H arbingar o f N ational Consciousness

CHAPTER III

HARBINGAR OF NATIONAL CONSCIOUSNESS:FROM READING ROOM PARTY TO MUSLIM CONFERENCE

By the beginning of the 1930's, as has been m entioned in the previous

chapter, the first batch of Kashmiri graduates from Aligarh and other centers

of learning had returned to their native state, and to Srinagar in particular,

where they rapidly assum ed a dom inant place in local political activity in

collaboration, and also in competition, w ith the old M uslim Leadership

which was headed by the two M irw aizs.1 Among the young graduates who

came back to the vale about this time, w ith high expectations, were Shaikh

M ohammad Abdullah, Mirza Afzal Beg, and G M Sadiq, to m ention a few

men who in their various ways would dominate the internal politics of the

state for m any decades. These young men m ost of w hom belonged to the

middle class, desired to enter governm ent service.2 But very soon they were

disappointed by the shortsighted and 'com m unal' Dogra state. "H ad those

at the helm of affairs been capable of a little foresight and imagination,"

exclaimed Bazaz, a contem porary writer, "they w ould have gladly and

readily provided good jobs for those young m en w ho were the first among

the Kashmir Muslims to receive higher education." 3 Unfortunate for the

Dogra State this was not done. It was after a very tough struggle that a few

of the young men succeed in securing some hum ble positions. Among the

"fortunate" few was one Shaikh M ohamm ad Abdullah, who though an M.

Sc. became a junior teacher in a Srinagar high school on Rs.60/- P. M.4 It is

1 Alistair Lamb, Kashm ir: A D isputed Legacy (Oxford University Press, Karachi.. 1993) pp.88-89

2 P. N. Bazaz, Struggle For Freedom in Kashm ir , (reprinted by Gulshan Publishers of Exporters, Srinagar), p. 141

3 Ibid4 Ibid., p .142.

34

H arbingar o f N ational Consciousness

very interesting to mention here that only a decade earlier, (1920) the

Deputy Commissioner of M irpur namely M akhan Singh was totally

illiterate.5

Dissatisfied w ith government and disappointm ent caused by

unem ploym ent, these educated young men, w ho now form ed a "m iddle

class intelligentsia w ith a middle class political out look",6 began to organize

themselves. Since the formation of political associations were banned ,7 they

started a Reading Room in the garb of which they w anted a platform to

bring all the educated youth together for devising w ays and means to fight

out injustice done to the Muslim community in general, and the educated

Muslim youth in particular. To quote S. M. Abdullah, "The establishment of

Reading Room was an excuse. The basic purpose was that under its garb we

could get together an opportunity of discussing different m atters that would

emerge. This did happen and we had discussions on the problems of

governm ent services and the conditions, prevailing in the country. We

would burst into tears while thinking over the conditions prevailing in

Kashmir" 8 Encouraged by the response of educated Muslims and the

interest show n by the uneducated; the Reading Room was given a regular

organizational shape. An election was held in which M ohamm ed Rajab and

Shaikh M oham m ad Abdullah was elected President and Secretary

respectively. Mufti Jala-ud-Din, Hakim Ali, Peerzada Ahm ad Shah Fazili

and Hakim G hulam M urtaza were elected to the M anaging C om m ittee.9

The Reading Room Party, as it was called enjoyed the moral and

financial backing of the Kashmiri M uslim elite and its supporters include

Khwaja Said-ud-Din Shawl, Molvi Abdullah Vakil, Aga Sayyid Hussain

5 M oham m ad Yusuf Saraf, Kashm iris Fight fo r Freedom , Vol.I, p .298.6 Ghulam H ussan Khan, Freedom M ovem ent in Jnmmu & K ashm ir, (N ew Delhi, Light and

Life Publishers, 1980), p.122Bazaz, op. cit., p .142.S. M. Abdullah, A atish-i-Chinar, p.48.Ibid. see also M. Y. Saraf, Kashmir's F ight For Freedom , pp. 354-355.

35

H arbingar o f N ational Consciousness

Jalali, Hafiz M ohamm ed Ismail, Molvi Zia-ud-Din, Khwaja Assadullah Vakil

to m ention only a few .10

After its successful establishment and receiving an enthusiastic

response form the Kashmiri Muslim youth, the members of the Reading

Room began establishing contact w ith the M uslim news papers at Lahore.

They also established contact w ith Sir R. P. D utt who was editing a monthly

magazine in London nam ed " Indian State" which was exclusively devoted to

the betterm ent of the inhabitants of the princely state. As a result of this

contact, articles based on the data furnished by them began to appear in the

magazine bringing home to British public opinion the pathetic condition of

the state people. 11 Fortunately, some of the stalwarts of the socio-political

milieu of Indian M uslim culture became sym pathizers of the organization,12

which strengthened its ideological and organizational basis. The first major

concern of the members of the Reading Room Party was the unem ploym ent

and under-representation of M uslim com m unity in administration. It is

needles to m ention here that the num ber of M uslim educated youngsters

was increasing w ith every passing day, thanks to the efforts of different

social reformation organizations prom inent am ongst w hom was Anjuman-i-

Nusrat-ul-Islam13 and some Muslim individuals to persuade their fellow

community to acquire m odern education. (See my 1st Chapter). The young

men were convinced that the government w as not willing to trust the

Muslims by throwing open to them the doors of adm inistration.14 In the

meanwhile the state announced the form ation of the civil service

10 Abdul Rashid Tasir, Tarikh-i-H urriyat-i-Kashm ir, (Srinagar, M uhafiz Publishers) Vol. I, p.77.

11 A atish-i-Chinar op. cit. p.49, see also in Saraf, op. cit. pp.354-35512 These include, M oulana Azad, M oulana Azad Sbuhani, Khatib Jamia Masjid Calcutta

w ho w as considered a leading exponent of Jam al-ud-Din Afghani's Pan-Islamic M ovem ent etc. M. Y. Saraf, op. cit., pp. 354-355.Founded by M olvi Rasool Shall, Anjuman Played an extraordinary role in socio­religious and educational welfare of the Kashmiri M uslims.

14 A atish-i-Chinar, p. 47-48.

36

H arbingar o f N ational Consciousness

Recruitment Board in A ugust 1930.15 By that time not only had the new

Kashmiri M uslim educated leadership taken over, bu t more importantly,

their dem ands had gone for beyond education into the realm of service

recruitment.16 According to the rules m ade under Recruitment Board, a

candidate was entitled to apply for a higher post only if he fulfilled certain

tough provisions like, a) good health certificate b) Deposit fifty rupees, c) no

body above tw enty years could apply d) m ust have a healthy family

background and e) had to qualify a tough competitive examination.17 Clearly

these rules and regulations were form ulated to prevent the newly educated

Muslim youth from occupying the higher authority in adm inistration.18

The Reading Room party subm itted m em orandum s to the Regency

Council headed by Mr. Wakefield19 and to the u tter surprise of the members

the governm ent invited the members of the party for a discussion. 20 After a

good deal of deliberation a deputation of two members was selected to meet

the ministers who consented to grant an interview. 21 Accordingly, two

selected members, Shaikh M ohamm ad Abdullah ad Mr. Abdul Aziz Fazili

went to attend Cabinet invitation, on October 16,1930. This was followed by

a heated discussion between the deputationists headed by Shaikh Abdullah

and a group of cabinet Ministers headed by Wakefield in which both the

sides tried to prove and disprove each others point of view.22 Shaikh

Abdullah exposed the irrationality of the rules and regulations m ade under

!5 Ibid16 Chitralekha Zutshi, Languages o f Belonging (Permanent Black, Delhi, 2003), p .208.17 See Bazaz. K ashm ir Ka Gandhi (Urdu) Srinagar, 1935, p. 17.18 It is pertinent to m ention that M uslim s students due to poverty and lack of exposure

were adm itted very late in the schools as com pared to non-M uslim s; G.H. Khan op .c it, p.123, see also A atish-I-C hinar pp. 47-48. For m ore about educational backwardness of M uslims, see Ishaq Khan, H istory o f Srinagar, 1978, Srinagar, pp. 170-174.

19 Choudhary G ulam Abbas, Kashmakash, autobiography, (Kashmir Studies Foundation, 2001), pp. 69-70

20 Aatish-i- Chinar, p. 51.21 P. N. Bazaz, Struggle for Freedom, p. 143.22 Aatish-i-Chinar, p. 52.

37

H arbingar o f National Consciousness

the civil services Recruitment Board. 23 And according to a m odern

researcher on the subject, "the state could no longer use its old strategy of

pointing to the small num bers of educated M uslims to explain away their

lack of representation in government services, since; the Muslims petitioning

them were products of the state educational system." 24 Shaikh Abdullah

claimed that the government had instituted the board at this particular

juncture to create hurdles for Kashmiri M uslim young m en who were

qualified and willing to join the services.25 The representatives strongly

denied the argum ent forwarded by Mr. Wattal, a member of the cabinet that

the governm ent "have done more than enough for the Muslims. [That]

previously there was no M uslim in the office of the Accountant General".26

In reply Shaikh rem inded the minister that the candidate appointed in the

office was not a Kashmiri but a non-state subject and "the appointm ent was

made under some influence".27The m eeting ended w ith a failure and hence,

failed the governm ent to understand the pulse of the time in order to make

necessary overhauling of its adm inistrative machinery.28 Despite the

governm ent's refusal to change the recruitm ent rules, the belligerence of the

new leadership was evident from this representation.29 The disappointm ent

with the Cabinet governm ent did not, however, break the resolve of the

Shaikh A bdullah and his colleges. Instead it increased their mass familiarity.

In the w ords of P. N. Bazaz "This discouragem ent could have been sufficient

to break bone of M uslim young m en and nip the m ovem ent in the bud as it

had done on m any previous occasions in case of Pundit young m en but the

times had changed. The Muslim Young m en m ight lack the courage to take

23 Ibid, also see G. H. Khan, op. cit. pp.123-124.24 Zutish, op.cit. p. 208.25 P. N. Bazaz, Inside Kashm ir, (Srinagar: Kashmir Publishing Co., 1941), pp. 100-101.26 H afiz M oham m ad Ismail, Personal Diary, Oct. 6, 1930 item 5 v id e G. H. Khan, op. cit.

p. 124.2? Ibid28 For m ore details see P. N. Bazaz, Struggle fo r Freedom ; pp. 142-143.29 Zutshi, op. cit. p. 212.

38

H arbingar o f N ational Consciousness

up the struggle but forces working in the country w ould not lead them

sleep." 30 As the subsequent events proved, Shaikh Abdullah m ade a good

use of the socio-political forces of the time.

Now the Reading Room Party under the leadership of Shaikh

Abdullah and w ith the help of Punjab M uslim intelligentsia and Press

started a cam paign against the polices of the Maharaja and for the

furtherance of the national consciousness am ong Kashmiris in general and

Kashmiri M uslims in particular. 31 It highlighted the discriminatory attitude

of the state tow ards the M uslim Community particularly in its recruitm ent

policy. This press campaign through Lahore M uslims Press not only

enhanced the prestige of its leaders it also accelerated the pace of

consciousness am ong the, Kashmiri Muslims.32 However, "the surcharged

atmospheres prevailing in the valley," to quote Bazaz "unbalanced the

Pundit Community. They became suspicious, terror stricken and

dem oralized........ They now began to look up on the M aharaja as their

protector and refuge; they became the defenders of the pow er and thus came

into clash w ith the dynamic times."33 A stand which they (Pundits) would

continue in the future politics of Kashmir a lso .34

The leaders of the Reading Room Party organized secret meetings in

different corners of the city to shape the public opinion against Dogra Raj

and to cultivate a spirit of sacrifice w ithout which freedom w ould be a

distant dream. 35 Shaikh Abdullah, w ith his oratory played a leading role in

these meetings. In one of his speeches Abdullah, in an attem pt to appeal to

the emotions of his audience said, "I say that the only alternative to get rid of

30 P. N. Bazaz, op. cit. p. 143.31 Saraf, op. cit., vol. I, p. 355, also see A atish-i-Chinar pp. 55-59.32 Ibid33 Bazaz, op. cit. p. 144.34 Ibid35 M. Y. Ganai, Kashmir's Struggle fo r Independence, 1931-1939, (Srinagar: Mohsin

Publications, 2003), p. 107.

3 9

H arbingar o f N ational Consciousness

this deplorable situation is that Muslims shall have to rem ain ready for any

kind of sacrifice. As long as the fear of jail, torture and persecution will

cultivate cowardliness among the people, there is no hope for the redressal

of the problems of Kashmiri Muslims. I also say that for a test I will offer

myself in the first instance and God willing, I shall be ready to face any kind

of sacrifice." 36

At this stage Shaikh Abdullah and his organization was backed by

different Punjabi M uslim organizations, w hich were m aking enormous

propaganda against the feudal State and the miserable conditions of

Kashmir Muslims. Significant am ong these organizations were A ll India

Kashmir Committee, which had been vocal in Kashmir M uslim affairs since

the beginning of the century. Other organizations supporting the Kashmiri

cause were the A njum an-i-H im ayat-i-Islam L Lahore, and the A njum an-i-

Kashmiri M usalm an , both of which were patronized by the M oham m ad Iqbal

who was by now firm believer in Pan-Islamism.

To the good fortune of Reading Room Party and the National

movement in Kashmir some sensational developm ents took place one after

another helping its leaders to mobilize masses openly which had been

waiting since its inception. It was reported am ong other happenings, that

Hindus had demolished a Mosque in Riasi in Jamm u Province w ith the

approval of the M aharaja's government.37 that at another place in Jammu

Muslims had been prevented from saying their p rayers,38 that the Imam of a

masque in Jamm u had been stopped by the authorities from giving his

sermon (khutba) before Friday Prayers.39 W hatever m ay be the interpretation

of all these incidents the essential point common to all these stories is that

the M uslim worship has been disrupted and the Holy Q uran insulted. These

36 A atish-i- Chinar, op. cit. p. 62.37 Abbas, Kashm akash, op. cit. pp. 63-67.38 Ibid

Ibid

40

H arbingar o f N ational Consciousness

incidents provoked a strong resentm ent of M uslim com m unity in Jammu.

Protest rallies were organized under the guidance of Young M en's Muslim

Association, Jam m u.40 In Srinagar immediate reaction was sparked off after

a bunch of the posters, send by Young M en's M uslim Association, which the

Reading Room party got pasted through their w orkers,41 in different corners

of the city. There were fiery denunciations from m osque pulpits, processions

and public meetings.42 These incidents provided enough opportunity to the

M uslim leaders to mobilize the oppressed masses.43O n June 8,1931 a protest

dem onstration was organized at Jam ia M asjidM It was at this time that

Shaikh Abdullah, who was afterwards to become an undisputed leader of

the people, was introduced to the audience by Molvi M oham m ad Yusuf

Shah, recently succeeded to the position after his uncle's death in early

1931 45 Abdullah appeared at this time to have been an extremely devout,

and highly orthodox (Hanifite) Muslim and, as such to have w on the

affection and approbation of Mirwaiz M oham m ad Yusuf Shah. 46 Both,

Mirwaiz, w ith his religious prestige and Abdullah w ith his charismatic

personality and organizing ability, m ade a formidable team. 47 Shaikh

Abdullah m ade his m aiden speech to a gathering of seven thousand people,

48 after he was introduced by Mirwaiz as "M y leader."49 He explained to

them the greatness, eminence and superiority of the Holy Quran. 50 He most

effectively wove the Islamic concepts of a just society and individual rights

into his organizations agenda, which appealed to Kashmiri Muslims

40 The K ashm iri M usalm an, Lahore, (Weekly), May 10, 1931. See also Abbas, Kashmakash, op. cit.

41 A atish-i-Chinar, pp. 67-68, and Bazaz, Inside Kashm ir, p, 122.42 Alistair Lamb, K ashm ir: A D isputed Legacy, op. cit. p. 89.43 A atish-i-Chinar, op. cit., p. 68.44 G. H. Khan, op. cit. p. 127,45 Ibid see also A atish-i-C hinar op. cit.46 Lamb, op. cit., p. 9147 Ibid48 Hafiz M oham m ed Ismail, op. cit, June 9,1931 item 1,49 A atish-i-Chinar, p. 71.50 Hafiz M oham m ad Ismail, op. cit

41

H arbingar o f N ational Consciousness

precisely because social and political rights had been denied them based on

their religion, a religion that emphasized justice and social equality. 51 After

the meeting, a procession led by Shaikh M oham m ad Abdullah and Molvi

Abdul Rahim was taken out which passed through the streets of the city. 52

Now with every passing day Abdullah's fame was touching the skies.

The growing popularity of Abdullah and the simmering discontent of

the Muslim masses on the one hand and the anguish of non-M uslim official­

dom on the other53 forced the government to issue a notice prohibiting the

holding of public meetings w ithin the premises of the Jam ia M asjid w ithout

the prior perm ission of authorities. 54 Emboldened by the mass support the

leaders continued to hold public meetings in w hich they advised people to

prepare themselves for sacrifices for the redressal of their grievances when

the governm ent failed to persuade their leaders, it let loose its reign of

persecution. One of its victims was Shaikh Abdullah who was dismissed

from governm ent services.55 The dismissal further increased the popularity

of the Abdullah as it was projected as a sought of sacrifice for the honor and

dignity of Kashmiri Muslims. 56 Now encouraged by the enorm ous mass

support57 and fully backed by the Mirwaiz M oham m ad Yusuf, who

extended the Jamia Masjid as the organizational centre for his political

activities,58 Shaikh Abdullah organized public meetings in different parts of

Srinagar city which used to be attended by thousands of people.59 These

meetings were surely spreading political consciousness am ong the masses.

51 Zutshi, op. cit. p. 228.52 A atish-i-Chinar, op. cit.53 N on-M uslim Kashmir's w ho had so far dom inated the governm ent s e rv ic e s w e r e

feeling threatened by the M uslim dem ands for rationalization of these services.54 Hafiz M oham m ad Ismail, op. cit., And A atish-i-Chinar, p .71.55 Inqilab, Lahore, July 4,1931 and A atish-i-Chinar, pp. 75-78.56 Saraf, op. cit vol. I, pp. 367-368.57 It is evident fro the large scale participation of the m asses in the Public m eetings.58 Sadat, Rozana Diary, p. 694-5.59 A atish-i-Chinar, p.79.

42

H arbingar o f N ational Consciousness

One such public meeting was called in the khanqah-i-Mohalla on 21

June 193160 to ratify the selection of Kashmir M uslim representatives61 who

were expected to subm it the grievances and dem ands62 of the community to

the Maharaja at the suggestion of G. E. C. Wakefield, Political Minister "This

gathering", in the w ords of the Shaikh, "should be considered the formal

inauguration of the freedom m ovement of Kashmir." 63 It was at this

historical gathering that a body of the M uslim representatives was ratified.64

The m eeting was significant for so m any things. First, the collective

leadership w as born w ith two main figures, that is Shaikh M ohamm ad

Abdullah and Molvi Yusuf Shah, a combination of divergently outlooks, old

and new; of religious conservatism and of religious liberalism, medieval

obscurantism and of growing m odernism .65 Secondly, the representative

body was a reflection of unity of different sects of M uslim Community7 all

laying stress on unity and solidarity among the M uslims.66 It was for the first

time that people were enjoying the taste of electing their representatives to

voice their legitimate grievances. And lastly, it was at this meeting that

Kashmir history had to take a new turn.

In his speech, Shaikh Abdullah, asked all M uslims to join together

and dem and their rights. He also appealed to the Pundits to join hands w ith

Muslims for redress of grievances as well as for independence. At the

60 Bazaz, Struggle fo r Freedom, P. 14561 As the list o f representation w as already formulated on June 20, 1931 at the office of

Anjum m i-i-N usrat-ul-Islam , Hafiz M oham mad Ismail June, 20, item I62 The draft of dem ands w as prepared by Reading Room Party w ith the help of Punjabi

A hm adiyas w hich sh ow s the influence of the later on the Kashmir m ovem ent at theinitial stage. A atish-i-Chinar, p. 142.

63 Ibid. p .82.64 The m em bers include Khwaja Said-ud-Din Shawl, M irwaiz M oham m ad Y ousuf Shah,

M irwaiz Atiqullah Hamadani, Aga Sayyed H ussain Jalali, Khawaja Ghulam Ahm ed Ashaie, Sheikh M oham m ed Abdullah and Shahab-ud-Din, clearly indicating that the new leadership was born from the cross sections of the M uslim Com m unity, (M. Y. Saraf, Vol. I p .373).

65 G. H. Khan, op. cit., p. 130.66 A atish-i-Chinar, op. cit. p. 83.

43

H arbingar o f N ational Consciousness

conclusion of the meeting, a well built Pathan, about 36-40 years old, Abdul

Qadeer67, a butler of a European official, rose up and delivered an emotional

and inspiring speech against the government.68 At the end of speech the

fiery speaker pointed towards the Sherghri Palace of the Maharaja and

shouted: "dem olish this edifice of injustice, cruelty and subjugation".69 He

was prom ptly arrested. This provided a fresh focus for public dem onstration

and protest. 70 H uge crowds massed at his trial, till it had to be shifted to the

Srinagar central Jail. On 13 July, 1931, a large crowed gathered at the gates of

Jail on the day of the hearing w hen the sessions judge and other officials

arrived, the mob became uncontrollable and some of the Muslims forced

their way into the outer com pound of the jail. The police stepped them, the

crowed replied w ith stones, and authorities reciprocated w ith bullets. The

Magistrate on duty ordered to open fire, which resulted into the cold­

blooded massacre of twenty-one Muslims, and scores of dem onstrators

received bullet in juries.71

The incidents of 13July caused a great uproar in the whole valley

including Jammu. It shocked the very foundations of the Dogra Raj. One of

the unfortunate fall-outs of the incident was the occurrence of minor

communal riots, which created the tem porary gulf between the H indus and

the Muslims. 72

Chitrilehha Zutshi, one of the m odern researchers on the subject,

while em phasizing the multicasuality of the incident had advised for not

67 According to Fida M oham m ed Hussnain, A bdul Qadeer w as a d isciple of JammaludinAfgani, a form ost M uslim philosopher of the tw entieth century, w ho had also visitedKashmir before his departhre to Russia. See fida H ussnain, "Abdul Q adeer Khan Ghazi, hero o f 1931 uprising", in G reater Kashm ir, July 13, 2007.

68 Ibid. pp.84-87 and Bazaz, op. cit. p.145-146.69 Fida Hassnain, op. cit.70 Lamb, K ashm ir, op. cit., p. 89.71 Bazaz, op. cit. p .146, and see also Taseer, Tarikh-i-H urriyat-i-K ashm ir, Vol. I, p. 96-97,

Fida H assnain, op. cit., and G. H. Khan op. cit. p. 133.72 Ibid

44

H arbingar o f N ational Consciousness

looking the occurrence in vacuum. To her the incident was an outcome of

the socio-economic and socio-political crisis in Kashmir.73

Another em inent writer M. J. Akbar while highlighting the

importance of the 13 July incident in Kashmir History w rote "It was a day of

many firsts: the first popular street challenge to the M aharaja's despotism;

the first mass com m unal violence; the first instance of police firing on an

unarmed crowd." 74

P. N. K. Bamzai puts it, "It is from that date that the people took upon

themselves the task of securing for themselves the right of democratic self

rule" 75 P. N. Bazaz, a contem porary freedom fighter and an eminent

historian writes, "Historically and politically 13th July 1931 was the most

important day in the annals of contem porary Kashmir. From this day the

struggle for independence and freedom in the m ost m odern sense started

openly" 76 Shaikh Abdullah equaled the day w ith the ' Jalumnwala Bagh

M assacre' and its importance in Indian National Movement. 77 There maybe

divergence of opinion regarding the interpretation of events and causation

of the revolt of 1931, w hat can not be doubted, of course, is that 1931

explicitly changed the course of Kashmiri politics.

Abdullah was able to assume the mantle of sole representative of the

Kashmiri Muslims soon after the events of 1931 precisely because he had the

moral support of the Mirwaiz Kashmir and the structural support of the All

Indian Kashmir Committee.78 Prominent Punjabi leaders had dem onstrated

interest in the grievances of their co-religionists in Kashmir as early as 1892.

The All Indian Kashmir Committee formed after the 13 July incident under

73 Zutshi, pp. 210-226.74 M. J. Akbar, Kashm ir; Behind The Vale, (N ew Delhi: Roli Books, 2002), P.70.75 P. N. K. Bamzai, Cultural and Political H istory o f Kashm ir, Vol. 3, p .732.76 Bazaz, op. cit p. 147.77 A atish-i-Chinar, pp. 88-96.78 Zutish, op. cit p. 228.

45

H arbingar o f N ational Consciousness

the president-ship of Bashir-ud-din M ohamm ad Ahmad, the Khalifa of the

Ahmediya com m unity and patronized by the Kashmiri born poet and

philosopher, Sir M oham m ad Iqbal,79 called for an enquiry by the

government of India into the incidents of 13 July, announced the observance

of 14 A ugust as 'Kashm ir Day80 and w ent so far as to suggest a review by the

British parliam ent of the 1846 Amritser Treaty. 81 U nder such prom pting

Shaikh Abdullah refused to meet w ith the Maharaja on 6 A ugust 1931, until

the observance of 'Kashm ir Day' on 14th of A ugust.82

At the same time, Kashmir began to emerge as the centre of politics of

yet another Punjab based group known as the Majles-i-Ahrar-i-Islam. Led

among others by Syed Atta-ullah Shah Bukhari, the Ahrars were composed

of Anti-British urban Muslims and reform ist members of the Ulema with

links to the Indian National Congress.83 While Jam m u's M uslim cultivators

had welcomed the Ahrar jathas, the Ahmadiyas and Shaikh Abdullah were

locked into their ow n m utually supportive alliance.

In response to the call given by the Kashmir Committee, Kashmir Day

was celebrated both w ithin and outside the valley on 14the August, 193184

public meetings, processions, and peaceful dem onstrations were the main

features of the celebration in m ain M uslim centers of British India like

Punjab Ferozpor, Delhi, Surat, Gorakhpur, Bombay, Calcutta, and Shim la.85

Resolutions were passed in these meetings in which an enquiry was

dem anded to look into the grievances of M uslim Com m unity in the Jammu

79 Bazaz, Inside Kashm ir, pp. 141-142.so Ibid81 Tribune, 29 July 1931, P. 8.82 R / l /1 /2 0 6 4 , CRR (Political Department), From the Resident in Kashmir, dated 17

A ugust 1931, Indian Office Library.83 For a fuller d iscussion of the Politics of the A hm adiyas, Ahrars and Iqbal, see Aaysha

Jalal, S elf and Sovereignty. London and N ew York: Rutledge, 2000.84 Saraf, op. cit. Vol. I, pp. 457-461.85 For a detailed description about Kashmir Day, see, G. H. Khan. Freedom M ovem ent in

Kashm ir, PP. 140-148

46

H arbingar o f N ational Consciousness

and Kashmir State. 86 The one remarkable effect of the Kashmir Day

celebrations was that the events in Kashmir were projected for and wide on

the entire national politics in India.

Despite the ban on political movements, the Day was celebrated in

the entire State m uch beyond expectations. O n that 'D ay' the entire Muslim

world in Kashmir observed a full day hartal. A m am m oth public meeting,

attended by fifty thousand people, was held at the Jamia Masjid.87 Among

others Shaikh M oham m ad Abdullah delivered a fiery speech in which he

highlighted the plight of Muslim Com m unity in Kashmir. Also, the

Maharaja was w arned of the consequences of the repressive policy of his

Government against the M uslim s.88

Alarmed by the growing mass popularity of Abdullah89 and

threatened by the mass resentment, Maharaja sought the support first of Sir

Taj Bahdur Sapru and Moulana Abdul Kalam Azad and then a prom inent

Punjabi M uslim and friend of Prime-Minister Hari Krishan Koul, Syed Sir

Mehr N awab Ali Shah. 90 And it was w ith the efforts of the latter that an

accord was signed between the governm ent and the M uslim representatives.

91 This tem porary truce, incidentally the first of the m any infam ous accords

which Shaikh Abdullah concluded at different stages of his long political

career, caused great resentment in the M uslim m inds against their

representatives.92 They were perceived as traitors and the truce was

considered as the w orst type of middle-class bargaining at the cost of

m artyr's blood and the people's sacrifices. This popular resentm ent was

86 Ibid.87 Taseer, Tarikh-i-H urriyat-i-Kashm ir, Vol. I, pp.142-143.88 Ibid.89 It w as evident by the huge mass attendance to listen him.90 Saraf, op. cit., vol. I, p. 398.91 A atish-i-C hinar, pp. 104-105.« Ibid.

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H arbingar o f N ational Consciousness

expressed at a public meeting held at the Jamia Masjid on 28 August, 193193

as the representatives announced the terms of the truce to the audience. The

masses dubbed the representatives that they were "selfish and cared more

for their ow n prestige and power then the interests of the poor people."94 It

is im portant to m ention here that status quests and pro-establishm ent

elements too played an im portant role by disinform ation m ovem ent in

creating a trem endous resentm ent am ong the people.95 Shaikh Abdullah and

Molvi M oham m ed Yusuf Shah swore on the Q uran that they w ould never

betray the nation. In order to appease the public opinion Shaikh delivered a

fiery and emotional speech. He pleaded that he held the nation dearer than

his w on life. He said; "the Government asked for tw o m onths to consider

our demands. If during this period the governm ent practiced deception, we

shall not sit quit nor shall we let the governm ent feel comfortable. You will

see it very soon that our sacrifice for the nation will puzzle the government

of Kashmir, the governm ent of India and the entire w orld."96

In the meanwhile fresh trouble arose "the governm ent was rather

slack in im plem enting the terms of the tem porary truce and undue delay in

taking action in accordance w ith them ."97 This provided an opportunity to

Shaikh to log horns w ith the state and regain the popular trust. Thus he

made bold statements, warning the Governm ent to abide by the terms of the

truce. At the same time he cautioned the Kashmiri pundits about the danger

93 According to the terms of the truce the M uslim representatives undertook to com pletely stop the political agitation; w ould rem ain loyal to the Maharaja; that they w ould not be affected by the outside influence. The representatives expressed their gratitude to the prim e minister for his m agnanim ity w hich he had exhibited in arriving at the understanding. They also p ledged to observe the law s in force in the state. M iddleton Report on an Inquiry into D isturbances in K ashm ir (Jammu, Ranbir G overnm ent Press, 1931), p. vii.

94 Bazaz, Inside K ashm ir, op. cit., p. 144.95 Aatish-i-Chinar, op. cit., p. 108.96 The A lfazal, (Qadian), Decem ber 8,1931, p. 4.97 Bazaz, K ashm ir Ka Gandhi, p. 145.

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H arbingar o f N ational Consciousness

for their unnecessary indulgence in anti-M uslim propaganda. 98 The

government took a very serious note of these w arnings and used them as a

pretext to arrest the leaders.

On the 21 September Shaikh M oham m ad Abdullah was arrested

along w ith Mr. Jala-ud-din (lecturer of Arabic in S. P. College) while they

were m aking collections in the city for the annual Ja lsa , of Islamia High

School 99 " The arrest of Shaikh Abdullah, this time," recalls Bazaz, "was

entirely different from his earlier arrest because while at that time he was

simply M aster Abdullah, he had by now became Sher-i-Kashmir w ith the

result that as soon as the news of his arrest became known, Muslims

immediately suspended their business and huge crowds from all over the

city began converging towards Jamia Masjid." 100

Shaikh A bdullah's reputation, spreading steadily since the events of

July 1931, registered a leap every time he was arrested by the Kashmir

durbar since jail going had become badge of honor am ong nationalists

throughout the Indian subcontinent. According to his followers, the Shaikh,

who had by now been elevated to the status of Sheri Kashmir (Lion of

Kashmir), had stepped forward in 1931 to receive the cauldron of oil that

was prepared by the oppressors for his community, since, "he depended on

God alone for support." 101 The earlier part of the same pam phlet declared

that the exalted A bdullah arrived on the scene to "lift the burden of

oppression off the shoulders of Muslims." 102The poetry composed in the

early 1930's presented Abdullah as their savior, a p rophet sent by God to

98 Hafiz M. Islamil, op. cit, Sept. 3 1931, item 5.99 Bazaz, Inside Kashm ir, op. cit., P. 146.100 Bazaz, K ashm ir Ka Gandhi, P. 74.101 M ousiki Kashm iri K a D assva Hissa (Lahore: Inqilab, Steam Press, 1933) p .2, Political

Department 3 8 3 /P o l 10/1932, Jammu State Archives. (JSA).102 M ousiki Kashm iri Ka Nava Hissa, P.4, Political Departm ent 3 8 3 /P o l 10/1932, Jammu

State Archives.

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H arbingar o f N ational Consciousness

intervene on their behalf.103 A Kashmiri m asnavi published in 1932 entitled

Noah's A rk or True Voice, hailed the voice of tru th and justice that had

descended on Kashmir through Abdullah.104 In a remarkable turn-about

trends, by September 1931, Abdullah's popularity had grow n to such

proportions that the British were worried about the effect events in Kashmir

might have on the communal situation in India, especially in Punjab. 105

Consequently, they p u t pressure on the durbar to form a body that would

look into and rem edy the more obvious M uslims grievances.106 Thus, it was

on 20 Octoberl931, that Maharaja announced the appointm ent of a

commission of enquiry headed by Bertrand J. Glancy, a senior m ember of

the Indian political service.

Shaikh Abdullah appeared to be eveiyw here and speaking for every

class of Kashmiri Muslims in the m onths w hen the Commission was

gathering evidence. Besides many things, two im portant recommendations

made were to allow the formation of political parties and the publication of

newspapers in the state. 107 Maharaja accepted both of these

recommendations on March 12, 1932.This annulm ent had two fold

importances in that it recognized the legitimacy of the dem and for basic

political and civil liberties which the people deserved, and it implied the first

major victory reaped by the Muslim subjects as a result of their revolution.

108

103 Babu Fakirllah Khan Sahab, Safinaye Nooh, a lm aroof Sach A aw az (Amritsar: A hm adiyya Press, 1932) Pol. Dep. 384 / Pol.10/1932 JSA, and for the role o f m yth in the creation of Kashmiri leadership see, Saraf, Vol. I, p ./391-392 and Bazaz, K ashm ir Ka Gandhi.

104 Babu Fakirullah Khan Sahib, Safinaye Noah, a lm aroof Sach A aw az, Amritser Ahm adiya Press, Jammu State Archives, political Department 3 8 4 /p o l/1 0 /1 9 3 2 .

105 Mridu Rai, Hindu Rulers M uslim Subjects, N ew Delhi: Permanent Black 2003), p .270.loo Ibid.107 B. J. Glancy, Report o f the Commission appointed under the order o f His H ighness, the

M aharaja a Bahadur dated 12th November, 1931 to Enquire in to the Grievances and Com plaints (Jammu: Rambir Govt. Press, 1933)

108 G. FI. Khan, op. cit, P. 167.

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H arbingar o f N ational Consciousness

Carrying forward his political advantage, and capitalizing the

recommendations of the Glancy Commission (freedom of association)

Abdullah set about giving his following and their dem ands an

organizational shape. Accordingly, consultations were m ade w ith Jammu

leaders109 and the leaders of the Kashmir committee w ho assured full co­

operation in this reg ard .110 To give a practical shape to the idea a committee

was set up which drafted a constitution of the proposed organization and

decided to nam e it as All Jammu and Kashmir M uslim Conference.111 The

Inaugural session of the Conference was held on 14,15 and 16 October 1932

at the historic Pathar M asjid Srinagar under the presidentship of Shaikh

M ohammad Abdullah.112 And hence forth, the organization became the sole

representative of the oppressed Kashmiris, under the leadership Shaikh

Abdullah, until it was converted into National Conference in 1939 to

broaden its mass base, but unfortunately, the event caused the ideological

polarization in the freedom m ovement of Kashmir. The contribution of the

Muslim Conference in bringing about political m odernization will be

discussed in the following chapter.

109 Chudhry Gulam Abbas, K ashiw kash, p. 118.110 The All India Kashmir Com m ittee dispatched M oulana Abdullah Rahim Dard, M olvi

Ismail Ghaznavi, Sayyed Habib Shah, Editor Daily Siyasat and Mir Zahur Ahm ad to Srinagar to assist Sheikh in making necessary arrangements. Financial assistance was also m ade available along w ith a car to facilitate the m om ent of workers. See M. Y. Saraf Kashmir's Fight for Freedom Vol. I, P. 482.

111 Taseer, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 246. .112 Alfazl, Q adian Oct. 25,1932.

51