an added precaution, any other information which might identify you as a participant in this research study will be altered by the researcher.

Before signing this consent form to participate in the interview, please consider the possibility that discussing spirituality may bring up memories or uncomfortable feelings. If you have concerns or questions at any time during the course of the interview or survey process, I will make every effort to discuss them and inform you if needed, of various options to resolve your concerns. In addition, you may withdraw from the study at any time without penalty or prejudice.

128

You may also request a written summary of the research findings by providing your mailing address.

I can be reached at 505-280-8776, or by e-mail at [email protected]. You can also contact Jenny Wade, Ph.D., my committee chairperson at ________, or Fred Luskin, Ph.D. (Chairperson for the Research Ethics Committee) at the Institute of Transpersonal Psychology at 650-493-4430, ext. 256.

I attest that I have read and understand this consent form. Any questions I have about this research study and our participation have been answered to my satisfaction. I understand that my participation is entirely voluntary and that no pressure has been applied to encourage participation. My signature indicates our willingness for my child’s and my participation in this research study and to have the results published.

________________________________________________ ____________ Your Signature Date ________________________________________________ ____________ Researcher’s Signature Date Please send me a written summary of the study’s pertinent findings: ___ yes ___ no Contact Information (Please Print): Name: _____________________________________________ Address: ___________________________________________ ___________________________________________________ Phone: _____________________________________________ E-mail: _____________________________________________ To be filled out by the researcher Interview date and location Code Name Code Number

129

Appendix C: Demographic Questionnaire

Thank you for participating in this research study. Please fill out each answer to the below questions. What is your name? _____________________________________________________ What day, month, and year were you born? __________________________________ Please circle whether you are male or female: Male Female What grade are you in? ___________ Please circle one of following that best describes your race:

Native American Asian Black or African American Hispanic or Latino Native Hawaiian or Pacific Islander White or Caucasian Other (please write in) __________________________

Have you been raised in a religious or spiritual tradition? If so, please circle the one that most nearly describes your religious or spiritual background: Roman Catholic Taoist Protestant Jain Jewish Native American spirituality Church of Latter Day Saints Native Pacific Islander spirituality Buddhist Atheist Hindu Agnostic Other (please write in)

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Appendix D: Semistructured Interview Script

Thank you for agreeing to meet and talk with me. I’m going to ask you a few questions about your spirituality today. If for any reason you do not want to answer a question, you don’t have to. Also, if you have anything you want to tell me that isn’t covered in the questions, please feel free to do so. Basic Questions 1. What does the word “spirituality” mean to you?

2. Would you consider yourself spiritual, and why? Probe: Could you tell me more about that? 3. Do you attend any religious services such as church or a religious youth group? If so, what

kind, and what are those like for you? 4. What is your relationship to (God, Universe, Spirit, Allah, etc.)?

5. When you want to connect to (God, Universe, Spirit, Allah, etc.), what do you do?

6. When you are faced with a tough situation or problem, how do you handle it? 7. Have you ever had an experience where you felt connected to something greater than

yourself? Tell me what happened.

8. Have you ever had an experience where you felt unusually connected to other people or nature? Probe: Could you please tell me about it?

9. Do you have a sense of purpose in your life or an idea about what you are here to do? 10. Has there ever been a time in your life that felt sacred, and if so, what was happening? 11. Have you ever had a moment where you felt bliss or rapture? Probe: Could you tell me about

it? 12. Have you ever had a moment of feeling tremendous love? Probe: Could you tell me about it? 13. Tell me about a time when somebody hurt your feelings. What did you think and feel? And

what did you do, if anything? How do you know if you handled it well? 14. Who would you say are your heroes? Or favorite role models? Who do you look up to the

most and why? 15. If you could change one thing in this world, what would it be? 16. Is there anything you would like to tell me about your spirituality or spiritual experiences?

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Appendix E: Tables

Table E1 Independent Samples t-test Comparing Males and Females Mean Scores

Variable

Levene’s Test for Equality of

Variances t-test for Equality of Means

F Sig. t df

Sig. (2-

tailed)

Mean Differ ence

Std. Error Differ ence

95% Confidence Interval of the

Difference Lower Upper

SISRI Equal vari. assumed

.30 .58 -1.29 113 .20 -4.25 3.28 -10.76 2.26

Equal vari. not assumed

-1.26 80.29 .21 -4.25 3.38 -10.99 2.48

ISIS Equal vari. assumed

2.47 .12 -2.27 113 .03 -11.24 4.96 -21.06 -1.42


-2.38 101.1 .02 -11.24 4.73 -20.63 -1.85

ISS Equal vari. assumed

.10 .75 -1.36 11 .18 -2.20 1.61 -5.41 1.00

Equal vari not assumed

-1.37 89.39 .18 -2.20 1.61 -5.41 1.00

Total Equal vari. assumed

.21 .64 -2.04 113 .04 -17.69 8.69 -34.89 -.49


-2.08 93.98 .04 -17.69 8.52 -34.60 -.79

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Table E2 Independent Samples t-test Comparing 12-15 Year Olds and 16-18 Year Olds Mean Scores

Variable

Levene’s Test for Equality of

Variances t-test for Equality of Means

F Sig. t df

Sig. (2-

tailed)

Mean Differ ence

Std. Error Differ ence

95% Confidence Interval of the

Difference Lower Upper

SISRI Equal vari. assumed

.76 .39 -1.77 111 .08 -9.96 5.63 -21.20 1.20


-1.61 41.1 .12 -9.96 6.18 -22.43 2.51

ISIS Equal vari. assumed

1.10 .30 -1.63 111 .11 -2.97 1.82 -6.56 .63


-1.45 40.34 .16 -2.97 2.05 -7.11 1.17

ISS Equal vari. assumed

.57 .45 -1.23 111 .22 -4.54 3.69 -11.85 2.77


-1.24 49.39 .22 -4.54 3.66 -11.90 2.82

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Table E3 ANOVA Comparing Means Between Ethnic Groups

Variable Sum of Squares df Mean Square F Sig.

SISRI Between Groups 1344.73 4 336.18 1.18 .33 Within Groups 31171.10 109 285.97 Total 32515.83 113

ISIS Between Groups 6320.66 4 1580.16 2.43 .05 Within Groups 70855.44 109 650.05 Total 77176.10 113

ISS Between Groups 156.08 4 39.02 .54 .70 Within Groups 7795.88 109 71.52 Total 7951.96 113

Table E4 ANOVA Comparing Means Between Religious Groups

Variable Sum of Squares df Mean Square F Sig.

SISRI Between Groups 1076.13 4 269.03 .86 .49 Within Groups 31307.26 100 313.07 Total 32383.39 104

ISIS Between Groups 4226.94 4 1056.73 1.55 .19 Within Groups 68329.03 100 683.29 Total 72555.96 104

ISS Between Groups 198.18 4 49.55 .74 .56 Within Groups 6622.87 100 66.23 Total 6821.05 104

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